On Monday, May 24th, the churchwardens and their party assembled at the

Rev. Thomas Walker's, and proceeded to a cottage near the eighth

milestone on the Stafford Road, and at the well in the cottage garden

there, the Gospel was read for the first time. (It was the custom at

these Rogation processionings to read the Gospel under trees--especially

those growing near to some reputed "holy" well--located on or near a

parish boundary, hence their name "Gospel trees.")

From thence a lane near the third milestone on the same road led the

procession to Kinvaston, where the Gospel was read at an Elder in the

fold-yard of a house of a Mrs. Wooton. Then the procession went to

Hatherton, the seat of the late Moreton Walhouse, where the Gospel was

again read on the site of an old well. Proceeding to Hilton, the seat of

the Vernons, the Gospelling was repeated within the gates fronting the

house.

Crossing the Cannock Road, the Gospel was read for the fifth and last

time, that day, under an oak tree in the road near the house of Mr. W.

Price, of Featherstone.

On the second day, May 25th, the parishioners assembled as before, and

proceeded direct to Wednesfield, where the Gospel was read in the Chapel,

the clerk being in readiness at the door to receive the procession.

Thence the perambulation was continued to Essington, where the common was

found to be enclosed; the Gospel was read a second time there at the

Goswell Bush, which, standing in the Bloxwich Road, was found to be

surrounded by a new growth of trees. (Just previous to this period there

had been a rage for enclosing commons--the people's lands.) Turning

back, the party proceeded to Pelsall, where the Gospel was read the third

and last time, that day, in the Chapel there.

On the third day, which was Thursday, May 27th, the assembly was made at

the Swan Inn, and the procession was formed there. The way was led

straight to Willenhall, where the Gospel was read for the first time in

the Chapel, the expectant clerk being there in readiness to perform the

duty. From thence the perambulation was continued to Park Brook, which

was crossed; returning, the way was taken to Bentley Hall, the seat of

Edward Anson, Esq., where the second reading of the Gospel was taken at

an elder bush at the back of the house. (Elders seem to have taken the

place of the ancient "Gospel oaks" in this locality.)

From Willenhall the party next proceeded to Bilston, where the third

reading of the Gospel was performed within the Chapel of that township.

From thence a move was made to Bradeley Hall, then in the occupation of

Mr. Nailer, at the bottom of whose garden was the site of an old well,

which had once been a bath, and here the Gospelling was again celebrated.

The procession was then resumed through Bilston by Catchem's Corner,

Goldthorne Hill, and the Penn Road, to St. John's Chapel, otherwise known

as the New Church, within which the Gospel was ceremonially read for the

last time. This concluded the perambulation, and an entry of its various

details were duly entered in the Parish Book, and signed by Tho. Walker,

minister, and Wm. Buckle and Jos. Smart, the two churchwardens.

[Picture: Decorative flower]

VI--Willenhall at the Norman Conquest (1066-1086).

After the Norman invasion of 1066 it took a number of years to complete

the conquest of the country. It was not till 1086 that the "Domesday"

Book was compiled--written evidence of a settlement of the land question

which, it was fondly hoped (and expressed in the name), would last till

"Domesday"!

The Domesday Book was a great national land register in which was entered

a record of every acre of land in England, its condition, its ownership,

and annual value at that time. For on land ownership alone then depended

not only the amount of the national revenue, but the strength of the

national defences. Willenhall, wrongly written by the Domesday scribes

as Winehala, is returned as being in the Hundred of Offlow, and having an

area of 2,168 acres.

Of this acreage 3 hides belonged to the old domains of the Crown, like

Bilston and Wednesbury (having formerly formed part of the dominions of

the Saxon kings), while but two hides of Willenhall land belonged to

Wolverhampton church. It is believed that the King's manorial portion

took with it Bentley, with its 1,650 acres.

Anyway, Willenhall having belonged originally to the ancient Mercian

kings, and having been held in succession by all the Saxon kings of

England to Edward the Confessor and Harold II., naturally passed as a

royal manor, or rather, a portion thereof, into the hands of the

Conqueror, being set down among the Crown lands as of "ancient demesne."

