De Grammont's Choice.--His Influence with Turenne.--The Church or
the Army?--An Adventure at Lyons.--A brilliant Idea.--De
Grammont's Generosity.--A Horse 'for the
Cards.'--Knight-Cicisbeism.--De Grammont's first Love.--His
Witty Attacks on Mazarin.--Anne Lucie de la Mothe
Houdancourt.--Beset with Snares.--De Grammont's Visits to
England.--Charles II.--The Court of Charles II.--Introduction
of Country-dances.--Norman Peculiarities.--St. Evremond, the
Handsome Norman.--The most Beautiful Woman in Europe.--Hortense
Mancini's Adventures.--Madame Mazarin's House at
Chelsea.--Anecdote of Lord Dorset.--Lord Rochester in his
Zenith.--His Courage and Wit.--Rochester's Pranks in the
City.--Credulity, Past and Present.--'Dr. Bendo,' and La Belle
Jennings.--La Triste Heritière.--Elizabeth, Countess of
Rochester.--Retribution and Reformation.--Conversion.--Beaux
without Wit.--Little Jermyn.--An Incomparable Beauty.--Anthony
Hamilton, De Grammont's Biographer.--The Three Courts.--'La
Belle Hamilton.'--Sir Peter Lely's Portrait of her.--The
Household Deity of Whitehall.--Who shall have the Calèche?--A
Chaplain in Livery.--De Grammont's Last Hours.--What might he
not have been?
It has been observed by a French critic, that the Mémoires de Grammont
afford the truest specimens of French character in our language. To this
it may be added, that the subject of that animated narrative was most
completely French in principle, in intelligence, in wit that hesitated
at nothing, in spirits that were never daunted, and in that incessant
activity which is characteristic of his countrymen. Grammont, it was
said, 'slept neither night nor day;' his life was one scene of incessant
excitement.
His father, supposed to have been the natural son of Henry the Great, of
France, did not suppress that fact, but desired to publish it: for the
morals of his time were so depraved, that it was thought to be more
honourable to be the illegitimate son of a king than the lawful child of
lowlier parents. Born in the Castle of Semeac, on the banks of the
Garonne, the fame of two fair ancestresses, Corisande and Menadame, had
entitled the family of De Grammont to expect in each successive member
an inheritance of beauty. Wit, courage, good nature, a charming address,
and boundless assurance, were the heritage of Philibert de Grammont.
Beauty was not in his possession; good nature, a more popular quality,
he had in abundance:
'His wit to scandal never stooping,
His mirth ne'er to buffoonery drooping.'
As Philibert grew up, the two aristocratic professions of France were
presented for his choice: the army, or the church. Neither of these
vocations constitutes now the ambition of the high-born in France: the
church, to a certain extent, retains its _prestige_, but the army, ever
since officers have risen from the ranks, does not comprise the same
class of men as in England. In the reign of Louis XIII., when De
Grammont lived it was otherwise. All political power was vested in the
church. Richelieu was, to all purposes, the ruler of France, the
dictator of Europe; and, with regard to the church, great men, at the
head of military affairs, were daily proving to the world, how much
intelligence could effect with a small numerical power. Young men took
one course or another: the sway of the cabinet, on the one hand, tempted
them to the church; the brilliant exploits of Turenne, and of Condé, on
the other, led them to the camp. It was merely the difference of dress
between the two that constituted the distinction: the soldier might be
as pious as the priest, the priest was sure to be as worldly as the
soldier; the soldier might have ecclesiastical preferment; the priest
sometimes turned out to fight.
Philibert de Grammont chose to be a soldier. He was styled the Chevalier
de Grammont, according to custom, his father being still living. He
fought under Turenne, at the siege of Trino. The army in which he served
was beleaguering that city when the gay youth from the banks of the
Garonne joined it, to aid it not so much by his valour as by the fun,
the raillery, the off-hand anecdote, the ready, hearty companionship
which lightened the soldier's life in the trenches: adieu to
impatience, to despair, even to gravity. The very generals could not
maintain their seriousness when the light-hearted De Grammont uttered a
repartee--
'Sworn enemy to all long speeches,
Lively and brilliant, frank and free,
Author of many a repartee:
Remember, over all, that he
Was not renowned for storming breaches.'
