CHAPTER VII.

GOULD’S VICTORY AND FINAL DEFEAT IN ERIE.

During these years of Erie conflicts, Gould not only fought his enemies

most bitterly, but hardly appreciated the usual feelings of men to be

true to their friends. Gould and Fisk now had practical control of

Erie. They saw the October election coming, and they were nervous.

But the crops were good and Erie’s traffic brought in good returns.

Englishmen had become strangely fascinated with the stock, and had

bought over 100,000 shares. On August 19th the stock had dropped to

44, and then to the astonishment of Wall street, the transfer books

were closed, preparatory to the annual election on October 13th. The

election went off well for Mr. Gould and his friends. Peter B. Sweeny

and William M. Tweed were among the new directors. Then, it is said Mr.

Gould began a system of locking up money. This culminated on October

27th, when members of the New York Stock Exchange waited on Mr. Gould,

who had obtained large loans on Erie. Mr. Gould told the committee

that $10,000,000 of convertible bonds had been issued, half of which

had been converted into stock and the rest would be. This was a new

issue. The money, he said, had been used to purchase the $5,000,000 of

Boston, Hartford and Erie. The committee was not satisfied. It wanted

to know if more stock would be issued. Gould replied: “In certain

contingencies,” meaning for his loans. The Secretary of the Exchange

afterward said that the stock of the corporation had been increased

from $34,265,300 on July 1, 1868, to $57,766,300 on October 24th, or by

235,000 shares within four months. These new issues forced Erie to 35.

There was over $12,000,000 in greenbacks locked up and all values were

depressed. The situation was so serious that Secretary McCulloch of the

treasury, a contractionist, was compelled to announce that if necessary

$50,000,000 additional currency would be forthcoming for the relief of

the community.

Their next achievement, after securing entire possession, was to corner

their old associate Daniel Drew. The latter, after a short retirement

from the street, returned to speculation and naturally drifted into

Erie, but this time from the outside. He was caught just as many times

he had caught others. And Gould repeated, only in a more aggravated

way, his trick of issuing new stock and flooding Wall street with it.

This new stock was issued by Gould and Fisk without even going through

the form of consultation with the other directors. Mr. Adams calls this

“the most extraordinary feat of financial legerdemain which history

has yet recorded.” Drew found that even he, old and experienced in all

the tricks of his trade, was no match for Gould. He appealed to the

courts for relief, but Mr. Gould fought him in the same way. Realizing

that he had no other avenue of escape, Drew actually called on Gould

and Fisk one night and appealed piteously to be permitted to get out

without loss, though his companions in loss might be squeezed to

Gould’s heart’s content. Gould and Fisk bowed their aged associate out

without satisfaction and smiled as they closed the door on the old man.

That was on a Sunday. Next day, in the name of August Belmont, Justice

Sutherland was asked to enjoin the issue of any more new Erie stock and

to appoint a receiver. Drew signed the affidavits, but, to his chagrin,

Gould was ahead of him by two hours. On the petition of one McIntosh,

a man in Gould’s employ, Justice Barnard restrained all suits and

appointed Gould the receiver of the railroad. Erie stock fell only to

48.

Justice Barnard allowed Mr. Gould to buy and cancel 200,000 shares of

Erie. This was intended to crush Daniel Drew, who had to have 70,000

shares to deliver in a few days. Gould’s purchases rushed the stock to

62, and then it turned out that thousands of shopkeepers and barbers,

tailors, and all sorts of people, had a share or ten shares of Erie

and wanted to realize on them. Gould could not meet the rush of shares

these people had to sell. He and Fisk fought like tigers, but they

could not stand the drain, and Drew settled his contracts at 57, losing

$1,500,000. Then Erie fell to 42. The Open Board of Brokers refused to

deal in Erie unless the stock was registered at a reputable banker’s.

Erie was knocked off the list and Gould organized a new Board of his

own, where trading in Erie went on as before.

Gould at this time actually posed as an anti-monopolist before

the public. All his extraordinary acts as president of the Erie

were defended on the ground that he was endeavoring to protect the

system against consolidation or affiliation with other trunk lines,

and there were some honorable persons who really put faith in this

statement. “Gould,” said Mr. Adams, “posed as a public benefactor, with

unspeakable effrontery.”