The Domesday Book also sets down among the possessions of the Canons of

Wolverhampton 2,200 acres in Wednesfield, 1,194 acres in Pelsall, both in

the same Hundred; 3,396 acres in Wolverhampton, 3,912 acres in Arley, and

6,377 acres, a part of Bushbury, are set down in Seisdon Hundred; the

Essington portion of Bushbury, once belonging to the Countess Godiva, is

reckoned in Cuddlestone Hundred, in which are also given the four other

portions of Wolverhampton, namely Hilton, Hatherton, Kinvaston, and

Featherstone.

Since the eleventh century the boundaries of the Hundreds of Offlow and

Cuddlestone have been altered. As to the Arley estate, that was lost to

the canons ere another century had elapsed--by 1172 had escheated to the

Crown.

The present-day acreage of Wolverhampton parish is no less than 17,449;

made up of 3,396 acres in Wolverhampton proper, 1,845 in Bilston, and

1,650 in Bentley, a total of 6,891 acres in Seisdon Hundred; thus leaving

10,608 acres to constitute Hilton (two manors, since united into one)

Hatherton, Kinvaston, Featherstone, and Hocintune. The last-named was a

manor which, at that time, probably lay between Hilton and Hatherton,

within Wolverhampton; the name is obsolete.

These ten estates, comprising Wolverhampton, Willenhall (part of), Arley

(part of), Bushbury (part of), Hilton (part of), Pelsall, Wednesfield,

Cote (near Penn), Haswic (near Newcastle), and Hocintune (now obsolete),

were in 1086 held by the Canons of Wolverhampton under Sampson, the

highly favoured royal Chaplain, to whom the Conqueror had presented this

fief. For the purposes of comparison it may be mentioned that there were

then eighteen holdings in Staffordshire, occupying 567 hides, and valued

at about 516 pounds. Sampson's fief extended to 26.5 hides of this, and

was estimated as being worth 8 pounds 2s. a year.

This Sampson, who has been incorrectly styled the first Dean of

Wolverhampton, was a Canon of Bayeux, and though a king's chaplain, was

not ordained a priest till nine years after the Conqueror's death, when

Rufus made him Bishop of Worcester. Bishop Sampson subsequently gave the

Church of Wolverhampton to his Cathedral Monastery of Worcester. He also

held the neighbouring estates at Bilbrook and Tettenhall as the superior

of the priests of Tettenhall College.

Willenhall, in the great survey, is recorded to have contained, as

previously stated, three hides belonging to the King, and two hides

belonging to the church--a hide of land in Saxon measurement was a

variable quantity from 200 to 600 acres, according to the locality, but

generally it was accounted so much as would serve to maintain a

family--together with one acre of meadow, and a carucate (which was a

measure of about 100 acres of "carved" land) employing three ploughs.

The annual value of Willenhall is set down at 20s. The population

consisted of eight families, or, as the return puts it, five bordars and

three villeins.

A bordar, or boor, was a squatter living in a hut or cottage on the

borders of a manor, having attached a little patch of land, the rent of

which was paid to the lord of the manor in the shape of poultry, eggs,

and small produce. A villein, or serf, was to all intents and purposes a

slave, at the absolute disposal of the lord, except that he could not be

detached from the soil on which he was born. While the bordar, or

cottager, was resident in the manor more or less on sufferance, the

villein was there of right, and was in that sense the superior of the

bordar. The villein certainly might not go away from Willenhall, nor get

married, nor buy and sell oxen, nor grind corn, without the express

permission of the lord of the manor; yet he was not so badly off as all

this would make it appear to our modern ideas. People seldom travelled

in those days, money was little used, life was exceedingly primitive, and

wants were very few and very simple.

Staffordshire at that time was in a chronic state of poverty, an

insurrection in the county having been suppressed in 1069 with the

Conqueror's customary severity, thousands of the wretched hinds having

been slaughtered, the county desolated and the Midlands depopulated.

Bilston was but a cluster of mud huts inhabited by swineherds; and it is

probable Willenhall was a similar little centre of boor life in the next

woodland clearing a little further along the purling brooklet, and near

its junction with Beorgitha's Stream, as the Tame was then called. The

entire population of the county was purely agrarian, the villeins and

boors altogether numbering about 2,800; or on an average of one labourer

to each 167 acres of land registered in Domesday Book. The subsequent

history of the two parts of Willenhall will have to be traced separately.

