For years at our Annual General Council I had moved a resolution

requesting the Government to bring the industry under the Trade Boards

Act. I had also moved it at several Trades Union Congresses and had

attended as a deputation with the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades

Union Congress before the then President of the Board of Trade and put

our case in favour of it, but with very little success. My friend Mr.

Noel Buxton, who was then member for North Norfolk, had moved a

resolution upon it in the House in 1916. The matter had become so

pressing that the Government could not resist it any longer, and in the

spring of that year Mr. Lloyd George announced in a speech that the

Government intended to bring in a Bill to be called the Corn Production

Act, which was to set up an Agricultural Wage Board. This Board was to

fix wages from time to time that should enable the labourer to keep

himself and family in such a state of health as would enable him to be

an efficient labourer. It also fixed the minimum wage at 25s. per week.

The Bill was brought in early in the session of 1917, and in it was

inserted a clause fixing the minimum wage at 25s. per week. This to us

at the time appeared to be a most inadequate figure as the cost of

living had increased beyond all bounds, and we decided to use every

means within our power to get that figure struck out and 30s. put in its

place. We appointed a deputation to lobby the members when the Bill was

passing through its final stages to induce the members to vote for the

30s. I was one of the deputation and I did my best to persuade those

members I got into touch with to vote for the 30s. But the Government

had made up its mind to stand by the 25s. Hence on a division the 30s.

was rejected and the Bill became law during the session of 1917. I was

elected on the first Central Wage Board. I was one of the Government's

nominees. The Board consisted of sixteen representatives of the workers,

sixteen employers and seven appointed members who were to take an

impartial view and decide the question when the two sides failed to

agree on an equality of votes. Eight of the workers and eight of the

farmers with the appointed members were appointed by the Government and

approved by the Minister of Agriculture, and, as stated above, I was

appointed by the Government. On our side were Messrs. W. R. Smith

(National Agricultural Labourers' Union), R. B. Walker, G. E. Hewitt, T.

G. Higdon, Robert Green and W. Holmes. For the Workers' Union there were

Messrs. G. Dallas and John Beard. There was one woman on the workers'

side. The Government appointed Messrs. George Nicholls, George Edwards,

Denton Woodhead, Haman Porter, H. L. Lovell, with Messrs. Gaurd and

Richardson from Wales. We had our first meeting in November 1917. Mr. W.

R. Smith was elected leader for our side. Sir Ailwyn Fellowes, now Lord

Ailwyn, was appointed chairman, and he soon endeared himself to all

sides, proving himself to be a most able and impartial chairman. The

first business of the Board was to set up District Wage Committees. We

first decided to set up one committee for each county. Then the Board

left it for each side to select their own representatives, and for us it

was a most difficult task as we had two Unions catering for one industry

and there was a great spirit of rivalry existing between them, which

created a bitter spirit between the two secretaries. This was greatly to

be regretted and caused friction when there ought to have been harmony.

We always, however, showed a united front in the Board Room. Then there

was Mr. Denton Woodhead, who represented some independent Friendly

Society. It took us some weeks to set up the committees, and we were

into the New Year 1918 before the Board could settle down to its real

work of dealing with the wages. In the meantime the men were getting

very restless, especially in Norfolk, as the cost of living was going up

by leaps and bounds, and I could see serious trouble looming in the near

future unless the question was tackled at once. I begged of the Board to

set the Norfolk Wages Committee up at once and let us get on with our

work. This they did, and I was put on the Norfolk Committee, and at our

first meeting was elected leader of the workers' side. We had nine on

each side, and there were five appointed members. Our side consisted of

myself, Messrs. S. Peel, J. Pightling, R. Wagg, Mrs. S. Kemp, Messrs. H.

Harvey, R. Land, W. Skerry and J. Shickle. Mr. Russell Colman was

appointed chairman. At our first meeting I moved that the wages should

be raised to 30s. per week for a 54 hour week and that the working week

end at one o'clock on Saturdays. This was rejected absolutely by the

employers, and they moved an amendment that the wages should remain at

25s. per week and the working hours remain as before. We had a long

discussion, and at last the employers' section asked for the question to

stand adjourned for a week. We objected, but the appointed members

agreed, and the meeting was adjourned until the following Monday week,

when we met again and had a long discussion. The appointed members

suggested time after time that the two sides should meet and come to

some agreement. The employers withdrew their amendment and moved another

that the wages be raised to 27s. 6d. per week and that the working hours

be 57 hours per week. This we absolutely refused to accept and would not

move one inch. The appointed members retired and discussed the matter.

After a time they sent for the leaders of each side and made a

suggestion in the form of a compromise. They would be prepared to vote

for 30s. for a 55-1/2 hours' working week. The farmers refused the offer. I

went back to my colleagues, and after some discussion we reluctantly

agreed to accept the compromise, and on the appointed members returning

to the room they put their suggestion to the vote. The employers voted

against; we voted with the appointed members, and it was carried, and

the recommendations were sent to the Central Board which met the same

week. The Central Wage Board rejected the 55-1/2 hours and adopted our

first proposition, namely 54 hours as a working week, and that the

week's work end on Saturday at 1 p.m., or that there be one six and a

half-hour day a week, all that was worked over to be paid for as

overtime. We also fixed the overtime pay at time and a quarter for six

days and time and a half on Sundays. We also raised the pay of the

horsemen and stockmen in proportion. The Wage Board issued their notices

accordingly, but it was issued in such a way that it was open to a grave

misunderstanding and was misunderstood. The men and some of the leaders

thought it came into force at once and several disputes occurred. I,

however, took an opposite view and contended that it did not come into

force for a month. For this view I was severely criticized and was

accused of joining hands with the farmers to defraud the men. So much

was this statement spread abroad that I felt bound to defend my honour

and challenged my accusers to point to one solitary instance in which I

had played the men false. It was evident I was right in the view I held,

and if my advice had been taken, a good deal of friction would have been

avoided and the men would have had their one o'clock several months

earlier, for the Board at their next meeting, while confirming the

order, postponed the one o'clock on Saturdays until three months after

the war was over. However, the men got their one o'clock on Saturdays

after hostilities ceased, an improvement I had been fighting for for

nearly fifty years. I hope the men, now the Wages Boards are abolished,

will not barter away an improvement in their working conditions. I also

hope the farmers will act in a good spirit and cause no friction by

trying to force the men back to old conditions.

CHAPTER XVII

THE LABOUR PARTY

The Union had decided, after taking a ballot of the members according to

the Act of 1913, to take political action and to be affiliated to the

Labour Party. I at once decided to be loyal to my Union. Early in 1918 I

publicly announced that I intended to sever my connection with the

Liberal Party and that henceforth my influence should be given to the

political Labour Party. I had for some time been getting out of touch

with the Liberal Party. In fact, I always was an advanced Radical and

had hoped the party would have advanced in political thought. But I had

now become convinced that there was no hope that the Liberal Party would

ever advance in political thought sufficiently to meet the need of the

growing aspirations of the new democracy. I had therefore no alternative

but to separate myself from the party I had so long been associated

with. The wrench, however, was great, for I could not separate myself

from old associates lightly, especially when it was a party in which I

had received my first political education. But it had to come. My

political thought had outgrown the old political clothes I had worn so

long. Early in the spring of 1922 the Executive of the Union decided

that they would place candidates of their own in the field at the

General Election whenever it should come. They decided, however, that

this should be carried out in the most democratic way. Every branch of

the Union was asked to send in nominations. This having been done, the

Executive decided that they would send five names out of the

nominations received. They also decided that they would put three

candidates into the field, as the National Labour Party had promised to

give L1,000 towards the election expenses of two candidates that would

be run under our auspices. The candidates that went to the ballot were

R. B. Walker, George Edwards, George Nicholls, Capt. E. N. Bennett and

T. G. Higdon. Those successful were R. B. Walker, George Edwards, and

George Nicholls, Mr. Higdon being the next highest. Mr. Walker was

selected by the King's Lynn Divisional Labour Party to contest that

Division, and I was asked to meet the newly formed South Norfolk

Divisional Labour Party with a view to making a statement on the current

topics of the day. In my speech I severely criticized the Government's

war policy and claimed that the war could have been ended some months

before and a great number of precious lives have been spared had they

embraced the opportunity that presented itself and entered into

negotiations. In fact, I advocated peace by negotiation as I considered

the time was come when every effort should be made to stop this horrible

slaughter. I declared my adhesion to the Labour Party's policy and

stated that on social questions affecting the lives of the people I

stood where I did before the war. I retired for a few minutes, and on

being called into the room I was informed by the chairman, Mr. E. G.