Where he came, all was sunshine, yet there breathed not a colder, graver
man than the Calvinist Turenne: modest, serious, somewhat hard, he gave
the young nobility who served under him no quarter in their
shortcomings; but a word, a look, from De Grammont could make him,
_malgrê lui_, unbend. The gay chevalier's white charger's prancing, its
gallant rider foremost in every peril, were not forgotten in
after-times, when De Grammont, in extreme old age, chatted over the
achievements and pleasures of his youth.
Amongst those who courted his society in Turenne's army was Matta, a
soldier of simple manners, hard habits, and handsome person, joined to a
candid, honest nature. He soon persuaded De Grammont to share his
quarters, and there they gave splendid entertainments, which,
Frenchman-like, De Grammont paid for out of the successes of the
gaming-tables. But chances were against them; the two officers were at
the mercy of their _maitre d'hôtel_, who asked for money. One day, when
De Grammont came home sooner than usual, he found Matta fast asleep.
Whilst De Grammont stood looking at him, he awoke, and burst into a
violent fit of laughter.
'What is the matter?' cried the chevalier.
'Faith, chevalier,' answered Matta, 'I was dreaming that we had sent
away our _maitre d'hôtel_, and were resolved to live like our neighbours
for the rest of the campaign.'
'Poor fellow!' cried De Grammont. 'So, you are knocked down at once:
what would have become of you if you had been reduced to the situation I
was in at Lyons, four days before I came here? Come, I will tell you all
about it.'
'Begin a little farther back,' cried Matta, 'and tell me about the
manner in which you first paid your respects to Cardinal Richelieu. Lay
aside your pranks as a child, your genealogy, and all your ancestors
together; you cannot know anything about them.'
'Well,' replied De Grammont, 'it was my father's own fault that he was
not Henry IV.'s son: see what the Grammonts have lost by this
crossed-grained fellow! Faith, we might have walked before the Counts de
Vendôme at this very moment.'
Then he went on to relate how he had been sent to Pau, to the college,
to be brought up to the church, with an old servant to act both as his
valet and his guardian. How his head was too full of gaming to learn
Latin. How they gave him his rank at college, as the youth of quality,
when he did not deserve it; how he travelled up to Paris to his brother
to be polished, and went to court in the character of an abbé. 'Ah,
Matta, you know the kind of dress then in vogue. No, I would not change
my dress, but I consented to draw over it a cassock. I had the finest
head of hair in the world, well curled and powdered above my cassock,
and below were my white buskins and spurs.'
Even Richelieu, that hypocrite, he went on to relate, could not help
laughing at the parti-coloured costume, sacerdotal above, soldier-like
below; but the cardinal was greatly offended--not with the absence of
decorum, but with the dangerous wit, that could laugh in public at the
cowl and shaven crown, points which constituted the greatest portion of
Richelieu's sanctity.
De Grammont's brother, however, thus addressed the Chevalier:--'Well, my
little parson,' said he, as they went home, 'you have acted your part to
perfection; but now you must choose your career. If you like to stick to
the church, you will possess great revenues, and nothing to do; if you
choose to go into the army, you will risk your arm or your leg, but in
time you may be a major-general with a wooden leg and a glass eye, the
spectacle of an indifferent, ungrateful court. Make your choice.'
The choice, Philibert went on to relate, was made. For the good of his
soul, he renounced the church, but for his own advantage, he kept his
abbacy. This was not difficult in days when secular abbés were common;
nothing would induce him to change his resolution of being a soldier.
