TO THE EDITOR OF THE ECONOMIST.

Darlaston, September 8, 1843.

Sir,--Twelve months ago the editor of the _Morning Chronicle_ allowed a

letter of mine, referring to the distress then prevailing in this town,

to appear in that journal; in it I stated that for our annual wake only

twenty-four cows had been killed, when but a few years previously

ninety-four had been slaughtered on a similar occasion. Perhaps you will

permit me to state in your columns that this year the festival, in this

particular, has afforded as melancholy and unquestionable proof of

distress as the last, while it bore other evidence, which though

trivial in itself, is not unworthy of notice. Last year two theatrical

shows visited us, displaying their "Red Barn" tragedies, and illuminated

ghosts, at threepence per head, at which they did well; as also did a

tremendous giantess, a monstrously fat boy, and several other "wonderful

works of nature:" this year only one show of any description attended,

and that, with kings and queens, and clowns, as well dressed and

efficient, and ghosts, as white and awe-inspiring as ever paraded before

an audience, has reaped but an indifferent harvest at the "low charge of

one penny each;" while the swing boats and wood horses, patronized with

such glee by the miniature men and women attending and enjoying wakes

and fairs, only worked half time. The physical-force majority in the

House, and their aiders and abettors, were they to see this, would

perhaps laugh at the petty details, but their doing so would not in the

least detract from their truth, or render questionable for a moment the

deductions I make from them,--that poverty is so wide spread and bitter

that the poor are compelled to make a stern sacrifice of innocent

amusements; that the parent cannot exercise the holiest affections of

his nature, by adding to the pleasures of his lisping little ones; that

the landowners' corn law, by its paralyzing influence, is rapidly

withering the great mass of the industry of the country into idle,

dispiriting pauperism.

From inquiries I have made I learn that through the country generally

the wakes, and fairs, and races, have presented similar features to

those I have described above, so far as money goes. And in face of the

distress, of which these things bear glaring witness, the Prime Minister

says "that the distress has been produced by over-production." Can Sir

Robert be serious when he talks of "over-production?" If he be, and will

condescend to honour me with a visit during his stay at Drayton Manor,

which is only a short drive of sixteen miles from here, I will show him

that the opinion is fallacious. He shall dispense with his carriage for

a short time, and I will walk him through all the streets of Darlaston,

Wednesbury, Willenhall, Bilstow, &c., and, forsaking the thoroughfares

frequented by the gay and well-to-do, he shall visit the back

streets--in which carriage passengers never deign to go--of Birmingham,

Wolverhampton, and Walsall, and what he will witness in the course of

the short ramble will "change the spirit of his dream." In Darlaston, as

a sample of what he would see, there are hundreds of men and women whose

clothes, made of the coarsest materials, are patched, and threadbare,

and valueless; hundreds of houses without anything in them deserving the

name of furniture; hundreds of beds without clothing, and hundreds of

children whose excuses for clothes are barely sufficient, with every

contrivance decent poverty can suggest, to cover the body as civilized

society demands. In the towns I have enumerated, in fact, if the least

reliance may be placed in newspaper reports, in every town and village

in the country the same want prevails to a much greater extent than can

be conceived by such as Sir Robert, "who fare sumptuously every

day,"--aye, even to a much greater extent than is generally supposed by

the above-want dwellers in large towns whom business may frequently

bring in contact with those who toil. With the millions, then, who in

this country must be next to naked, without furniture in their houses,

without clothes to cover their straw beds, is it not the nonsense of

nonsense to talk of "over-production." Enable these men to satisfy the

wants of themselves and families, enable them to make their homes

comfortable, and that alone would find employment for a goodly number,

while those so employed would also be enabled to purchase the articles

others are engaged in manufacturing. To produce so desirable a result,

nothing is wanted but FREE TRADE repeal the corn and provision laws, and

the shadow of "over production" could not exist: in three months there

is not a man in the kingdom who would not have full work. And when we

had supplied the physical wants of our population (a greater task than

it appears at the first view), we should have introduced from every

corner of the world the luxuries which refine civilization; the artisan

building himself a house would then make it more comfortable and

healthy, with wood floors, carpets, better furniture, &c.; and the

master manufacturer erecting a house would have marble stairs and floor

in his entrance hall, doors, &c. of mahogany, furniture, of rarer woods,

and ornaments of marble, paintings, plate glass, &c.; and when all these

things were procured, "over-production" would be still as far behind us

as during their acquisition, as we would then work but three days a week

instead of six, as with so much labour we should be able to procure the

necessaries and luxuries of life.