Gooch, that the delegates had unanimously decided to invite me to become

their prospective candidate to contest the Division at the General

Election. I thanked them for their kind invitation and accepted it. On

the Monday a full report of my speech and my adoption appeared in the

press. I was, however, to have showered on my head storms of abuse. The

writer of current topics in the _Eastern Daily Press_ was particularly

severe, and other writers in the press in their anxiety to discredit me

did not hesitate to stoop to misinterpret my words. While I deeply

resented the misinterpretation of words and claimed that the services I

had rendered to my country during the war were sufficient answer to my

critics and that I was anything but disloyal to my country, I also

claimed that I had a right to hold my own views on what I thought was

the best method of bringing this terrible conflict to an end. My

opponents made as much political capital out of it as they could, but I

was satisfied that I was right, if not for any other reason, for the

sake of humanity. On November 20, 1918, at a special meeting of the

South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party I was formally adopted as their

candidate, and the following is a press report of my address.

Mr. Edwards, who was loudly cheered, said he asked the electors to

keep before their minds not persons but principles. He somewhat

regretted that Mr. Soames had withdrawn, because he was certain

that however much they might differ, he was a perfect gentleman,

and they would have carried through the contest in a way that would

have been creditable to them. Whoever might be their opponents, so

far as he was concerned, he intended to act in such a way, whatever

the result, that he should not have to look back with any regrets

to the contest. He would give his opponents credit for being honest

in their intentions. If he was reviled he would not revile again,

but if character was attacked he would be compelled to defend

character and the position he took up. No one regretted more than

the Labour Party that the election had been brought upon them. The

Government, however, had determined to go to the country, and the

Labour Party took up the gauntlet and would fight for the

principles they held dear. The Government said they wanted a

mandate. What greater mandate could they have than a united people

behind them, and they had a united country to back them up in their

peace terms. What was wanted was a just and permanent peace, with

no vindictiveness, and the Labour Party held the view that there

was no safeguard for a permanent peace except on the grounds laid

down by President Wilson. The Labour Party was going in for a

League of Nations, for such a league laid down on the President's

principles would mean a permanent peace, and bring about universal

brotherhood. They meant by a League of Nations a league which

should consist of all the civilized nations of the world, and that

there should be such international dealings with all questions

which would prevent war in the future. (Hear, hear.) What he

understood when the President talked about a League of Nations and

no boycott was that there should be no preferential tariffs, and

that all the nations should be dealt with alike. He wished those

who talked about boycotting the Germans and taxing their goods out

of existence would think for a moment. Germany was too big a nation

to be crushed, and the war had taught us German science and

inventions were not dead. If it was attempted to crush her she

would prepare for another war, and England and other nations would

also have to prepare, and the past war would be nothing as compared

to another war. They had to consider the best way to meet the

difficulties which had to be met in this country, and one of the

first things was reconstruction, and how to help the men who had

been fighting for us. The Labour Party would not have the same

treatment meted out to soldiers as was meted out after previous

wars. They stood for the discharged soldier, the wounded and the

maimed, and would see that they were kept in a condition worthy of

the nation for which they had been fighting. (Hear, hear.) That

would be done without the taint of charity or pauperism. (Hear,

hear.) So far as he could see, the Government's scheme for

discharged soldiers was free insurance, a month's furlough, and

thirteen weeks' out of work pay if they could not obtain

employment. The Labour Party demanded that they should be returned

to civil life and kept out of the State until employment was found

for them at Trade Union rate of wages. (Hear, hear.) They stood for

the bringing into operation at once of the Home Rule Act, and to

see that justice was done to all and injustice to no one. They

asked for a living wage for all workers, and their class having

made the sacrifice they had--and he did not say the other classes

had not done their bit--was not going back to pre-war conditions.

Touching upon agriculture, Mr. Edwards said the Labour Party were

going in for a wage which would enable parents to raise up healthy

children. The first function of the party when it came into power

was to see that a long neglected class was lifted up above the

poverty line on which it had for so long existed. Everything had to

come from the land, and if the farmer was to pay a living wage

agriculture must be so reorganized that he could do so. The first

thing was the farmer must have security of tenure; this he had not

had, and he had not been encouraged to get the best out of the

land. (Hear, hear.) There must be security of tenure for the

farmers, and although he was a Free Trader, he should be in favour

of the clause of the Corn Production Act being strengthened so that

the farmer could pay the wage which might be fixed from time to

time. He did not suppose he should live to see it, but he wanted

the land nationalized. (Cheers.) He, however, wanted to see the

antiquated land laws repealed. Mr. Edwards also touched upon the

housing question, and remarked that if Governments could find money

for war they could find money for houses. Proper medical attention

must be put within the reach of the poorest, and the National

Insurance Act must be radically altered, and there should be State

paid medical attendants. (Hear, hear.) He also advocated better

wages for teachers, who were the greatest moulders of character in

the country.

The campaign commenced in all earnestness. Meetings were arranged

throughout the constituency, but at this time no other candidate was in

the field. Mr. Soames, the Liberal Member for the old South Norfolk

Division, had informed the Liberal Party that he did not intend to seek

re-election, and it appeared for some days that I was not going to have

an opponent at all. But in due course the two political parties combined

to find an opponent in the person of the Hon. W. H. Cozens-Hardy, son of

the late Lord Cozens-Hardy, and a most honourable opponent he was. It

soon became evident that, while the fight would be fierce, it would be

fought on clean and honourable lines. We both decided that we would

fight on principles alone, and that we ourselves would not indulge in

personalities, nor would we allow any of our supporters to do so. This

we both carried out to the very letter. On one occasion we occupied the

same pitch. I spoke for ten minutes first and he spoke for the next ten

minutes, which was the allotted time of the meeting, it being held at

the factory gates at the dinner hour. This spirit was manifest right

through the contest. On the nomination day we both met in the Returning

Officer's room and had a very friendly chat and arranged if possible to

lunch together on the day of the poll at Diss. This arrangement,

however, I was unable to carry out, as my motor failed me on my way and

made me late. There is one peculiar feature about this contest. My

opponent was the eldest son of the man, Mr. Herbert Cozens-Hardy, for

whom I had worked so strenuously in 1885 as a Liberal and whom I had

helped to win. For doing so I had lost my situation, been turned out of

my house and, as stated before, had been compelled to travel twelve

miles a day to work as an agricultural labourer.

During the contest I received valuable help from my honorary agent, Mr.

Edwin G. Gooch of Wymondham, a well-known Norfolk journalist and now a

Justice of the Peace, a member of the County Council and other public

bodies and Hon. Secretary to the South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party,

who undertook the agency without promise of any fee or reward. The women

in Wymondham and the men rendered magnificent work. All the envelopes

were addressed and the addresses folded voluntarily. The local men

supplied the platform with speakers. I also had the assistance amongst

other visitors of the Rev. F. Softly from Fakenham and the Rev.

Starling, and amongst my most earnest local workers were Messrs. W. J.

Byles, J. Long, A. H. Cunnell, H. T. Phoenix, A. V. Gooch, George Mayes

and E. A. Beck. More than passing interest was attached to the support I

received from the Earl of Kimberley. During the contest I made my home

with Mrs. J. Long at Wymondham, who looked after me with great care. A

few days before the election I issued my address as follows:--

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,

I am invited by the South Norfolk Divisional Labour Party to

contest the Division at the coming General Election, and consider

it my duty to accept the invitation in the interests of Labour and

Progressive Thought.

My full address will shortly be in your hands. Meanwhile may I

briefly state my policy?

I stand for a League of Nations and reconstruction on sound

principles, without reverting to the old unjust social system of

pre-war days; for a just and generous provision for the discharged

soldiers and sailors and their dependents, apart from either

charity or Poor Law; for the prompt carrying through of a

comprehensive national measure of housing and a national system of

education.

Full provision must be made for the reinstatement in civil

employment on demobilization at Trade Union rate of wages and

complete security against unemployment of all civil war-workers

about to be discharged, and those whom the dislocation of industry

will throw out of work. There must be a complete fulfilment of the

nation's pledges to Trade Unions.

The complete restoration of freedom of speech and political action,

with protection against victimization. The immediate abolition of

all forms of compulsory military service.

Adult suffrage and equal rights of voting for both sexes. The

immediate establishment of the fullest measure of Home Rule for

Ireland. Full national control of all means of transport, and the

retention by the State of all coal and iron mines, and all the

means of production, distribution and exchange.