Meantime he was perfecting his accomplishments as a fine gentleman, one
of the requisites for which was a knowledge of all sorts of games. No
matter that his mother was miserable at his decision. Had her son been
an abbé, she thought he would have become a saint: nevertheless, when he
returned home, with the air of a courtier and a man of the world, boy as
he was, and the very impersonation of what might then be termed _la
jeune France_, she was so enchanted with him that she consented to his
going to the wars, attended again by Brinon, his valet, equerry, and
Mentor in one. Next in De Grammont's narrative came his adventure at
Lyons, where he spent the 200 louis his mother had given Brinon for him,
in play, and very nearly broke the poor old servant's heart; where he
had duped a horse-dealer; and he ended by proposing plans, similarly
_honourable_, to be adopted for their present emergencies.
The first step was to go to head-quarters, to dine with a certain Count
de Cameran, a Savoyard, and invite him to supper. Here Matta interposed.
'Are you mad?' he exclaimed. 'Invite him to supper! we have neither
money nor credit; we are ruined; and to save us you intend to give a
supper!'
'Stupid fellow!' cried De Grammont. 'Cameran plays at quinze: so do I:
we want money. He has more than he knows what to do with: we give a
supper, he pays for it. However,' he added, 'it is necessary to take
certain precautions. You command the Guards: when night comes on, order
your _Sergent-de-place_ to have fifteen or twenty men under arms, and
let them lay themselves flat on the ground between this and
head-quarters. Most likely we shall win this stupid fellow's money. Now
the Piedmontese are suspicious, and he commands the Horse. Now, you
know, Matta, you cannot hold your tongue, and are very likely to let out
some joke that will vex him. Supposing he takes it into his head that he
is being cheated? He has always eight or ten horsemen: we must be
prepared.'
'Embrace me!' cried Matta, 'embrace me! for thou art unparalleled. I
thought you only meant to prepare a pack of cards, and some false dice.
But the idea of protecting a man who plays at quinze by a detachment of
foot is excellent: thine own, dear Chevalier.'
Thus, like some of Dumas' heroes, hating villany as a matter of course,
but being by no means ashamed to acknowledge it, the Piedmontese was
asked to supper. He came. Nevertheless, in the midst of the affair, when
De Cameran was losing as fast as he could, Matta's conscience touched
him: he awoke from a deep sleep, heard the dice shaking, saw the poor
Savoyard losing, and advised him to play no more.
'Don't you know, Count, you _cannot_ win?'
'Why?' asked the Count.
'Why, faith, because we are cheating you,' was the reply.
The Chevalier turned round impatiently, 'Sieur Matta,' he cried, 'do you
suppose it can be any amusement to Monsieur le Comte to be plagued with
your ill-timed jests? For my part, I am so weary of the game, that I
swear by Jupiter I can scarcely play any more.' Nothing is more
distasteful to a losing gamester than a hint of leaving off; so the
Count entreated the Chevalier to continue, and assured him that
'Monsieur Matta might say what he pleased, for it did not give him the
least uneasiness to continue.'
The Chevalier allowed the Count to play upon credit, and that act of
courtesy was taken very kindly: the dupe lost 1,500 pistoles, which he
paid the next morning, when Matta was sharply reprimanded for his
interference.
'Faith,' he answered, 'it was a point of conscience with me; besides, it
would have given me pleasure to have seen his Horse engaged with my
Infantry, if he had taken anything amiss.'
The sum thus gained set the spendthrifts up; and De Grammont satisfied
his conscience by giving it away, to a certain extent, in charity. It is
singular to perceive in the history of this celebrated man that moral
taint of character which the French have never lost: this total absence
of right reasoning on all points of conduct, is coupled in our Gallic
neighbours with the greatest natural benevolence, with a generosity only
kept back by poverty, with impulsive, impressionable dispositions, that
require the guidance of a sound Protestant faith to elevate and correct
them.
