MESSRS COBDEN AND BRIGHT AT OXFORD.--IMPORTANT MEETING OF FREEHOLDERS
AND FARMERS OF THAT COUNTY.
As we stated last week, announcing the intention, Mr Cobden and Mr
Bright visited Oxford on Wednesday, for the purpose of addressing the
freeholders and farmers of the county on the subject of the corn laws.
Very considerable excitement had prevailed in the city and the
surrounding districts in consequence of the proposed visit of Mr Cobden,
but it does not appear that the landowners on the present occasion,
through the medium of the farmers' clubs and agricultural associations,
thought fit to get up an organised opposition, similar to that at
Colchester, or interfere to prevent their tenants from attending, as at
Reading. The consequence was a very large number of farmers were present
at the meeting, although it is well known that the harvest is not in
such a state of forwardness as to allow them to absent themselves from
their ordinary occupations without considerable inconvenience.
It is a circumstance worthy of notice, and strongly indicative of the
present state of public feeling upon the subject, that in a purely
agricultural district, at a county meeting regularly convened by the
High Sheriff, the whole of the county members being present, two of whom
spoke in favour of protection, supported by many influential men of
their own party, no person ventured to propose a resolution in favour of
the present corn law, and that even the resolution for a low fixed duty
made by two of the most popular men and largest landed proprietors in
Oxfordshire, Lord Camoys and Mr Langston, was supported by only three or
four individuals out of a meeting of nearly 3,000 persons.
Early in the morning, a protectionist champion presented himself, not in
the guise either of a freeholder or farmer of the county, but in the
person of a good-humoured, though somewhat eccentric printer, named
Sparkhall, who had come from the celebrated _locale_ of John
Gilpin--Cheapside, and who having armed himself with a large blue bag
fitted with elaborate treatises upon the corn laws, and among other
pamphlets a recent number of _Punch_, forthwith travelled to Oxford, and
by the kind permission of the meeting was permitted to essay a speech,
about what nobody could divine, and in a manner truly original. It is,
however, due to the monopolists of Oxfordshire to state that they did
not accredit their volunteer champion, and even went so far as to
request that he would "bottle up" his eloquence for some future
opportunity.
At two o'clock, the hour appointed for the proceedings to commence, the
County hall, which is capable of containing 1,800 persons, was nearly
filled.
Mr Cobden and Mr Bright, who had been dining at the farmers' ordinary,
held at the Roebuck hotel, arrived shortly after two, and were
accompanied to the place of meeting by a large number of influential
farmers and leading agriculturists, who had met the honourable members
at the market table. They at once proceeded to the gallery, where, among
others at this time, were Lord Camoys, of Stonor hall, Oxon; the three
members for the county, Lord Norreys, Mr Harcourt, and Mr Henley; Mr
Langston, M.P. for the city of Oxford; Mr Thomas Robinson, banker; Mr
Charles Cottrell Dormer, Mr J.S. Browning, Mr W. Dry, Mr W. Parker,
Captain Matcham, Rev. Dr Godwin, Rev. W. Slatter, Mr Richard Goddard, Mr
H. Venables, Messrs Grubb, Sadler, Towle, Weaving, Harvey, &c.
On the motion of Lord Cambys, seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., Mr Samuel
Cooper, of Henley-on-Thames, under-sheriff for the county, was, in the
absence of the high sheriff, called to the chair.
The Chairman said he regretted very much that the high sheriff was
prevented from attending the meeting, which had been convened in
consequence of a requisition presented to the sheriff by several
freeholders of the county. Having read the requisition, he introduced
Mr Cobden, who proceeded for some time to address the meeting on the
fallacy of the present corn law as a protection to the farmer, amid
frequent cries for adjournment, in consequence of the crowded state of
the hall, and
Mr Sadler having intimated that several hundred persons were waiting at
the Castle green, at which place it had been generally expected the
meeting would ultimately be held, moved its adjournment to that spot,
which was immediately agreed to.
Several waggons had been brought to the green, for the purpose of
forming a temporary platform, and the meeting being again formed,
Mr Cobden resumed, and, in his usual powerful manner, explained the
influence of the corn law upon the tenant, farmer, and farm-labourer,
urging the necessity of free trade as the only remedy for agricultural
as well as manufacturing distress. The honourable member was loudly
cheered during the delivery of his address, which evidently made a deep
impression on the large proportion of his auditory.