The reorganization of agriculture and rural life in such a way as

shall secure to the agricultural labourer a living wage that will

lift him above the poverty line and the fear of penury and want,

but if this is to be done agriculture must be so reorganized that

it will secure to the farmer conditions that will enable him to

meet it. I therefore favour first the strengthening of the clause

in the Corn Production Act, and fixing the prices of his produce at

a figure that will enable him to pay a living wage for his labour

as fixed by the Wages Boards from time to time. I am also in favour

of so controlling the price of his feeding stuffs, seeds, and raw

material that will prevent the profiteer from taking advantage of

his needs in carrying on his industry. If the land of this country

is to be brought back into a proper state of cultivation and be

made to produce all the food it is capable of, then the farmer must

have absolute security of tenure. All antiquated land laws must be

abolished. There must also be drastic reform in our Game Laws.

There must be a drastic alteration in the Small Holding and

Allotment Acts. The small holder must be able to get his holding on

the same terms as the large farmer. I am in favour of credit banks

and a short credit system to enable the holder and the farmer to

pay ready money for their goods.

The cruel and antiquated Poor Law must be abolished. A pension

should be given to the poor widow with a family. There must be such

a revision of pension rates and ages for eligibility for old age

pensions as would enable the recipients to live in decency and

comfort. A proper and adequate medical treatment ought to be

secured to the poor, which in my judgment could be best obtained by

a State medical service.

I appeal for your support on the grounds of the long public service

I have rendered to the people by my work on many public

authorities, especially during the last four years. Should you do

me the honour of returning me as your member I will continue to

work in this new sphere in the interests of the great toiling

masses to which I belong, and in whose interests all the best years

of my life have been given.

Yours faithfully,

GEORGE EDWARDS.

WYMONDHAM,

DECEMBER 1918.

I had magnificent and most enthusiastic meetings all through the

campaign and had little or no opposition. It was generally agreed that I

had by far the best meetings. I had, however, the whole force of the two

political parties against me, and some of the members of my own Church

in the Division were my bitterest opponents. But in spite of the good

reception I had an impression all through the campaign that I was

fighting a losing battle. I did not, however, let anyone of my friends

know what I thought of the matter, but braced them all up. The only

person I related my thoughts to was my dear niece, who gave me all the

encouragement she could and stood by my side. The election took place on

December 4th, but we had to wait until December 28th before the votes

were counted. Directly after the election my niece Mrs. Kernick and

myself went back to our own little home at Fakenham and anxiously waited

for the day of the count to arrive. When December 28th arrived we were

up early in the morning and made preparations to leave for Norwich where

the votes were to be counted. We left Fakenham by the 9.45 a.m. train

and arrived at the Shirehouse just after the counting had commenced. The

counting had not gone far before I realized that my fears all during the

contest were fulfilled and that, although I had fought a good fight for

the principles I held to be good, I had been badly beaten and that the

combined forces of reaction were too much for me. At four o'clock the

counting was finished and the result was as follows:--

W. H. Cozens-Hardy 11,755

G. Edwards 6,596

------

Coalition majority 5,159

After the declaration of the poll my friends and I returned to

Wymondham and made for the Fairland Hall, which was packed. The meeting

was of such a character as had never been held there before within the

memory of man. It was attended by the leaders of all political parties;

the Rev. E. Russell was in the chair. On one side of him was the

victorious candidate and on the other side of him was myself, the

defeated candidate. A resolution of congratulation was moved to the

member, which I supported. A resolution was moved and carried thanking

both candidates and the leaders of both parties for the clean and

friendly fight we had made, neither candidate ever having said an unkind

word towards each other, and it was expressed by both sides that we had

lifted the political life of South Norfolk on to a high level. Thus we

finished, as we had commenced, in a most friendly spirit. That election

of 1918 in South Norfolk will rank as the cleanest and purest political

fight that was ever fought.

The meeting being over, I returned to my home at Fakenham, no one

knowing but my niece the effect it had had on me. No one knew the strain

it was upon me to attend that meeting, but I intended to be brave and

manly. It had made its mark which was soon to make itself manifest. As

soon as possible I sent the following letter of thanks to all my

supporters and voluntary workers:--

PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION, DECEMBER 1918.

_To the Labour Party Workers in South Norfolk._

DEAR SIR OR MADAM,

I embrace this opportunity of thanking you for the valuable help

you rendered me during the recent election.

No candidate ever had a band of more loyal supporters, and I trust

your great devotion to the Party will be recompensed by victory in

the days that are to come. The ideals for which we stand are of the

highest, but the forces of reaction were too strong for us this

time. The time will come, however, when democracy will assert

itself and the principles of righteousness and truth, for which we

stand, will yet triumph.

My one hope is that you will go forth with renewed vigour,

organize your forces, exercise patience and sweet reasonableness. I

hope to live to see South Norfolk go solid for Labour.

Again thanking you for your support, and with best wishes for the

New Year,

I am,

Yours faithfully,

GEORGE EDWARDS.

7 Lichfield Street,

Queen's Road, Fakenham,

_January 1919._

As days went by my life told its tale upon me. I tried to be brave. I

even endeavoured to hide my trouble from my niece, but her keen eye and

affection and deep sympathy for me detected it and she feared the worst.

But no one knew my pain outside of my home. I had, however, one little

brightness brought into my life in this time of sorrow. In December I

received a notice from the Secretary of State that the Prime Minister

had recommended me to the King for the distinction of the Grand Order of

the British Empire, known as the O.B.E. On January 3rd I was gazetted as

O.B.E., and my name appeared among the list of Honours. In due course I

received a command from the Lord Chamberlain to appear at Buckingham

Palace in February to receive the decoration at the hands of the King.

My niece feared that I should not be able to stand the journey. I also

had my doubts. I took her with me. Within a few hours, however, after I

left the Palace I broke down. My strength would hold out no longer and I

had to keep in bed at the hotel where I was staying for a few days. I

was, however, determined to get to my own home and took the risk and

travelled home to Fakenham. On my return home I went to bed. The doctor

was sent for and he considered I was in a very weak state. But with his

skill and the good nursing of my niece I was able to get about again

within a month, but was not allowed to do any public work for some

time. But as the spring came along I grew stronger and was enabled to

resume my public work, and late in the summer of 1919 the South Norfolk

Divisional Labour Party sent me an invitation to contest the Division

again in the Labour interest, as there was a rumour that the member's

father, Lord Cozens-Hardy, was very ill and could not live long, and in

that case there would have to be a bye-election since the member would

be raised to the Peerage. I gave the matter very serious consideration.

I consulted my doctor, and he considered it would be absolutely unsafe

for me to undertake another parliamentary contest. I had already fresh

local duties, for in the spring I was elected on the Fakenham Parish

Council and was elected its chairman, and, further, not being able to

accomplish my desire in 1918, namely to finish my life's work in the

House of Commons, I had no further desire to enter Parliament, but was

anxious to finish my life's work in doing local work. I therefore

decided not to accept the invitation, but to leave that part of public

work to younger men, and on September 23, 1919, I wrote declining the

invitation in a letter to Mr. Gooch, the Party's honorary agent.

During the autumn of 1919 I addressed several meetings for the Union,

and also devoted much time to local public work, the duties of which

increased rapidly. My health improved and I gained a good deal of

strength. The condition of my heart, however, caused the doctor a good

deal of anxiety. The Divisional Labour Party decided that they would not

let the seat go uncontested, and at a special meeting of the Party on

May 29, 1920, passed a resolution asking the Labourers' Union again to

find a candidate to contest the Division whenever the election took

place. The Union had already taken a ballot for candidates for the next

General Election. Accordingly they sent Mr. W. Holmes down to meet the

Divisional Party. The Party had also asked for other nominations

besides asking the Union for a candidate, and the following persons were

nominated: Mr. W. B. Taylor, Mr. T. G. Higdon, Mr. William G. Codling,

and Mr. E. G. Gooch. Mr. Codling did not attend, and Mr. Gooch withdrew.

Each of the other nominees addressed the delegates. I presided over the

meeting. After each one of the men had given their views and been

closely questioned, they were asked to retire, and, on the vote being

taken, Mr. Taylor received 40 votes, Mr. Holmes 16, Mr. Higdon 1. Mr.

Taylor was declared elected and, after a vote had been passed to me for

presiding and Mr. Taylor had been finally endorsed, the meeting

separated. Mr. Taylor at once commenced a campaign, and a subscription

list was opened. He not being the Union's official candidate, the Union

had no financial liability; in fact, they could not contribute to his

fund. He made good progress, however, and the agent succeeded in raising

several pounds, and I think if there had been no by-election by the time

the General Election came they would have raised a very considerable

sum. But Lord Cozens-Hardy died in June and a by-election had to take

place. This found the Party altogether unprepared for the fight. A

special meeting of the Party was called, and they decided to withdraw

from the election and concentrate on the General Election. The other two

political parties had selected their candidates. Mr. C. H. Roberts was

standing for the Independent Liberals, and Mr. J. H. Batty was standing

for the Coalition-Liberals, and both candidates had got their campaigns

in full swing. The Liberal candidate was delighted at the withdrawal,

and predicted that he would win. There was, however, a class of people

who were not at all pleased at Labour not fighting, and they showed

their displeasure by writing to the Executive of the Labourers' Union

and demanding that they should put a candidate of their own into the

field, threatening that if they did not they would leave the Union. The

Executive decided to call a conference of delegates from every branch

of the Union in the Division at Wymondham. The Norfolk members of the

Executive with the President attended the conference with power to act.