The Chevalier hastened, it is related, to find out distressed comrades,
officers who had lost their baggage, or who had been ruined by gaming;
or soldiers who had been disabled in the trenches; and his manner of
relieving them was as graceful and as delicate as the bounty he
distributed was welcome. He was the darling of the army. The poor
soldier knew him personally, and adored him; the general was sure to
meet him in the scenes of action, and to seek his company in those of
security.
And, having thus retrieved his finances, the gay-hearted Chevalier used,
henceforth, to make De Cameran go halves with him in all games in which
the odds were in his own favour. Even the staid Calvinist, Turenne, who
had not then renounced, as he did in after-life, the Protestant faith,
delighted in the off-hand merriment of the Chevalier. It was towards the
end of the siege of Trino, that De Grammont went to visit that general
in some new quarters, where Turenne received him, surrounded by fifteen
or twenty officers. According to the custom of the day, cards were
introduced, and the general asked the Chevalier to play.
'Sir,' returned the young soldier, 'my tutor taught me that when a man
goes to see his friends it is neither prudent to leave his own money
behind him nor civil to take theirs.'
'Well,' answered Turenne, 'I can tell you you will find neither much
money nor deep play among us; but that it cannot be said that we allowed
you to go off without playing, suppose we each of us stake a horse.'
De Grammont agreed, and, lucky as ever, won from the officers some
fifteen or sixteen horses, by way of a joke; but seeing several faces
pale, he said, 'Gentlemen, I should be sorry to see you go away from
your general's quarters on foot; it will do very well if you all send me
to-morrow your horses, except one, which I give for the cards.'
The _valet-de-chambre_ thought he was jesting. 'I am serious,' cried
the Chevalier. '_Parole d'honneur_ I give a horse for the cards; and
what's more, take which you please, only don't take mine.'
'Faith,' said Turenne, pleased with the novelty of the affair, 'I don't
believe a horse was ever before given for the cards.'
Young people, and indeed old people, can perhaps hardly remember the
time when, even in England, money used to be put under the candlesticks
'for the cards,' as it was said, but in fact for the servants, who
waited. Winner or loser, the tax was to be paid, and this custom of
vails was also prevalent in France.
Trino at last surrendered, and the two friends rushed from their
campaigning life to enjoy the gaieties of Turin, at that time the centre
of pleasure; and resolved to perfect their characters as military
heroes--by falling in love, if respectably, well; if disreputably, well
too, perhaps all the more agreeable, and venturesome, as they thought.
The court of Turin was then presided over by the Duchess of Savoy,
_Madame Royale_, as she was called in France, the daughter of Henry IV.
of France, the sister of Henrietta Maria of England. She was a woman of
talent and spirit, worthy of her descent, and had certain other
qualities which constituted a point of resemblance between her and her
father; she was, like him, more fascinating than respectable.
The customs of Turin were rather Italian than French. At that time
every lady had her professed lover, who wore the liveries of his
mistress, bore her arms, and sometimes assumed her very name. The
office of the lover was, never to quit his lady in public, and never
to approach her in private: to be on all occasions her esquire. In the
tournament her chosen knight-cicisbeo came forth with his coat, his
housings, his very lance distinguished with the cyphers and colours of
her who had condescended to invest him with her preference. It was the
remnant of chivalry that authorized this custom; but of chivalry
demoralized--chivalry denuded of her purity, her respect, the chivalry
of corrupted Italy, not of that which, perhaps, fallaciously, we
assign to the earlier ages.
Grammont and Matta enlisted themselves at once in the service of two
beauties. Grammont chose for the queen of beauty, who was to 'rain
influence' upon him, Mademoiselle de St. Germain, who was in the very
bloom of youth. She was French, and, probably, an ancestress of that
all-accomplished Comte de St. Germain, whose exploits so dazzled
successive European courts, and the fullest account of whom, in all its
brilliant colours, yet tinged with mystery, is given in the Memoirs of
Maria Antoinette, by the Marquise d'Adhémar, her lady of the bed-chamber.