Mr Sparkhall then came forward. Mr Cobden having kindly interceded to
obtain him a hearing, and having duly arranged his books and papers, he
at once commanded the serious attention of the meeting, by stating
broadly as the proposition he was about to prove--that the repeal of the
corn laws would plunge the nation into such a state of depression as
must ultimately terminate in a national bankruptcy. After quoting from
the Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel, Mr Gregg, and other passages,
the relevancy of which to his proposition no one could discover, he
bewildered himself in a calculation, and gladly availed himself of a
slight interruption to make his bow and retire.
Lord Camoys next addressed the meeting. He said Mr Cobden came among
them either as a friend or an enemy. If he came as a friend, it was the
duty of all to receive him as such; but if as an enemy, then it behoved
the farmers of Oxfordshire to meet him boldly, and expose the fallacy of
his arguments. For himself he (Lord Camoys) believed Mr Cobden came as a
friend. He was not one of those who were afraid of the Anti-Corn-law
League; but he was afraid of that class who designated themselves the
farmers' friends. He thought if they were to give the Anti-Corn-law
League 50,000_l_. a year for fifty years, it would never do half the
mischief to agriculture that the farmers' friends themselves had done.
(Hear, hear.) It was this impression that had induced him to sign the
requisition that had been laid before him, for he was anxious that the
farmers of Oxfordshire should have the benefit of any information that
could be given to them on the subject. There were three courses open for
discussion. The first was the sliding scale (cries of "no, no"); the
second a low fixed duty; and the third, a total and immediate repeal of
the corn law. (Hear, hear.) He believed the sliding scale was already on
its last legs; indeed, it was only defended by a few country gentlemen
and fortunate speculators, who had by a lucky chance contrived to
realise large fortunes. He was himself for a low fixed duty, and Mr
Cobden advocated free trade. There was not so much difference, after
all, between them; but he considered that to apply the principles of
free trade to England, would be to apply the principles of common sense
to a deranged country, suffering under the pressure of an enormous debt.
He thought the English farmer should be placed on a level with the
continental corn-grower; but he did not think the mere expense of
transit would have the effect of securing this as argued by Mr. Cobden.
With this view he should propose to the meeting the following
resolution:--"That the agricultural interest being the paramount
interest in this country, to depress that interest would be injurious to
the entire community; that suddenly to adopt free trade in corn must
produce that effect, and that, therefore, it is the opinion of this
meeting that a moderate fixed duty upon the importation of foreign grain
is the one best adapted to the present position of the agricultural
interest and the welfare of the country."
This resolution was seconded by Mr Langston, M.P., but this gentleman
gave way for
Mr Bright, who, upon presenting himself, was received with load
cheering. In an eloquent address he clearly demonstrated that the only
way in which the corn laws could benefit the farmer was by making food
dearer, which could only be done by making it more scarce. That the
advantage of such high prices invariably went to the landlord in the
shape of rent, in consequence of the immense competition for farms,
arising from the increase in the agricultural population, and the
difficulty of providing for them in commerce and manufactures, owing to
the depressed condition to which they had been reduced by the operation
of the corn laws. High prices could only be obtained by the farmer from
the prosperity of his customers. In reply to the resolution of Lord
Camoys, the honourable gentleman stated, that with regard to agriculture
being the paramount interest of the country, there could be no doubt in
every country there must be land for the people to live on, and so far
it was the paramount interest; but he denied that anything like half the
population of England were engaged in agricultural pursuits. The
agricultural interest would not be depressed, nor would the community be
injured by free trade. He would put it to the meeting whether they would
have a low duty or no duty at all. (Loud cries of "no duty.") A fixed
duty of 6s. would raise the price that amount, and the whole would go
into the pockets of the landlord. The honourable gentleman concluded his
address amid loud cheers.
Lord Norreys next spoke in favour of the existing corn laws, attributing
the distress under which all classes at present laboured to the
over-production of the manufacturers.
Mr Langston, M.P., having replied to his lordship,
Mr Henley, M.P., addressed the meeting at some length, in favour of the
present restrictive duties on the importation corn. The honourable
member concluded by observing that he had attended the meeting because
it had been convened by the high sheriff; and he thanked them for the
patience with which they had listened to his observations, though
neither he nor his colleagues considered it to be properly designated as
a farmers' meeting, the majority present being composed of other
classes.