They also decided to invite the Executive of the Divisional Labour Party

to attend. The meeting was held in the Labour Institute. Every branch of

the Union in the Division was represented. The President, in a lengthy

speech, pointed out the difficulties, considering that the contest had

already commenced and the writ been issued, and he invited the delegates

to express their views. With one voice they requested that the Union

should put a candidate into the field, many of the delegates declaring

that, if we did not contest, their members would leave the Union. They

were also unanimous in their view that the seat could be won for Labour.

A resolution was moved that the Union be requested to put a candidate

into the field and that the Executive of the Divisional Labour Party be

invited to co-operate. This was carried with the greatest enthusiasm,

everyone standing and cheering to the echo. Then the question was asked

by the President who was to be the man, and the delegates at once said

there was only one man that could fight and win, and that was "their

George" (as they were so fond of calling me and as I like that they

should). I pointed out to them my age and my weakness, which they would

find a disadvantage to them in the contest. They said they would be

prepared to meet that if I would but consent to stand, for with me they

were sure they could win, and further, they would do all the work, and I

should have nothing to trouble me but to speak at the meetings. With

this promise I replied that if they could win the seat for Labour with

me as their candidate, then I was at their service. This was received

with loud cheering. All the ladies present volunteered at once for work

in connection with issuing my address, etc. Mr. W. B. Taylor, J.P.,

C.C., who had retired from the contest, at once volunteered to render

all the help he could and promised to enter the fight with the same

enthusiasm as if he had been the candidate. Mr. Edwin Gooch promised to

undertake the honorary agency as before, and my dear friend, the

President of the Union, Mr. W. R. Smith, who I am so fond of calling "My

Boy," undertook to throw all his influence into the contest by

addressing meetings and looking after me at the meetings and not

allowing me to overtax my strength.

The press had got a hint that, after all, Labour was not going to let

the seat go by default and that a meeting was being held for that

purpose. They had, therefore, got their reporters to gather up the first

information of what had taken place. But the public had not the

slightest idea previously who would be the candidate, and were taken by

surprise. The news was flashed over the wires to the furthest parts of

the country. On the Monday morning the papers had great headlines:

"George Edwards enters the Fight." Leading articles were written on the

matter, all agreeing that I was the strongest local candidate Labour

could bring into the field, and it became evident at once that there

would be the greatest interest taken in the contest. It also created a

great surprise in the camps of the two opposing political parties. After

the conference was over I journeyed to Stow Bedon to attend a

demonstration in connection with the Agricultural Labourers' Union at

which I had been announced to speak. Here I made my first election

speech, as we naturally turned this to some political account. The

chairman, Mr. H. T. Phoenix, announced that I had that day been adopted

as the Labour candidate. I was accompanied to this meeting by Mr. and

Mrs. Gooch and a whole host of Wymondham friends. Mr. W. B. Taylor and

the Rev. P. S. Carden, the esteemed minister of the Scott Memorial

Church, Norwich, also spoke at this meeting. The meeting was most

enthusiastic. After the meeting was over I journeyed back to Wymondham

and again made my home at Mr. and Mrs. Long's. Although the next day

was Sunday, we were compelled to devote a large part of it to making

arrangements. The election had already been in progress for over a week.

We had therefore much ground to make up. A plan of campaign was mapped

out and all arrangements made to commence the campaign the next day. My

address was got ready to print the next day, and by the Tuesday it was

published. On the Monday we opened the campaign at Hethersett and Little

Melton. I had with me Mr. G. E. Hewitt, Mr. Long and Mr. E. A. Beck.

Although the meetings were only announced that morning they were crowded

and most enthusiastic. For some unaccountable reason I had a clear

vision from the very first that we should win and I never lost heart,

which was so different to the General Election. The Liberals grew very

angry at my appearance on the scene, as they said I could not possibly

win and that I should let the Coalition candidate in. We pushed on,

however, with great vigour. Helpers came forward in great numbers. The

Earl of Kimberley again came forward as he had done at the General

Election and helped in every way possible, rendering most valuable

service during the contest. My address caused a great deal of

discussion, as it embraced the entire programme of the Party. It was as

follows:--

SOUTH NORFOLK PARLIAMENTARY BYE-ELECTION.

TUESDAY, JULY 27TH, 1920.

_To the Electors._

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,

Owing to the lamented death of Lord Cozens-Hardy and the elevation

of the Hon. W. H. Cozens-Hardy to the Peerage, a vacancy has

occurred in this Division. At the unanimous request of the branches

of the National Agricultural Labourers' Union in South Norfolk,

endorsed by the Divisional and National Labour Parties, I have

consented to stand as Labour candidate for the Division and have

pleasure in submitting the following statements of my principles

and policy.

THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT AND HIGH PRICES.

Although the Government has been in office for more than eighteen

months nothing has been done to reduce the cost of living, which

presses so hardly on all classes of the population. Every housewife

knows prices still tend in an upward direction. The only policy

likely to affect prices is the Labour policy of a strict limitation

of profits, stringent control and nationalization. I strongly

condemn the policy of waste of the present Government.

NATIONAL FINANCE.

The war having left a huge burden of debt on the country amounting

to over 8,000 million pounds, it will be easily recognized that

this constitutes a terrible menace to the trade of the country and

to the earning capacity in real wages of the workers. I advocate a

levy of the fortunes of the wealthy people in preference to the

taxing of the food and other necessities of the workers. Those who

have made huge profits out of the sorrow and suffering of war

should be compelled to disgorge this wealth, and so relieve the

nation of a burden which will otherwise be too heavy to sustain.

MINES, RAILWAYS, ETC.

I shall support all reasonable efforts to secure for the nation the

public ownership of all key services, such as mines, railways,

canals, shipping, transport and the supply of power.

FOREIGN POLICY.

The foreign policy of the Government stands condemned. I favour the

establishment of a league of free peoples, _peace with Russia_,

open diplomacy and self-determination for all nations, _including

Ireland_.

AGRICULTURE.

The Labour Party's policy for agriculture is based upon the

national ownership of land. Agriculture must become the first

consideration of the State. A standard living wage, a statutory

working week, and the abolition of the tied cottage would enable

the land worker to enjoy equally with other workers opportunities

for individual recreation and development. Land for small holdings

must be obtained easily and cheaply, and co-operation amongst small

holders assisted and developed.

SECURITY OF TENURE.

If the land is to be brought back into a proper state of

cultivation and be made to produce all the food it is capable of,

then the farmer must have security of tenure. I should, however,

insist on proper cultivation of land and the employment of a

sufficient number of efficient labourers to do so. In order to

enforce this I should place even more drastic power in the hands of

the Agricultural Councils than they now possess.

ELEVATION OF WOMANHOOD.

I am in favour of the immediate establishment of a pensions scheme

for all widows with dependent children; the endowment of motherhood

and the extension of the franchise to women as it is or may be

granted to men.

HOUSING QUESTION.

The prompt carrying through of a comprehensive national measure of

housing, the local authorities being everywhere required to make

good the whole of the existing shortage in well-planned,

well-built, commodious and healthy homes for the entire population,

assisted by National Exchequer grants sufficient in amount to

prevent any charge falling on the local rates.

UNEMPLOYMENT AND THE RIGHT TO WORK.

I should use every endeavour to secure the right to work for all.

Industry must be organized to provide for opportunities of service

for all. Failing such a system full maintenance must be guaranteed

by the State. I favour drastic amendments to the Insurance Acts.

EX-SERVICE MEN.

The Government have treated the sailors and soldiers and their

dependants with meanness. The Labour Party is pledged to just and

generous treatment to all ex-service men with regard to pensions,

medical and surgical treatment, reinstatement in civil employment

at Trade Union rates of wages, and complete security against

involuntary unemployment. Owing to the rising cost of living I

should press for an immediate increase on present pension rates.

OLD AGE PENSIONS.

There must be such a revision of pension rates and ages for

eligibility for old age pensions as would enable the recipients to

live in decency and comfort.

CONCLUSION.

I appeal, as a Norfolk man, for your support on the grounds of the

long public service I have rendered to the people by my work on

many public authorities, especially during the last five years.