The lovely object of De Grammont's 'first love' was a radiant brunette
belle, who took no pains to set off by art the charms of nature. She had
some defects: her black and sparkling eyes were small; her forehead, by
no means 'as pure as moonlight sleeping upon snow,' was not fair,
neither were her hands; neither had she small feet--but her form
generally was perfect; her elbows had a peculiar elegance in them; and
in old times to hold the elbow out well, and yet not to stick it out,
was a point of early discipline. Then her glossy black hair set off a
superb neck and shoulders; and, moreover, she was gay, full of mirth,
life, complaisance, perfect in all the acts of politeness, and
invariable in her gracious and graceful bearing.
Matta admired her; but De Grammont ordered him to attach himself to the
Marquise de Senantes, a married beauty of the court; and Matta, in full
faith that all Grammont said and did was sure to succeed, obeyed his
friend. The Chevalier had fallen in love with Mademoiselle de St.
Germain at first sight, and instantly arrayed himself in her colour,
which was green, whilst Matta wore blue, in compliment to the marquise;
and they entered the next day upon duty, at La Venerie, where the
Duchess of Savoy gave a grand entertainment. De Grammont, with his
native tact and unscrupulous mendacity, played his part to perfection;
but his comrade, Matta, committed a hundred solecisms. The very second
time he honoured the marquise with his attentions, he treated her as if
she were his humble servant: when he pressed her hand, it was a pressure
that almost made her scream. When he ought to have ridden by the side of
her coach, he set off, on seeing a hare start from her form; then he
talked to her of partridges when he should have been laying himself at
her feet. Both these affairs ended as might have been expected.
Mademoiselle de St. Germain was diverted by Grammont, yet he could not
touch her heart. Her aim was to marry; his was merely to attach himself
to a reigning beauty. They parted without regret; and he left the then
remote court of Turin for the gayer scenes of Paris and Versailles. Here
he became as celebrated for his alertness in play as for his readiness
in repartee; as noted for his intrigues, as he afterwards was for his
bravery.
Those were stirring days in France. Anne of Austria, then in her
maturity, was governed by Mazarin, the most artful of ministers, an
Italian to the very heart's core, with a love of amassing wealth
engrafted in his supple nature that amounted to a monomania. The whole
aim of his life was gain. Though gaming was at its height, Mazarin never
played for amusement; he played to enrich himself; and when he played,
he cheated.
The Chevalier de Grammont was now rich, and Mazarin worshipped the rich.
He was witty; and his wit soon procured him admission into the clique
whom the wily Mazarin collected around him in Paris. Whatever were De
Grammont's faults, he soon perceived those of Mazarin; he detected, and
he detested, the wily, grasping, serpent-like attributes of the Italian;
he attacked him on every occasion on which a 'wit combat' was possible:
he gracefully showed Mazarin off in his true colours. With ease he
annihilated him, metaphorically, at his own table. Yet De Grammont had
something to atone for: he had been the adherent and companion in arms
of Condé; he had followed that hero to Sens, to Nordlingen, to Fribourg,
and had returned to his allegiance to the young king, Louis XIV., only
because he wished to visit the court at Paris. Mazarin's policy,
however, was that of pardon and peace--of duplicity and treachery--and
the Chevalier seemed to be forgiven on his return to Paris, even by Anne
of Austria. Nevertheless, De Grammont never lost his independence; and
he could boast in after-life that he owed the two great cardinals who
had governed France nothing that they could have refused. It was true
that Richelieu had left him his abbacy; but he could not refuse it to
one of De Grammont's rank. From Mazarin he had gained nothing except
what he had won at play.
After Mazarin's death the Chevalier intended to secure the favour of the
king, Louis XIV., to whom, as he rejoiced to find, court alone was now
to be paid. He had now somewhat rectified his distinctions between right
and wrong, and was resolved to have no regard for favour unless
supported by merit; he determined to make himself beloved by the
courtiers of Louis, and feared by the ministers; to dare to undertake
anything to do good, and to engage in nothing at the expense of
innocence. He still continued to be eminently successful in play, of
which he did not perceive the evil, nor allow the wickedness; but he was
unfortunate in love, in which he was equally unscrupulous and more rash
than at the gaming-table.