There was more fighting in the courts over Erie. Justice Sutherland

vacated Barnard’s order making Gould receiver, and Noah Davis was made

receiver. Barnard stayed Sutherland, and Sutherland granted a motion

to show cause why Barnard’s stay should not be vacated. Gould and Fisk

sued August Belmont for $1,000,000 damages, and Frank Work and Richard

Schell for $429,250, paid to them at the time of the settlement with

Vanderbilt. Gould and Fisk even went to the United States District

Court, and on a petition of one of Gould’s clerks, Henry D. Whelpley,

a stockholder, Judge Blatchford appointed Gould receiver, and directed

the Erie company to place $8,000,000 in his hands to protect the rights

of the plaintiff, Whelpley, who protested that he had been injured by

certain issues of stock.

The marvelous business acumen displayed by the manipulators of these

properties was aided by the blind zeal of certain foreign investors

for American securities then as prevalent as now. The wonderful

financial operations of the Drew and Gould regimes in Erie could not

have been possible but for the extraordinary fascination which the

stock possessed for English capitalists. While Americans looked with

more than suspicion on the Erie securities, England was possessed of

an irresistible craze to get as many of them as possible. English

capitalists would not take the United States bond even when selling

below par, but they bought with avidity every share of Erie they could

get hold of. At last, however, the eyes of the English stockholders

were opened to the true condition of affairs, and under the lead of

James McHenry they organized to get the control of the property. At

this time Gen. Daniel E. Sickles, one of the heroes of Gettysburg, was

Minister to Spain. He was engaged to lead the anti-Gould forces against

the Erie strongholds. He did his work well, and it is said was paid a

very big fee for his labors. He obtained a leave of absence from Madrid

and returned home to conduct the operations in person on the ground.

This was the last of the Erie wars.

It should be recorded at this time, however, that the famous

partnership of Gould and Fisk had been dissolved by death. Fisk, late

in 1871, had been shot by Edward F. Stokes, and after a few days had

died from the wound. He and Stokes had at one time been friends but had

quarreled over business matters and about a woman--the beautiful, but

notorious Josie Mansfield--and the quarrel led to the murder. It will

surprise no one who has read this history thus far that in the course

of the Erie litigations a Supreme Court judge once held court and

issued orders from Josie Mansfield’s apartments. Stokes was tried three

times. Once the jury disagreed. Once he was convicted of murder in

the first degree and sentenced to be hanged by Judge Noah Davis. This

verdict being overruled by the Court of Appeals, he was tried again

and convicted of manslaughter in the third degree. After serving a few

years in Auburn prison Mr. Stokes returned to New York, where he soon

became a prosperous business man, intimate for a long time with John A.

Mackay, the California millionaire, and president of a telegraph system

competing with Gould’s Western Union.

Before his death the belief is that Gould and Fisk had substantially

parted company. The New York _World_ of that day gives an account of

an interview between Gould and Fisk, in which the former asked Fisk

for his resignation as vice-president and comptroller of Erie. Fisk is

represented as saying to a friend who was about to leave for Europe:

“I would like you to do me a favor. If you find in Europe a mean man

who can do a meaner thing to his best friend or tell a bigger lie than

Jay Gould, I want you to telegraph me at once.” After Fisk’s death,

however, Gould acted handsomely by his widow. Whatever else may be said

of Fisk, he was certainly a more popular man than Gould, and after the

former’s death Gould did not long remain at the head of Erie. “The

feeling against Gould,” said Gen. Barlow, at the time of the anti-Gould

revolution, “grew in great part since Fisk’s death. Fisk was always

popular with the people of the road and in the office. Had he been

alive we should have had more trouble, or perhaps the move would never

have been made.”

Besides Barlow, Gen. Sickles had other efficient aid, and the

anti-Gould movement was strengthened by such names as Gen. John A. Dix,

who in the same year was elected governor of New York, Gen. George B.

McClellan and William R. Travers.

In March, 1872, the blow was struck. A man named Archer had been

elected vice-president in place of Fisk, and with his aid the

revolution was accomplished. Gould had made him vice-president with

the view of conciliating the opposition. Nine members of the Board of

Directors had been won over to the opposition. These wrote to Gould,

asking him to call a meeting of the board. As Gould did not respond,

Vice-President Archer called the meeting. The revolutionists assembled

at Barlow’s house and prepared to carry the Grand Opera House by storm.

Gould had this barricaded by his men, with instructions to permit no

one to pass in. But the revolutionists succeeded in passing the picket

line and passed in, and Mr. Archer called the meeting to order. Then

ensued an extraordinary scene which lasted all night. Gould ordered the

“conspirators,” as he called them, to leave the building. They refused.