Should you do me the honour of returning me as your member I will

continue to work in this new sphere in the interests of the great

toiling masses to which I belong, and in whose interests all the

best years of my life have been given.

Yours very sincerely,

GEORGE EDWARDS.

WYMONDHAM,

_July 1920._

P.S.--I cannot hope to get round before polling day to every town

and village, but I do beg every working man and woman to go to the

poll and vote _against_ the _waste_ of the _Government_ and the

high cost of living. It is the only lesson to which they will

listen.

I kept to my programme all through the campaign. One amusing tribute was

paid to me at one of my opponent's (Mr. Batty's) meetings by one of his

supporters, Major Kennedy, who said I was as good a fellow as ever

walked. But he was anxious about me for, if I was elected, I should feel

so out of place having to wear a frock coat and silk top hat. Another

amusing thing happened. One of the lady canvassers for my opponent,

anxious to enhance the cause of her candidate, said I was a dear old

man, but it would be cruel to send me to Parliament at my age. All this,

however, although not intended, was to my interest and, as the election

day drew near, our people became more enthusiastic and my opponents

began to realize that they had not got so easy a job as they had

anticipated. The Independent Liberals kept encouraging their supporters

by declaring they were sure they were winning; in fact, the night before

the poll one of their speakers declared at Watton that they had won.

They counted their chickens before they were hatched. The night before

the poll our meetings were attended by hundreds and speakers flocked to

our platform. At Attleborough we had Mr. J. Mills, M.P., and other local

speakers. Mr. W. S. Royce, M.P., Lord Kimberley and Mr. Smith, M.P.,

were at Wymondham, and held the fort until I arrived. My old friend and

constant companion during the contest, Mr. G. E. Hewitt, J.P., C.C.,

accompanied me to my meetings. I spoke with him at three meetings. We

made our way to Great Hockham and addressed a large meeting there, and

then on to Attleborough, where we met with a tremendous reception. In

this place at the General Election I could scarcely get a hearing.

My opponent, Mr. Batty, was also holding a meeting at the same place,

but out of respect for me, on my arrival he adjourned his meeting until

I had spoken and left the meeting and came and stood amongst my

audience. Having spoken there I made my way to Wymondham. On arriving at

the town I was met by the band of the Discharged Soldiers' and Sailors'

Federation and a large number of my supporters, who played me up to the

Fairland, the place of meeting, where there were upwards of 1,500 people

waiting to receive me, and I was given a wonderful reception.

On the polling day my agent, Mr. Gooch, Mr. W. B. Taylor and I set out

for a tour through the constituency. All went well until we arrived at

Shotesham Common, when the motor broke down. Here we had to wait at this

lonely spot for three hours until another motor arrived, when we renewed

our journey. Everywhere we went we were received with the greatest

enthusiasm. We found our colour (green) most prominent. That was the

colour I had adopted, being the colour of the Union. On our return to

Wymondham we were met by crowds. We found the Earl of Kimberley hard at

work with his motor gaily trimmed with our colour. He had also put two

waggons on the road to fetch up distant voters. Mr. Royce, M.P., had

lent us his motor, which rendered us splendid service. At the close of

the poll our people were confident we had won. They assembled at the

Labour Institute, where a most enthusiastic meeting was held. The next

day I returned to my home to wait patiently until August 9th, when the

votes were to be counted. I was confident, however, that we had won. The

whole contest was most pleasant. Everyone seemed so confident and worked

with such good will and hope. I look back to this contest with the most

pleasant memories. I am afraid there was a good deal of betting about

the result, not amongst my supporters, but amongst the outside people.

CHAPTER XVIII

PARLIAMENT

The votes were counted at the Shirehouse, Norwich, on Monday August 9th.

My niece and I were early astir and we decorated ourselves with the

party colour. My neighbour presented me with a little toy black cat for

luck. Another sent me a small horseshoe.

On arriving at the Shirehouse I found my agent and my close friend, Mr.

W. R. Smith, all smiles and in close conversation, as the counting had

been proceeding some time before my arrival. One of the other candidates

had arrived before me, Mr. C. H. Roberts with Lady Roberts. Soon after

my arrival the other candidate, Mr. Batty, arrived, and we three gave

each other the usual friendly greeting. By a quarter to one it was

evident I was well ahead and that it was not possible that either of the

other candidates could win. About a quarter to two the counting was

completed and the High Sheriff announced the figures.

It will be seen by the figures that Mr. Batty, the Co.-Liberal, did not

receive as many votes by sixty as I did at the General Election. Thus

there was a great turnover in public opinion against the Government, for

if you add Mr. Roberts' total to mine, it makes a majority of over five

thousand against the Government. After the figures were given the High

Sheriff announced them outside, and there was a cheer from my supporters

whom I briefly thanked.

The figures were as follows:--

George Edwards 8,594

J. H. Batty (Co.-Lib.) 6,476

C. H. Roberts (Free Lib.) 3,718

-----

Labour majority 2,118

The following is a press report of the speeches after the declaration:--

The customary vote of thanks was moved inside the Council Chamber

by Mr. Edwards. He spoke of the Acting Returning Officer as a most

impartial, kind, and painstaking officer. As for my opponents, he

went on, we have had a most pleasant contest. I do not think any

one of the three has said a word or done anything that he would

have to regret. When the General Election comes Labour cannot wish

to have more honourable opponents than it has met on this occasion.

This victory that we have secured is not a personal victory. It has

been won by a noble band of men and women who have done their best

to win success for the principles they hold dear. I shall be loyal

to the principles that these noble men and women have fought for.

Mr. Batty seconded the motion. They were all most grateful to the

Returning Officer and his staff, and they hoped for Mr. Edwards'

sake it might be a long time before there was another election in

South Norfolk. He added: It was a personal pleasure to me to be

able to congratulate Mr. Edwards. It was not until this morning

that I had the pleasure of shaking his hand. I cannot but feel that

in some respects Mr. Edwards' opinion is not quite correct. I am

inclined to think that the result is somewhat of a personal tribute

to his lifelong work in the constituency. I congratulate him, and I

am sure my friend Mr. Roberts joins with me in this respect on his

thus receiving the crown of his life's work, and I hope he may be

spared long to enjoy it.

Mr. Roberts, in supporting the motion, said he agreed with Mr.

Edwards that the contest had been fought fairly and without

bitterness. He gladly took the opportunity of offering Mr. Edwards

his personal congratulations. The result of the election must be a

satisfaction to Mr. Edwards, not only because it meant a victory

for his principles, but because it was a mark of the esteem and

confidence of his friends and neighbours.

The Acting Returning Officer made a brief reply.

In the course of a press interview after the declaration I said:--

Labour has won a splendid victory. I do not look upon this result

as a personal tribute, but as a victory for Labour principles, and

a warning to the Government to clear out and make room for those

who will run the country better. This is practically the first

agricultural constituency in England to return a Labour member to

Parliament, and I shall be the second _bona fide_ agricultural

representative to sit in the House. The first was Joe Arch, with

whom I worked in the old days.

After the poll was declared I returned to Wymondham, where I found a

large number of telegrams awaiting me, and at seven o'clock a large

number gathered at the Fairland Hall to hold a congratulation meeting. I

returned home to Fakenham in the morning, where I found another large

batch of telegrams waiting. I also received numbers of letters of

congratulation, many of them from my political opponents.

On Tuesday August 11th I attended the funeral of the late Mr. Sancroft

Holmes (Chairman of the Norfolk County Council) who a few days before

had died in my presence at Holkham Hall when attending an Advisory

Committee for the nomination of magistrates for the County of Norfolk,

of which we were both members. My niece and I both returned to Wymondham

that night in readiness to proceed to London the next day for me to take

my seat.

On Wednesday morning we were early astir ready for our journey. From the

Monday to the Wednesday morning I had not really realized that I was

actually a Member of Parliament. It was brought home to me, however,

when I had to get ready to proceed to London, and then, strange as it

may seem, instead of my being full of joy, I actually broke down with

the deepest emotion. I cannot account for it, but it was so, and the

first words that I could utter were a desire that my poor dear wife

could know. I also offered a fervent prayer that God would keep me

humble and that I might always remain the same George Edwards, the

agricultural labourer. This might appear to be approaching very near to

cant, but it was sincere and I have tried to live it out.

A little band left Wymondham by the 9 a.m. train. I was accompanied by

my faithful agent Mr. Gooch and Mrs. Gooch, Mr. W. B. Taylor, Mr. J.

Smith (Secretary of the Wymondham Local Labour Party) and Mrs. Smith and

my niece, Mrs. Kernick. We arrived at Liverpool Street Station a little

after 12 a.m. and were due at the House of Commons at two o'clock. At

the House we found Mr. W. R. Smith waiting for us in the outer lobby,

but before we reached the House we were caught by several camera men.