Among the maids of honour of Anne of Austria was a young lady named Anne
Lucie de la Mothe Houdancourt. Louis, though not long married, showed
some symptoms of admiration for this _débutante_ in the wicked ways of
the court.
Gay, radiant in the bloom of youth and innocence, the story of this
young girl presents an instance of the unhappiness which, without guilt,
the sins of others bring upon even the virtuous. The queen-dowager, Anne
of Austria, was living at St. Germains when Mademoiselle de la Mothe
Houdancourt was received into her household. The Duchess de Noailles, at
that time _Grande Maitresse_, exercised a vigilant and kindly rule over
the maids of honour; nevertheless, she could not prevent their being
liable to the attentions of Louis: she forbade him however to loiter, or
indeed even to be seen in the room appropriated to the young damsels
under her charge; and when attracted by the beauty of Annie Lucie de la
Mothe, Louis was obliged to speak to her through a hole behind a clock
which stood in a corridor.
Annie Lucie, notwithstanding this apparent encouragement of the king's
addresses, was perfectly indifferent to his admiration. She was secretly
attached to the Marquis de Richelieu, who had, or pretended to have,
honourable intentions towards her. Everything was tried, but tried in
vain, to induce the poor girl to give up all her predilections for the
sake of a guilty distinction--that of being the king's mistress: even
her _mother_ reproached her with her coldness. A family council was
held, in hopes of convincing her of her wilfulness, and Annie Lucie was
bitterly reproached by her female relatives; but her heart still clung
to the faithless Marquis de Richelieu, who, however, when he saw that a
royal lover was his rival, meanly withdrew.
Her fall seemed inevitable; but the firmness of Anne of Austria saved
her from her ruin. That queen insisted on her being sent away; and she
resisted even the entreaties of the queen, her daughter-in-law, and the
wife of Louis XIV.; who, for some reasons not explained, entreated that
the young lady might remain at the court. Anne was sent away in a sort
of disgrace to the convent of Chaïllot, which was then considered to be
quite out of Paris, and sufficiently secluded to protect her from
visitors. According to another account, a letter full of reproaches,
which she wrote to the Marquis de Richelieu upbraiding him for his
desertion, had been intercepted.
It was to this young lady that De Grammont, who was then, in the very
centre of the court, 'the type of fashion and the mould of form,'
attached himself to her as an admirer who could condescend to honour
with his attentions those whom the king pursued. The once gay girl was
thus beset with snares: on one side was the king, whose disgusting
preference was shown when in her presence by sighs and sentiment; on the
other, De Grammont, whose attentions to her were importunate, but failed
to convince her that he was in love; on the other was the time-serving,
heartless De Richelieu, whom her reason condemned, but whom her heart
cherished. She soon showed her distrust and dislike of De Grammont: she
treated him with contempt; she threatened him with exposure, yet he
would not desist: then she complained of him to the king. It was then
that he perceived that though love could equalize conditions, it could
not act in the same way between rivals. He was commanded to leave the
court. Paris, therefore, Versailles, Fontainbleau, and St. Germains were
closed against this gay Chevalier; and how could he live elsewhere?