The two hides set down as ecclesiastical property have remained in the

possession of the church throughout. Erdeswick, writing his history of

this county in 1593, states that within the jurisdiction of the Dean and

Chapter of Wolverhampton there were then "nine several leets, whereof

eight belong to the church. The custos, lately called the Dean, is lord

of the borough of Wolverhampton, Codsall, Hatherton, and Pelsall in com.

Stafford; and of Lutley in com. Wigorn; hath all manner of privileges

belonging to the View of Frankpledge (that is, the administration of

criminal justice, &c.), to Felons' goods, Deodands, Escheats, Marriage of

Wards, and Clerks of the Weekly Markets, rated at 150 pounds per annum,

and in the total is valued worth 300 pounds per annum.

"Each of the other portionaries (continues Erdeswick) have a several

leet; whereof

Kinvaston is reputed worth 100 (pounds)

Wobaston 100

Wilnall 100

Fetherston 80

Hilton 70

Monmore 70

Hatherton 40

"And the sacrist to attend them in capitulo, 40 pounds"--by no means a

poor salary in those days for such duties as the secretarial and

managerial work to a Chapter.

As to the three hides of Willenhall in the King's Manor of Stow Heath,

here is its later history as recorded by Dr. Vernon, a historiographer

who made some additions to Sampson Erdeswick's history:--

"In Willenhall is a manor called Stowheath, with a court baron and

court leet. Several lands there held by copy from that lords

thereof: four closes, called bundles, held of this manor, and were,

in 1729, confirmed by John, Lord Gower, and Peter Giffard, lords of

the manor of Stowheath; which four closes, with four others, were

sold about 1748 by Mr. Lane to Admiral Anson, together with three

tenements in Bloxwich, with all the manor lands, tithes, hall, and

park, &c., called Bentley, adjoining to Willenhall, for 13,500

pounds."

As to the adjoining hamlet, it may be mentioned that Domesday Book

formally recorded the canons of Wolverhampton to possess "five hides of

Wednesfelde; the arable land is three carucates; that there are six

villeins, and six bordars, who have six carucates; and that there is a

wood in which cattle are pastured, half a mile long and three furlongs

broad."

Such was life in Willenhall and Wednesfield at the Norman period, both

places being then overshadowed in more senses than one by the severely

protected royal preserves of Cannock Forest. We may picture the few

hinds constituting the scanty population, tenanting cottages which were

mere hovels, and most of them like Gurth--the swineherd of Scott's

"Ivanhoe"--wearing round their necks the iron collars, which were the

badge of Saxon serfdom, and like him driving their herds into the woods

each morning, and returning at nightfall with their charges grunting and

gorged with beech-mast and acorns.

While to their lowly dome

The full-fed swine return'd with evening home;

Compell'd reluctant, to the several sties,

With din obstreperous, and ungrateful cries.

The trade and callings of an English serf were as limited as his other

opportunities in life; and others beside the swineherd found it in the

adjacent woodlands. For there were certainly woodcutters and charcoal

burners; and if the local iron ore were exploited, who shall say there

were not then Willenhall smiths who fashioned bolts and bars, even if

they had not arrived at the intricacies of locks and keys?

Here we are but emerging from the twilight of history.

VII.--A Chapel and a Chantry at Willenhall.

In the earlier centuries of our national existence, the history of a

parish follows that of its church, the ecclesiastical fold into which its

inhabitants were regularly gathered, not only for every religious

purpose, but for every other object of communal interest or of a public

nature.

But, as previously explained, Willenhall was not a parish; it was but one

member of that wide parochial area ruled from the mother church of

Wolverhampton, several miles distant.

Yet at an early period Willenhall seems to have boasted a chapel-of-ease,

for the Calendar of Patent Rolls, under date 1297, contains an allusion

to "Thomas de Trollesbury, parson of the church of Willenhale." Dr.

Oliver, in his history of the town, says that Wolverhampton church was

rebuilt about 1342, and he evidently attributes the erection of

Willenhall chapel to the same date, as being the outcome of the same

devout spirit of church building. But this is nearly half a century

later than the allusion just quoted from the Patent Rolls, and Dr.

Oliver's reference may possibly be to the founding of a chantry chapel by

the Gerveyse family, who set up one of these mass-houses in Willenhall

about a dozen years after one had been established at Pelsall.