Tickets for the gallery had been secured by Mr. Smith for my friends to

enable them to witness me walk up the House and take the oath.

Punctually at a quarter to four, after question time, the Speaker asked

the usual question on these occasions--if there were any new members

desirous of taking their seats? Then came the ordeal. Accompanied by Mr.

Smith and the late Mr. Tyson Wilson, who was Chief Whip of the Labour

Party at the time, I walked up to the clerk's table and took the oath

and signed the Roll Book and shook hands with the Speaker and then took

my seat amidst the cheers of my friends, one singing "The Farmer's Boy."

My friend Mr. Smith said it was the proudest day of his life when he

conducted me up the House. Such is the close friendship that exists

between us.

A peculiar incident happened when I signed the book. In my nervousness I

had one of my feet lifted up, and the Premier, Mr. Lloyd George,

unconsciously put his foot underneath mine, and when I placed my foot

down I put it on to his. I have since joked him concerning the incident

several times.

After a few minutes my friends and I went down on to the terrace and had

tea, and the first to come and congratulate me was my first opponent,

Lord Cozens-Hardy.

I stayed in London until the Friday when I returned to Wymondham. On the

Saturday I went to Norwich and attended to my County Council Committee

work, where I received most hearty congratulations from my colleagues on

the Council. But a greater surprise was awaiting me on my return to

Fakenham in the evening. Arriving at the Great Eastern Station by the

quarter to eight train I found waiting for me a large number of my

fellow townsmen of all shades of political thought, the Fakenham Town

Band and a conveyance to take me to the Market Square. This was drawn by

hand. I was practically lifted into the conveyance and by my side was my

little adopted child. The band headed the procession and played "See the

Conquering Hero Comes." The streets were lined with spectators and when

the Market Square was reached there were crowds waiting to give me a

reception. It was considered that there were over two thousand people

present. The conveyance was drawn into the square and a congratulation

speech was made by my friend Mr. Robert Watson. Mr. Walker of the

Printers' Union presided and addresses were also given by Mr. H. Allen

and others. I thanked the people for the kind reception they had given

me, which was the greatest joy of my life, to receive such a welcome by

my neighbours in my own native town. A full report of the affair was

given in the _Eastern Daily Press_ on the Monday with some very nice

comments. The report was headed "The Warrior's Return."

The House adjourned on Monday August 16th and I settled down for my

well-earned rest, but the request from the Christian Churches to conduct

special religious services was greater than I could possibly comply

with. As soon as harvest operations were completed and I had had a nice

rest I took a tour through my constituency and thanked my supporters for

the support they had given to the noble cause of Labour. I was received

everywhere with the greatest kindness and enthusiasm.

On October 19th the House reassembled for the Autumn Session, and I

returned to London to attend to my duties, and on October 21st there was

a debate on the unemployment question. I followed the Minister of Labour

and made my maiden speech as follows:--

I have listened very attentively to the speech of the right hon.

gentleman. I am not so much concerned with the description he gave

us of the state of unemployment as I am with the fact that there

are unemployed and a lack of provision made for them to find

employment--especially among ex-service men. I find that my right

hon. friend is very anxious to lay the responsibility for the

unemployment and the lack of provision for the unemployed upon

everyone except the Government. He dealt with the housing question,

and he made a great point of the fact that housing is being delayed

in consequence of the conduct of the Trade Unionists in the

building industry. But he did not tell the House that the Trade

Union workers in the trade offered that if the Government will

guarantee there shall be no unemployed in their trade they will

remove the restrictions of which he complains. The point I want to

come to is this--the delay in erecting houses for ex-service men

and for the working class in this country lies at the door of the

Government. What are the facts? I speak with some knowledge. The

Minister of Health, or the Government through him, pressed on the

local authorities the responsibility of providing houses under the

Act, and I say without hesitation that the local authorities--and

all credit is due to them--undertook that responsibility. It has

become notorious how their action has been defeated. Take my own

area.

We decided to erect 350 houses. We prepared our plans and put out

our contracts. We erected a number of houses for the working

classes. We were told by the Government that in deciding on the

rents we were to fix such a rent as we deemed reasonable according

to wages earned in the district. We fixed the rents, as some of us

think, rather too high. We had full local knowledge. We said that

for a six-roomed house the rent should be L20 per year, with the

rates on top of that, and for a five-roomed house L14 per year,

plus rates. What did the Minister of Health do? We sent him a

return showing that the earnings of the agricultural labourers in

the district averaged L2 6s. per week, and those of other classes

of workers L3 10s. per week. The Minister came down on top of us

and would not sanction the rents we had fixed. He demanded that the

local authority should charge a man earning L3 10s. per week L1 per

week as rent, and that for the five-roomed house 16s. 6d. per week

should be charged. Do the Government imagine that any local

authority, with its knowledge of the condition of things, would be

content to erect houses and to ask agricultural labourers with

their wives and families to pay a rent of 16s. 6d. per week out of

a wage of L2 6s.? Do they imagine that any local authority will

erect houses for which they are to charge a man earning L3 10s. per

week L1 as rent? Do they imagine that out of the wages they are

earning the men could pay such high rents as that? If they do, I

can only suggest they should experiment on themselves for one month

at least. This bombshell was thrown at the local authorities

throughout the length and breadth of the country, with the result

that they will not touch housing schemes until the Minister of

Health abates his demands in this respect. I maintain that the

responsibility for the delay in erecting houses falls directly upon

the Government, but for whose action house-building might have been

proceeded with, and the present unemployment would not have grown

to the extent it has. Then there is the question of raw material.

The Government were warned in 1918--in the early part of that

year--that there would be a terrible shortage of raw material and

especially of bricks. Labour Exchanges sent resolution after

resolution urging the Government to take steps to reopen the

brickfields which had gone into disuse during the war. We were

laughed at for our efforts in pointing out that there must be a

terrible shortage unless something in this direction was done.

Remember, the unskilled men now waiting for training might have

been put on this work, and the necessary raw material could have

been provided without difficulty. What happened? Those local

authorities which had contracts in hand found that the men had to

stand idle for the lack of raw material. I was very much interested

in a speech made by the Minister of Health in regard to the

agricultural industry. I have a knowledge of this industry. I was

engaged in it for many years, and I remember the time when there

were 950,000 agricultural labourers and others employed on the

land. At the present time there are only 550,000 so employed, and

yet we have in my own county to-day 500 agricultural labourers

standing by for want of work! I heard a question asked of the

Minister of Health why this was so. I think I can give the reply.

It is largely due to the gambling which is now going on in land. It

is also due, in part, to the bad farming which has been prevalent

for many years. That is responsible for the great decrease in the

number of men employed on the land. We ask the Government, as far

as the land question is concerned, to do what they did during the

war, namely to put into force the compulsory clauses of the Defence

of the Realm Act. We have to-day, I believe, between 2,000,000 and

3,000,000 acres of land out of cultivation. We were told the other

day that there were 800,000 acres less under wheat this year, and I

believe I am correct in saying that since the Armistice 80,000

acres of land have gone out of cultivation that were brought under

cultivation during the war. Why do not the Government put into

force the compulsory clauses, and compel those who call the land

theirs to keep it in cultivation? Something has been said about

afforestation. In my own county we have something like 3,000 acres

of land that is useful for that purpose. I do not say, with my

knowledge of agriculture, that all the land is suitable for

producing food; I know it is not; but it will produce something

that the nation wants. That land is now lying derelict. It is only

used as rabbit warrens, because it pays the landlord better to keep

it for game preserving than it does to produce things that we want.

If the Government would step in, and I appeal to them to do so,

they could at once set to work most of this unskilled labour--we

are told that it would require no skill--if they would insist upon

the use of this land for this purpose. I know that it is suitable

for the production of wood, which is greatly needed.

The Government were forewarned of these things. They know that this

land is there ready to produce something. Indeed, I would venture

to state that there is not an acre of land in this country which

does not produce something that the nation needs. All that is

necessary is that the people should have an opportunity of getting

on the land. With regard to the Land Settlement scheme, as a County

Councillor I have had something to do with putting this Act into

force. What are the facts? We were told that there were L8,000,000

set aside for this purpose. So far as my County Council is

concerned--and I think we stand second in the country for putting

the Small Holdings and Allotments Act into force--we were told that

we were to have this money to purchase land. What does the Land

Settlement Act do? It compels us to give inflated prices for the

land, and, having given inflated prices--not pre-war value, but

war-profit value, the price to which it has been run up in the

market by the land gamblers--we are compelled to charge these

ex-service men, these heroes who have fought our battles, and who

were told by the Prime Minister that they should have a land fit

for heroes to live in, where no inhabitants should ever hunger--we

have to charge them a rent that we know full well they will never

be able to pay and get a living. The Government come along and say:

"Yes, we will lend you money, but will charge you 6 per cent. for

it," and we have to charge that back to these poor fellows. In my

own county we have 500 ex-service men who cannot get on the land,

and we have spent all the money the Government will let us have. I

would make an appeal to the right hon. gentleman opposite and to

the Government to take this question seriously. I have spent fifty

years of my life trying to upraise my class. I have endeavoured to

exercise a moderating influence, and I think that up to the present

I have been successful. No one can charge me with being an

extremist. I want, however, to point this out to the Government.