Whither could he go? Strange to say, he had a vast fancy to behold the
man who, stained with the crime of regicide, and sprung from the people,
was receiving magnificent embassies from continental nations, whilst
Charles II. was seeking security in his exile from the power of Spain in
the Low Countries. He was eager to see the Protector, Cromwell. But
Cromwell, though in the height of his fame when beheld by De
Grammont--though feared at home and abroad--was little calculated to win
suffrages from a mere man of pleasure like De Grammont. The court, the
city, the country, were in his days gloomy, discontented, joyless: a
proscribed nobility was the sure cause of the thin though few
festivities of the now lugubrious gallery of Whitehall. Puritanism drove
the old jovial churchmen into retreat, and dispelled every lingering
vestige of ancient hospitality: long graces and long sermons,
sanctimonious manners, and grim, sad faces, and sad-coloured dresses
were not much to De Grammont's taste; he returned to France, and
declared that he had gained no advantage from his travels. Nevertheless,
either from choice or necessity, he made another trial of the damps and
fogs of England.[8]
When he again visited our country, Charles II. had been two years seated
on the throne of his father. Everything was changed, and the British
court was in its fullest splendour; whilst the rejoicings of the people
of England at the Restoration were still resounding through the land.
If one could include royal personages in the rather gay than worthy
category of the 'wits and beaux of society,' Charles II. should figure
at their head. He was the most agreeable companion, and the worst king
imaginable. In the first place he was, as it were, a citizen of the
world: tossed about by fortune from his early boyhood; a witness at the
tender age of twelve of the battle of Edge Hill, where the celebrated
Harvey had charge of him and of his brother. That inauspicious
commencement of a wandering life had perhaps been amongst the least of
his early trials. The fiercest was his long residence as a sort of royal
prisoner in Scotland. A travelled, humbled man, he came back to England
with a full knowledge of men and manners, in the prime of his life,
with spirits unbroken by adversity, with a heart unsoured by that 'stern
nurse,' with a gaiety that was always kindly, never uncourteous, ever
more French than English; far more natural did he appear as the son of
Henrietta Maria than as the offspring of the thoughtful Charles.
In person, too, the king was then agreeable, though rather what the
French would call _distingué_ than dignified; he was, however, tall, and
somewhat elegant, with a long French face, which in his boyhood was
plump and full about the lower part of the cheeks, but now began to sink
into that well-known, lean, dark, flexible countenance, in which we do
not, however, recognize the gaiety of the man whose very name brings
with it associations of gaiety, politeness, good company, and all the
attributes of a first-rate wit, except the almost inevitable ill-nature.
There is in the physiognomy of Charles II. that melancholy which is
often observable in the faces of those who are mere men of pleasure.
De Grammont found himself completely in his own sphere at Whitehall,
where the habits were far more French than English. Along that stately
Mall, overshadowed with umbrageous trees, which retains--and it is to be
hoped ever will retain--the old name of the 'Birdcage Walk,' one can
picture to oneself the king walking so fast that no one can keep up with
him; yet stopping from time to time to chat with some acquaintances. He
is walking to Duck Island, which is full of his favourite water-fowl,
and of which he has given St. Evremond the government. How pleasant is
his talk to those who attend him as he walks along; how well the quality
of good-nature is shown in his love of dumb animals: how completely he
is a boy still, even in that brown wig of many curls, and with the
George and Garter on his breast! Boy, indeed, for he is followed by a
litter of young spaniels: a little brindled greyhound frisks beside him;
it is for that he is ridiculed by the '_psalm_' sung at the Calves' Head
Club: these favourites were cherished to his death.
'His dogs would sit in council boards
Like judges in their seats:
We question much which had most sense,
The master or the curs.'
Then what capital stories Charles would tell, as he unbent at night
amid the faithful, though profligate, companions of his exile! He told
his anecdotes, it is true, over and over again, yet they were always
embellished with some fresh touch--like the repetition of a song which
has been encored on the stage. Whether from his inimitable art, or from
his royalty, we leave others to guess, but his stories bore repetition
again and again: they were amusing, and even novel to the very last.
To this seducing court did De Grammont now come. It was a delightful
exchange from the endless ceremonies and punctilios of the region over
which Louis XIV. presided. Wherever Charles was, his palace appeared to
resemble a large hospitable house--sometimes town, sometimes country--in
which every one did as he liked; and where distinctions of rank were
kept up as a matter of convenience, but were only valued on that score.
In other respects, Charles had modelled his court very much on the plan
of that of Louis XIV., which he had admired for its gaiety and spirit.