Let it not be imagined that this new church was either a large or a

magnificent structure. In all probability it was a diminutive chapel

constructed of timber which had been cut in the adjacent forest; some of

its wall spaces, perhaps, were only of timber framed wattle and dab; and

at most any building material of a more durable nature entering into its

construction would be but a plinth of stone masonry, and dwarfed at that.

A chapel-of-ease, be it explained, was often established where the parish

was a wide one, for the "ease" of those parishioners who dwelt at a

distance from the mother church, and found it difficult to attend divine

service so far away from their homes. Such chapels were intended for

prayer and preaching only; burials and administrations of the sacraments

being always strictly reserved to the mother church.

While a chapel-of-ease was provided for the general good of the whole

community, a chantry chapel was intended for the special glory and

exclusive benefit of some local landed family. And here is the first

record we have of the Willenhall Chantry; it is extracted from the Patent

Rolls of Edward III., under date 14th February, 1328:--

"Licence for the alienation in mortmain by Richard Gerveyse, of

Wolvernehampton, of a messuage, land, and a moiety of a mill in

Willenhale, co. Stafford, to a Chaplain to celebrate Divine service daily

in the Chapel of Willenhale for the souls of the said Richard and

Felicia, his wife, the fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, children and

ancestors, and others." A fine of 40s. was paid to the King (at

Stafford) for this licence to devote landed estate to the said purposes

of church endowment.

A chantry (or chauntry, a name derived from cantaria), was a chapel,

little church, or some particular altar in a church, endowed with lands

and other revenues, for the maintenance of a priest, or priests, daily to

chant a mass and offer prayers for the souls of the donors, and such

others as the founders of the chantry may have named. In this particular

instance, as we have seen, the eternal welfare of the Gerveyses is sought

to be assured, and the chantry here was doubtless at the altar of the new

chapel-of-ease--we cannot expect there were two separate ecclesiastical

buildings in so small a place as Willenhall.

The method of procedure in setting up these foundations was first to

obtain a patent from the Crown for the founding and endowing of them; and

then to obtain the Bishop's licence for the regular daily performance of

Divine service by the appointed chantry priest, to whose stipend and

support the endowment mainly went.

Most of these chantries came into existence in the 14th century, and by

the close of the following century there was scarce a parish church in

the kingdom without its chantry in one or other of its side chapels or

subsidiary altars. By the time of Richard II.--about the year 1394--at

least four chantries had been founded, and chapels built, within the

outer area of Wolverhampton parish; namely, at Willenhall, Bilston,

Pelsall, and Hatherton.

In connection with the endowments of the Willenhall chantry, it is on

record that at an Inquisition taken in 1397, it was testified on oath

that Roger Levison at that time held on lease from Thomas Browning,

chaplain of this chantry, 12 acres of land in Wednesfield, and 100s. of

rent in Willenhall, for which he had to perform suit and service (of the

usual nature in feudal tenures) at the Deanery Court of Wolverhampton.

In 1409 the advowson of the chapel of Willenhall, together with certain

valuable properties of rents and tenements in Wolverhampton, were granted

by Richard Hethe and William Prestewode, chaplain, to William Bysshebury

and his wife Joan, and settled on them for the term of their lives, with

remainder to John Hampton, of Stourton, and his heirs for ever.

Fourteen years later William Bysshebury (his wife Joan being then

deceased) was sued by certain plaintiffs, on behalf of the said John

Hampton, for wasting these Wolverhampton properties, of which he had the

reversion. The plaintiffs included Roger Aston, knight, William Leveson,

William Everdon, Thomas Arblaster, and others; while the waste and

destruction complained of comprised the digging and selling of clay,

marl, and stones; the permitting of seven halls, two chambers, two

kitchens, two granges, a dovecot, and a mill to remain unroofed till the

principal timbers had rotted; and also with cutting down and selling a

number of oaks, ashes, pear, and apple trees, the total damage in respect

of all this waste being estimated at a very considerable figure.

The advowson was, of course, the right of presentation to the benefice of

Willenhall; and the Hamptons of Stourton Castle, to whom it passed at

this time, seem to have been a family which originated at

Wolverhampton--and perhaps derived their name from the town.