Our influence over men and women may be lessened when they know

that the barns are full and the cupboard is empty. Therefore I ask

them to use all the powers they possess under the Defence of the

Realm Act and to deal at once with this land problem. It can be

dealt with at once. Set these men to work. We do not plead for

doles; we do not plead for charity. What we say is: "In Heaven's

name, find them work!"

During the Autumn Session I never left the House nor missed a Division.

In the middle of November the Agricultural Bill was brought before the

House on its report stage. This received my whole-hearted support in all

its stages and I spoke several times when it was before the House. With

my friends Mr. Royce and Mr. Smith I tried to improve it by moving new

clauses from the point of view of giving the labourer who lived in a

tied cottage some security in his home and, after several interviews

with Sir Arthur Boscawen, the Minister who had charge of the Bill, we

were able to make a little improvement by securing to the labourers

compensation in the shape of a year's rent and expenses of removal if

compelled to leave his cottage at short notice. We also secured to the

tenant farmer some security of tenure or compensation for disturbance

and we also secured a minimum price for his corn and the

re-establishment of the Wage Board for four years, which alas! was so

soon to be abolished by the repeal of the Agricultural Act of 1921.

During the passage of the Agricultural Act we had many late nights. The

last days of the sitting, December 20th and 21st, I never left the House

for thirty-six hours and went into the Division Lobby nearly thirty

times against the Lords Amendments. This concluded my first experience

of the House of Commons.

Soon after my entrance into Parliament I was asked to become a member of

the Industrial Christian Fellowship, an association established by

leaders of the Church of England for the purpose of bringing our

industrial system more into harmony with the principles taught by Christ

Himself and further of endeavouring to create a higher spiritual life in

the great Labour movement and preventing it from becoming too

materialistic. As that had been my ideal all through my long public

life, it at once appealed to me, and I decided to accept the invitation

to become a member of the General Council. The first meeting I attended

and addressed was at Hull. Before going, however, I expressed a wish to

meet members of the Trades and Labour Council. A meeting was arranged

and I found there was a suspicion amongst the Trade Unionists in the

city that there was some ulterior motive behind it. I endeavoured to

dispel this suspicion. My address was entitled "The High Ideals of the

Labour Movement." The large hall was full and the Mayor presided.

In November of the same year (1920) I received an invitation from Canon

Newson to give an address in Newcastle-on-Tyne Cathedral on December

5th. I accepted the invitation and at Newcastle was met at the station

by Canon Newson with whom I stayed the week-end. During the afternoon I

was introduced to the Bishop with whom I had a long talk on the

religious aspect of the movement. In the evening I met members of the

Trades and Labour Council at the Canon's House. On Sunday afternoon I

gave my address on "Religion and Labour" in the cathedral.

This address was listened to with marked attention by a large

congregation. The fact that a layman and a prominent Nonconformist had

been invited to give an address in a cathedral had created widespread

interest. Many of the daily papers gave a long report of my address.

Since then I have spoken in two churches in London on "National

Righteousness." This I think is a sign that there is a great awakening

in the social consciousness of the people and that a spirit of

fellowship and goodwill is abroad such as has never been manifested

before. I consider that I have never been connected with a movement that

was calculated to bring our industrial and social life on to a higher

platform and I wish it God-speed in its good work.

In February 1921 I was invited by His Majesty the King to an afternoon

garden party at Buckingham Palace, and on my being introduced to the

King and His Majesty ascertaining that I came from Norfolk, he expressed

a wish to have a few minutes' talk with me. His Majesty asked me

concerning my early life, also the condition of the people in Norfolk.

The matter was given publicity through the press and the following

appeared in one paper:--

By invitation of their Majesties the King and Queen, Mr. George

Edwards, M.P., attended the afternoon party at Buckingham Palace

last Thursday. Mr. Edwards had the honour of being presented to

their Majesties, and during the afternoon the King expressed a wish

to have some further conversation with the member for South

Norfolk, to whom His Majesty directed inquiries respecting his

early days. The King evinced deep interest in the story Mr. Edwards

told, and later the Queen also invited the member to relate to her

the story of his early struggles.

After cordially greeting Mr. Edwards, the King said he was

interested to know that he came from Norfolk, and inquired if the

member was a native of this county. His Majesty also inquired what

occupation Mr. Edwards' father followed.

The remarkable story of the member's progress from workhouse to

Westminster greatly interested the King, who plied Mr. Edwards with

questions relative to his early life.

Mr. Edwards told His Majesty that he was a native of Norfolk, and

that his father, like himself, was an agricultural labourer. "At

the time of my birth," said Mr. Edwards, "the wages of the

agricultural labourer were 8s. a week, and at the time of the

Crimean War in 1854 the cost of living rose to its highest, but the

wages of the labourer remained stationary."

"And how did you fare?" inquired the King.

"My father and mother had to undergo the greatest privations," Mr.

Edwards replied. "We never had bread enough and the family were fed

largely on turnips which my father brought from his master's field.

At five years of age I was a workhouse boy."

"And this was really the way you lived?" exclaimed the King.

His Majesty was obviously touched by the account given him and

expressed the deepest sympathy.

"One of my own labourers," said the King, "brought up a family on

13s. a week, but this is much worse. How were you educated?"

"I never went to school in my life," said the member. "My wife

first taught me to read, and I put myself in a position to purchase

books by giving up the luxury of tobacco."

His Majesty asked as to the welfare of the labourers to-day and

inquired if they were better off?

"Yes, decidedly," replied Mr. Edwards, "but there is a good deal of

privation now."

The conversation then turned to the position of affairs on His

Majesty's Norfolk estate at Sandringham, the King suggesting that

working conditions there were satisfactory.

Mr. Edwards agreed, and said he desired to express the greatest

appreciation of the efforts of the King in regard to working

conditions at Sandringham. "If all other landlords followed along

the same lines," added Mr. Edwards, "there would be little

trouble."

The King expressed his best wishes for Mr. Edwards' future.

Mr. Edwards had several minutes' conversation with the Queen, who

gave further proof of her interest in the housing of the people.

Her Majesty referred to housing conditions at Sandringham, and Mr.

Edwards expressed appreciation of what had been done for the

labourers on the estate with regard to housing, and remarked that

everything had been done that it was possible to do for the home

comforts of the tenants.

This brings my story almost to a close.

During my time I have seen what amounts almost to a revolution in the

lives of the people. There is no comparison between the life of the

village worker when I was a lad and now. I have seen one Trade Union

spring up and fall. But during its short life, under the leadership of

Joseph Arch, George Rix, Z. Walker and others, it did some wonderful

work for the agricultural workers. Through its influence the labourers

were enfranchised. The District and Parish Council Act was put in force,

and I look back with pleasure at the humble part I was able to take in

this matter. Many years after that, as stated above, I founded the

present Union, and I have lived to see it spread from Norfolk into every

county in England and Wales. It has gone from a little back-room of mine

in a little cottage in which I lived at Gresham to a fine block of

buildings at 72, Acton Street, London. It has accomplished much for the

agricultural labourers. It has entirely altered and brightened up the

monotonous life of the labourer. It has given him a broader outlook on

life and I hope he will let nothing separate him from the Union that has

in so short a time done so much for him, his wife and children.

As in the days of Arch there is again another attempt to divide our

forces by introducing what they call a New Union. This is being done by

those who ought to have known better. Are the labourers going to let

history repeat itself? If so, then all the sacrifice I have made and the

years of labour I have given on their behalf will be thrown away. No, I

cannot believe they will. I have too strong a faith in their good common

sense and in their devotion and gratitude towards those who laboured so

hard for them to be led away by the platitudes of some new-born friends.

In presenting my readers with my life-story let me ask them, especially

the young readers, as they read it to watch carefully my limitations and

failings (and they will detect many), to study them attentively, and in

starting out in life to try and avoid them. Also, whatever they may see

in the story that is worthy to be followed, let them try to follow it.

They are starting life now, thank God, under much better circumstances

than I did.