Gould at this time had the benefit of the legal advice of David Dudley

Field and Thomas G. Shearman. Mr. Field was long one of the leaders of

the New York bar. One of his brothers sat on the Supreme Court bench

of the United States, and the other, Cyrus W. Field, was the father of

the Atlantic cable, and soon one of the closest of Gould’s business

associates. Mr. Shearman, who afterward became famous in the defense

of Henry Ward Beecher, had before this time published an article on

the corruption of the New York judiciary, which attracted widespread

attention, but he was now counsel to a man who owned two or three

Supreme Court judges and a few months later publicly admitted the

distribution of a corruption fund.

Space will not permit the telling of all the incidents of that night.

Shearman appeared with forty policemen and ordered the revolutionists

to leave, but they shut themselves up in their rooms and refused to

do so. Gould obtained from Judge Ingraham a temporary injunction to

restrain Archer and the other directors from acting, but they calmly

proceeded to elect new officers and directors. Field and Shearman

declared that Gould’s legal position was absolutely perfect, but

notwithstanding this he was finally obliged to give in. The opposition

elected Gen Dix as president and Gen. McClellan as one of the directors.

The _World_ of March 11, 1872, thus describes this memorable night:

“The scene at the Grand Opera House was one to be remembered. Gould

and Eldridge, with their counsel, in one room and the newly chosen

directors in another, the doors of both rooms barred, opening to no one

but an avowed friend, each fearful of orders of arrests being served on

them, every spare room in the offices filled with blue-coated officers

of the peace, sitting in all the chairs and on all the tables and lying

on the floors, and an intense sense of subdued excitement pervading the

heavy air of the place.

The only communication between the two hostile parties was by means of

Peter B. Sweeney, who acted as go-between.

Finding that he was defeated, Gould then resorted to one of those

acts of audacity with which at different periods in his career he

has surprised the public. In a public letter he offered to leave all

the questions in dispute to arbitration by Horace Greeley. Thus he

attempted to place himself in favorable light before the public. But

it should not be supposed that Greeley was in any sense a friend of

Gould. On the contrary, the _Tribune_ of that day shows how severely he

criticised Gould.

The battle lasted one night and then Gould surrendered. He remained

as a director for a time, but his power was gone and Erie passed out

of his hands forever. The property has never fully recovered from the

condition into which it was thrown by the Drew-Gould regime. Though one

of the most important systems in the country and enjoying an immense

business, it is crippled with its enormous stock and bond liabilities,

and not until 1891 did it pay a dividend. For many years it remained

in the hands of a receiver.

The testimony of J. W. Guppy before the Hepburn Committee, already

referred to, gives some interesting details of Gould’s management of

the Erie. Among the roads which Erie leased were the Chemung railroad

and the Canandaigua and Elmira. These leases were very profitable

to Erie, but Gould, as an individual, after quietly purchasing a

majority of their capital stocks, as president of Erie refused to pay

the rentals, thus abrogating the leases. Then he sold the roads to

the Northern Central of Pennsylvania at a big profit. Gould and Fisk

organized a number of auxiliary companies whose plant was usually paid

for by Erie, but whose stock went into the pockets of Gould, Fisk and

their associates. Among these companies was the National Stock Yard

Company. The land was purchased and the improvements made by Erie,

but the stock was divided as so much spoils, 800 shares finding their

way into the pockets of Judge Barnard. The Erie Emigrant Company, the

Jefferson Railroad Company, the Blackford Company and the Greenwood

Coal Company were the names of some of the companies practically

saddled upon Erie, but whose stock was issued to Gould and Fisk without

consideration.

August Stein, who made an examination into the records, told the

Hepburn Committee that the amount of Gould’s wrong-doing in Erie was

about $12,000,000. By this was meant the amount which he wrongfully

appropriated.

Mr. Gould’s smartness was never made more apparent than in his manner

of pretending to restore the money which he had misappropriated. He had

to make restitution of this stolen money--“stolen” is the word used

by the Hepburn Committee. After he had left Erie, the new management

sought to ascertain how large was the plunder carried away by Gould.

This information could be obtained with complete accuracy only from

Morosini, the auditor of the company, and he refused to make up the

accounts, leaving Erie to join his fortunes with those of Gould.

Morosini now became inseparable from Gould and a notable figure in

Wall street. He was a tall, athletic Italian, shrewd and faithful, an

ideal private secretary. He had served with Garibaldi in the wars for

Italian liberty, and was proud of his service under the great Italian

patriot. He had been a sailor, too, and had a wide experience with

the world, which, while not making him overscrupulous in his methods,

made him invaluable to a man like Gould. When the firm of W. E. Connor

& Co., of which Gould was a special partner, was founded, Morosini

became partner, and when the firm dissolved, and Morosini retired from

business, Gould said that his private secretary was worth $2,000,000 or

$3,000,000.