The ministers who officiated in the local chapels-of-ease were inferior

in official status to the vicar, rector, or beneficed clergyman of the

mother church, and such curates were generally removable at the pleasure

of the said vicar or rector. Willenhall, doubtless, was served by a

"curate" sent from the Wolverhampton collegiate establishment.

In the reign of Edward IV. local ecclesiastical matters became further

complicated by the collegiate church of Wolverhampton being permanently

united with the Deanery of Windsor, the two deaneries being always

subsequently held together. It appears that King Edward, desirous of

doing his Chaplain a favour, annexed the "Free Royal Church of

Wolverhampton" to the said Deanery of Windsor, which royal act was soon

afterwards confirmed by Parliament (1480).

The Chantry of Willenhall, in common with all others, disappeared at the

Reformation (this one probably in 1545), when prayers for the dead were

no longer tolerated. But it is interesting to observe that under the new

Protestant regime attendance at church every Sunday was still regarded as

a duty no good citizen and loyal subject could be excused.

Attendance at church was compulsory in the early days of the Anglican

establishment. By statute (I, Elizabeth c. I., 23 Elizabeth c. I., and

3, James I. c. 4) every person was to repair to his parish church every

Sunday on pain of forfeiting 1s. for every offence; and being present at

any form of prayer contrary to the Book of Common Prayer was punished

with six months' imprisonment. Persons above sixteen years of age who

absented themselves from church above a month had to pay a forfeit of 20

pounds a month.

Protestant dissenters who did not deny the doctrine of the Trinity were

(it is interesting to note) exempted from these penalties in 1689; and

the Roman Catholics were similarly emancipated by law in 1792. This by

the way.

It was in Elizabeth's reign, and, of course, under the authority of the

newly-established Protestant Church of England, that Willenhall was

enabled to make a distinct advance in the status of its church. The

charge of this church became an independent one, and was no longer

subordinated to the canons of Wolverhampton; the incumbent was

thenceforward to be in fact, as well as in name, "Chaplain of

Willenhall." But although the incumbent thus obtained his personal

freedom from the domination of the mother church, the Wolverhampton

establishment still retained all the old parochial rights in the shape of

fees and ecclesiastical emoluments. Beyond levying this money tribute,

however, the Dean and Rector of Wolverhampton no longer held any control

over the internal affairs of the church of St. Giles', in Willenhall.

The specified duties of the incumbent of Willenhall (as set forth in a

Trust deed of 1603, to which Sir John Leveson is a party) were to conduct

Divine service there, and to have his residence within a mile and a half

of the church.

[Picture: Decorative flower]

VIII.--Willenhall in the Middle Ages.

Having brought the ecclesiastical history of Willenhall up to the

enlightened days of Queen Elizabeth, to preserve some sort of

chronological arrangement, we leave that section awhile in order to deal

with the social life of the place, so far as this may be gleaned from a

number of fragmentary sources and isolated references.

The result of these gleanings is naturally very scrappy an

disconnected--like the modern periodicals afflicted with the prevalent

"snippetitis." Such as they are, however, the local reader may be

willing to accept them as being of some little interest.

In the year 1172 the Pipe Rolls, which come next to the Domesday Book

among our most ancient national records, and contain a full account of

the Crown revenues, return Willenhall, among five other Staffordshire

estates, bringing in the sum of 19 pounds 7s. 8d. per annum to Henry II.

This would represent nowadays a sum twenty times that amount. These

estates were Bilston and Rowley Regis, being ancient demesnes of the

Crown, and the manors of Leek, Wolstanton, and Penkhull (in the north of

the county), which had escheated at the Conquest from the Earl of Mercia.

Rowley probably brought in but a few pence at that time, when it formed a

part of Clent.

In the same reign (Henry II.) the Canons of Wolverhampton are recorded as

holding two hides of land in "Winenhale"--certainly not more than 400

acres in a fertile locality like this.

During the reign of Edward III., his son and heir, the renowned Black

Prince, hero of Crecy and Poictiers, claimed (after the manner of those

times) the custody and guardianship of Matilda, daughter and heiress of

his old comrade in arms, John de Willenhale. The heiress of Willenhall

was therefore at this time a royal ward. The earliest holder of this

manor who is known by his territorial title seems to be Roger de Wylnale,

who (according to Lawley's "History of Bilston," p. 132) was flourishing

about the year 1109.

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