And all nations would be compelled to minister to our real and created

wants, for England is the only nation in the world incapable of

internally supplying its inhabitants with food, and therefore, under

Free Trade, has the command of the markets of the whole world. Then the

English merchant going to, say America, to dispose of manufactures need

not fear the merchant of France, Belgium, Germany, &c., he may meet

there with similar goods; for the American asking each what he requires

for the articles offered, is told by the former, "I will take your

surplus corn in exchange, we want every year from six to ten millions of

quarters;" and this latter answers, "We have more corn at home of our

own growth than we can consume, I must have cash;" the American,

preferring barter, will turn on his heel and trade with the Englishman;

the unsuccessful applicant takes back his goods, or visits the market no

more, and confines his future operations to the home supply of his own

country, which in a short time, from competition and want of a foreign

outlet, fail to realise a remunerating profit; trade is gradually

relinquished; the people turn again to the more extensive cultivation of

the land, and England obtains another customer. This is no "castle

building," if there be the least affinity between the results of great

things and small ones. If a grocer want a coat he will have it from the

tailor who will take sugar and tea in payment, in preference to

patronising one who requires pounds shillings and pence, and the owners

of land in all countries will take right good care that they derive some

sort of revenue from their possessions. I say, I think my premises are

no "castle buildings;" neither do I think I am indulging in aerial

erections when I predict that, under Free Trade, England, with her

capital, and energy, and enterprise, would shortly become the world's

granary, profitably supplying from her accumulated stores the

deficiencies resulting from bad harvests, or other casualties of her

continental neighbours.

Your obedient Servant,

G.W.G.

* * * * *

_We are much obliged to J. Livesay, of Preston, for his suggestion,

which, however, if he compare the_ ECONOMIST _with other weekly papers

he will perceive to be unnecessary. We presume we are indebted to Mr

Livesay for copies forwarded of his excellent little paper the_

Struggle.

* * * * *

R.B., Bristol.--_From the great press of room last week we were

obliged to omit everything that did not appear of very pressing

haste. In the Preliminary Number we have used no statistics but

such as we have derived from official sources, and we shall always

be glad to give the authority on which any statistical statement is

made. The statement of the quantity of sugar exported from Java and

Madeira, page 10 of the Preliminary Number, will be found in Part

VIII, 1838, page 408, of the_ Tables of Population, Revenue,

Commerce, &c., _presented by the Board of Trade to both Houses of

Parliament, from 1826 to 1837;--and the quantities, from 1837 to

1841, are derived from the Dutch official accounts._

H.H., S---- court, London.--_The returns showing the quantity of

flax imported up to the 5th of August, viz., 774,659 cwts., are

official, but do not distinguish the ports from which it was

shipped. The latest year for which such distinction has been made

to this time is for the year 1841; for which, or any preceding year

back to 1832, we shall be glad to furnish the particulars: for

example, in 1840 the imports of flax and tow were--from_

Cwts.

Russia 870,401

Denmark 1,094

Prussia 135,590

Germany 8,105

Holland 113,108

Belgium 80,748

France 43,295

Gibraltar 19

Italy and the Italian Islands 746

The Morea 3

Turkey 107

Egypt 12

United States 1

Guernsey, &c. 11

---------

Total - 1,253,240

C.D.F.----, near Rochdale.--_The question connected with the New

Customs Amendment Bill has engaged our best attention, but its

investigation has raised two or three very nice points of

international law, on which we are now taking the best opinion

which can be obtained, and before our next number we shall be able

to give a reply as satisfactory as can possibly be obtained from

any quarter on this important but very nice question. We have now

before us the whole of the particulars of the treaties in question,

but we wish to make our reply valuable by giving the best legal

construction on some disputable points. This, however, is only

another of those daily evidences which we have of the absurdity and

inconvenience of a great commercial country like this attempting to

regulate its laws and transactions by treaties, which, however

convenient they may be when made, may, by the ordinary course of

events, be rapidly changed._

The Economist, Volume 1, No. 3 · 第 57 / 123 题