A way was opened, however, by which the new Erie management gained some

proof of Gould’s wrong-doing. Gould, in company with Horace F. Clark,

had engineered a corner in Northwestern stock, one of the most famous

and successful corners in Wall street history. In after years, Gould

gave a unique account of this corner to a legislative committee which

was investigating corners. “I was interested,” said Mr. Gould, with

that charming frankness which he sometimes assumed, “in the Chicago

& Northwestern corner. The stock was selling at seventy to eighty. I

considered it very cheap,” so he bought. He soon had bought a great

deal more than there really was to deliver, and the shorts were

cornered. The price went up to $250. “I was induced,” said Mr. Gould,

with most exquisite humor, “to part with some at that price.”

Among the shorts caught in this famous corner was Henry N. Smith, who

only a short time before had been Gould’s partner in the firm of Smith,

Gould & Martin, and who had supported Gould in his great conspiracy

to corner gold. Smith is another noted Wall street character, whose

life is linked in that of Gould. He was something of an “exquisite,”

and had the reputation of wearing corsets, but he was for many years

remarkably successful in Wall street. After renewing his relations with

Gould he became chiefly distinguished as one of the bear leaders, and

was thus continually in antagonism with Gould. Woerlshoffer, Cammack

and Smith were a trio that once nearly drove Gould to the wall, but

the latter lived to see one dead, the second his associate in certain

speculations, and the third involved in irretrievable bankruptcy.

It was not in the Northwest corner that Smith was ruined, but in it he

lost a very large sum, which found its way into Gould’s pockets. Smith

was not slow in getting his revenge. The books of the late firm of

Smith, Gould & Martin were in his possession, and he handed them over

to Mr. Barlow, of the Erie, who quickly discovered in them the evidence

on which to obtain an order of arrest for Gould and to establish a

suit for the recovery of $12,803,059, the proceeds of bonds converted

into stock to the extent of 407,347 shares, which were sold by Mr.

Gould’s firm and the proceeds transferred to his pocket. That was the

charge, and Gould was arrested and placed under very heavy bonds, which

he furnished. Here Mr. Gould’s genius displayed itself. He actually

entered into a big speculation based on his restitution of this

plunder. Gen. Dix, it should be recorded, remained as president of Erie

for only a few months, and was succeeded by President Watson, a man who

owed his position mainly to Horace F. Clark, who, as has been seen, was

in intimate business relations with Gould. Clark undertook to arrange a

compromise between Watson and Gould, and all three evidently united to

“rig” the stock market by the operation. One day it was reported that

Gould intended to restore his plunder, and the price of Erie advanced

with a bound. A day or two later a denial of the report would come,

and down would go the price. This was repeated two or three times and

Gould, of course, bought at the low figures and sold at the top, and

the profits must have been big. Finally the restitution, so-called, was

announced with a flourish of trumpets. On the face of the agreement

Gould made over to Erie an immense amount of property and all suits

were withdrawn and Gould released from all criminal responsibility. A

clause in the agreement said that in making this transfer of property

Gould expressly stipulated that it should not be considered as an

admission of wrong-doing. The Opera House and adjoining buildings and

other real estate, with the exception of Gould’s Fifth avenue mansion,

were made over to the Erie, and, in addition, a mass of stocks of

the par value of about $6,000,000. As a matter of fact most of these

stocks were worthless. J. G. Guppy told the Hepburn Committee that he

would not give $200,000 for the entire lot. Among the securities were

$1,000,000 of United States Express stock to be issued, and which Gould

guaranteed to be issued, but which, as a matter of fact, never was.

When Hugh J. Jewett became receiver of Erie he discovered the utter

sham of this alleged restitution. He told the Hepburn Committee: “Mr.

Watson had made a settlement with Mr. Gould, in which he received in

liquidation of this account, or such portion of it as he supposed he

could recover, certain assets. When I came here I sought to realize on

these assets. I found many of them totally worthless, and some which

were of value were encumbered by existing liens.”

By the closing of these transactions Mr. Gould was entirely freed

from all connection with Erie and was enabled to seek new fields for

cultivation. It had been a few years before, during the Erie troubles,

that Gould and his coadjutors originated the scheme for cornering gold,

which consummated on the day which is now remembered as “Black Friday,”

the other most disgraceful of the conspiracies of his life.

The Wizard of Wall Street and His Wealth; or, The Life and Deeds of Jay Gould · 第 7 / 20 章