As they read the facts here related they will notice a touch of sadness

running through it all. They will also notice the many bitter struggles

I have had coming along this somewhat rugged road of life; how I have

battled to lift myself above my environment; how I have laboured to

educate myself and to inform myself on all public questions, and I hope

they will also detect a burning desire from the first to use the

knowledge I had obtained for the benefit of my own class, as I hope,

with some amount of success. They will, I trust, gather from the early

pages of this story that the sufferings of my parents and the privations

that they underwent for their children had branded themselves on my soul

like a hot iron and that from my very early days I became determined to

do all I could to make the life of my own class much brighter and better

than it was in those dark days.

As I look back on the years of the past and the events in my life I am

mystified. I cannot understand what has been the overruling power in my

life. As the reader will see, disappointments have been my lot over and

over again. Many times in the hour of disappointment, smarting under

what I felt to be the ingratitude of the class for whom I made so much

sacrifice, I have said I could never again make any attempt to help

them. Yet as often as I have said that some overpowering force compelled

me to re-enter the field.

There is, however, a secret behind all this and a reason for the success

that has crowned my labours although late in life. First the loving and

devoted wife it was my fortune to have. Never on any occasion, whatever

her own feelings might be, did she sound one despondent note; but in my

hours of depression would always give me a word of encouragement.

Although her death cast a great sadness on my life, yet at the opportune

moment there was light in the darkness, for at her death her niece, Mrs.

Kenrick, who is so much like her in character and, if it could be

possible, even more sympathetic, offered to come and look after me as

she has done for these last ten years. She has entered into all my

public life and has made my life brighter than it could otherwise have

been and made the road to success much easier.

Another cause of the success in my life has been the strong character I

have been able to build up by embracing Christian principles and my

strong faith in the great sacrificial life of Christ who gave His life

for the cause of humanity. It has enabled me to put my best into

everything I have taken in hand, and I would like to impress upon my

readers that in my opinion that is the only true road to success in

life. I am sure it has been the real cause of my being able to

accomplish what I have in the cause to which I have devoted so much of

my life.

Amidst all the turmoil of my public life I have remained true to my

first faith and have been loyal to the first Church of my choice, the

Primitive Methodist, and filled most of the offices open to laymen in

connection with that Church. This I would recommend to my readers as

being the one essential thing: whatever our convictions may be, to be

true to them.

I can truly say that has been my one impelling motive and is what I have

always aimed at, to be true to my conscience. I never entered into

anything until I had assured myself it was right and, when once I had

done that, nothing whatever could turn me from the path of duty.

Sometimes the members of my own Church could not quite understand me.

One point in connection with my public work on which I have differed

from them is the holding of labour meetings on Sundays. They hold strong

convictions that such meetings are not paying due reverence to the

Sunday as we ought to. I was some long time before I came to any other

conclusion and refused to take any part in Sunday labour meetings. I

thought the matter out very seriously for myself, however, and at last I

came to the conclusion that the Labour movement was built on the very

rock of Christianity and that I was as much serving God by preaching

what I believed to be the gospel of God, namely economic freedom, as

when I occupied the pulpit. When, however, responsible for arranging

such meetings I would insist upon them being conducted on strictly

religious lines. I again ask my young readers to stand by their

convictions, think out matters for themselves and, once convinced they

are right, go straight forward. But above all to be true to God and your

brother man is the only road to success.

The great human progress that has been made during this past seventy

years, especially in the lives of the agricultural labourers, in which I

have been able to take some humble part, is marvellous. Seventy years

ago the village labourer was a mere chattel in the industrial world. His

children were badly fed and uneducated.

The labourer had no voice in his local affairs. He had no vote. He was

compelled to accept such conditions as were offered him and dared not

complain. If he did so, he was a marked man. Now we have obtained for

him collective bargaining and through his organizations he has a voice

in all local authorities. This has worked a wonderful change. He has his

vote and is now qualified to be even a Justice of the Peace. Both men

and women have already been appointed. Many of the old colleagues that

helped to bring about this change have passed away. In fact, I am the

only one left to take any active part in public movements of those that

worked with the late Joseph Arch, the founder of the first Union in

1872. Many of them died before they saw accomplished what they had set

themselves out to do. But other men are reaping where they have sowed. I

have seen the first Unions come and go and with their fall the labourer

set back. And in 1906 I founded the greatest Union and, as will be seen

by this story, it was built up by hard work and at great sacrifice by

others besides myself, to whom the men owe a great debt of gratitude.

Some of these worthy men I will name: Mr. G. E. Hewitt, Mr. J. A.

Arnett, Mr. W. Holmes, Mr. T. G. Higdon, the late Mr. Robert Green, and

lastly my dear and closest friend, Mr. W. R. Smith M.P., the President

of the Union, upon whose shoulders the brunt of the Union's work is at

the moment. I ought also to say that I could not possibly have done what

I did at the early stages of the Union had it not have been for the

financial help I received from my friends the Earl of Kimberley and Mr.

Herbert Day of Norwich. Now the one great question that weighs upon my

mind is this: Are the men for whom I spent my life going to maintain the

position that has been won for them? The position is not without danger.

As in the days of Mr. Arch, so now there are forces working to divide

the men and to spread distrust amongst them if they succeed. There is a

danger of much that has been gained being lost. I have, however, great

faith in the cause of democracy and there is still a brighter day to

come for the men in our country-side. I may not live to see it. My last

word of this story to my colleagues and to the young men is to work on

in your good cause, to be reasonable and just, and to let the spirit of

moderation and goodwill dwell amongst you.

Oh! droop not though pain, sin and anguish be round thee

Bravely fling off the gold chain that hath bound thee.

Look to clear Heaven shining above thee.

Rest not content in thy darkness a clod.

Work for some good, be it ever so slowly.

Labour, all labour, is noble and holy.

Let thy great deeds be thy prayer to God.

INDEX

Agricultural Committee, Norfolk War, 192

Agricultural depression, 16, 51, 75

Agricultural Wage Board, 196

Ailwyn of Honingham, Lord, 5, 49, 197

Arch, Joseph, 38, 40, 47, 49, 57, 63, 76, 90

Articles and letters to the press, 77, 79, 86, 88, 91, 190

Birth, 18

Buckingham Palace, 231

Burston School Strike, 187

Cottages, tied, 126

County Council, 104, 119-123

County Council Election, 61

Cozens-Hardy, Lord, 47

Crow-scaring, 23

Depression, agricultural, 16, 51, 75

District and Parish Councils Act, 66, 84

District Council, 68

District Secretary, 55

_Eastern Weekly Leader_, 76, 86, 88, 91

Education, 21

Edwards, Mrs. George, 31, 99, 157, 183

Election address, 215

Enfranchisement of agricultural labourers, 46, 51

Fakenham, 156

Farmers' Federation, The, 132, 142, 152, 194-196

Felbrigg, 50

George V., King, 231

Guardians, 82

Imprisonment of father, 22

Industrial Christian Fellowship, 230

Justice of the Peace, 187

Labourers' Independent Federation, The, 75

Labour Party, The, 201

Marriage, 31

Official, Trade Union, 56

Parentage, 15

Parish Council, 68

Parish Councils Act, District and, 66

Parliament--

Agricultural Bill, 229

Candidatures, 203, 213

Corn Production Act, 229

Election, 222

Election address, 215

Maiden speech, 226

Taking the Oath, 224

Pension Committee, Norfolk County, 193

Poor Law, Royal Commission on, 64, 65

Primitive Methodists, 29, 31, 32, 35

Reading, 32, 34, 52

Relief in kind, 70

Relief, outdoor, 64, 65, 69

St. Faith's, 136-155, 158-177

Smillie, Robert, 125

Smith, W. R., M.P., 11, 178, 195

Songs, Union, 59, 117, 171

Strikes and lockouts, 42, 58, 60, 133, 136-155, 158-177, 186

Sunday meetings, 116

Tied cottages, 126

Trade Boards Act, 196

Trades Union Congress, 66, 125, 186

Tribunal, Norfolk Appeal, 192

Unemployment, 17, 79, 226

Union--

The first, 38, 51

The second, 54, 87

Union, The present--

Committees, 103, 108, 114, 175

Finances, 107, 109, 111, 129

First annual report, 112

First general meeting, 107

First office, 32

Foundation, 99

Reports, 112, 159, 174, 178

Second office, 156

Victimization, 44, 46, 48, 98

Wage Board, Agricultural, 196

Wages, 20, 23, 27, 41, 51, 130, 193, 199

Walker, Z., 39, 57, 66

War Agricultural Committee, Norfolk, 192

War, The Great, 190

Warrior's Return, The, 225

_Weekly Leader, Eastern_, 76, 86, 88, 91

Westminster, 224

Winfrey, Sir Richard, 129, 141, 147

Workhouse, 22