Corneille, Racine, Molière, Boileau, were encouraged by _le Grand
Monarque_. Wycherley and Dryden were attracted by Charles to celebrate
the festivities, and to amuse the great and the gay. In various points
De Grammont found a resemblance. The queen-consort, Catherine of
Braganza, was as complacent to her husband's vices as the queen of
Louis. These royal ladies were merely first sultanas, and had no right,
it was thought, to feel jealousy, or to resent neglect. Each returning
sabbath saw Whitehall lighted up, and heard the tabors sound for a
_branle_, (Anglicised 'brawl'). This was a dance which mixed up
everybody, and called a brawl, from the foot being shaken to a quick
time. Gaily did his Majesty perform it, leading to the hot exercise Anne
Hyde, Duchess of York, stout and homely, and leaving Lady Castlemaine to
his son, the Duke of Monmouth. Then Charles, with ready grace, would
begin the coranto, taking a single lady in this dance along the gallery.
Lords and ladies one after another followed, and 'very noble,' writes
Pepys, 'and great pleasure it was to see.' Next came the country dances,
introduced by Mary, Countess of Buckingham, the grandmother of the
graceful duke who is moving along the gallery;--and she invented those
once popular dances in order to introduce, with less chance of failure,
her rustic country cousins, who could not easily be taught to carry
themselves well in the brawl, or to step out gracefully in the coranto,
both of which dances required practice and time. In all these dances the
king shines the most, and dances much better than his brother the Duke
of York.
In these gay scenes De Grammont met with the most fashionable belles of
the court: fortunately for him they all spoke French tolerably; and he
quickly made himself welcome amongst even the few--and few indeed there
were--who plumed themselves upon untainted reputations. Hitherto those
French noblemen who had presented themselves in England had been poor
and absurd. The court had been thronged with a troop of impertinent
Parisian coxcombs, who had pretended to despise everything English, and
who treated the natives as if they were foreigners in their own country.
De Grammont, on the contrary, was familiar with every one: he ate, he
drank, he lived, in short, according to the custom of the country that
hospitably received him, and accorded him the more respect, because they
had been insulted by others.
He now introduced the _petits soupers_, which have never been understood
anywhere so well as in France, and which are even there dying out to
make way for the less social and more expensive dinner; but, perhaps, he
would even here have been unsuccessful, had it not been for the society
and advice of the famous St. Evremond, who at this time was exiled in
France, and took refuge in England.
This celebrated and accomplished man had some points of resemblance with
De Grammont. Like him, he had been originally intended for the church;
like him he had turned to the military profession; he was an ensign
before he was full sixteen; and had a company of foot given him after
serving two or three campaigns. Like De Grammont, he owed the facilities
of his early career to his being the descendant of an ancient and
honourable family. St. Evremond was the Seigneur of St Denis le Guast,
in Normandy, where he was born.
Both these sparkling wits of society had at one time, and, in fact, at
the same period, served under the great Condé; both were pre-eminent,
not only in literature, but in games of chance. St. Evremond was famous
at the University of Caen, in which he studied, for his fencing; and
'St. Evremond's pass' was well known to swordsmen of his time;--both
were gay and satirical; neither of them pretended to rigid morals; but
both were accounted men of honour among their fellow-men of pleasure.
They were graceful, kind, generous.
In person St. Evremond had the advantage, being a Norman--a race which
combines the handsomest traits of an English countenance with its blond
hair, blue eyes, and fair skin. Neither does the slight tinge of the
Gallic race detract from the attractions of a true, well-born Norman,
bred up in that province which is called the Court-end of France, and
polished in the capital. Your Norman is hardy, and fond of field-sports:
like the Englishman, he is usually fearless; generous, but, unlike the
English, somewhat crafty. You may know him by the fresh colour, the
peculiar blue eye, long and large; by his joyousness and look of health,
gathered up in his own marshy country, for the Norman is well fed, and
lives on the produce of rich pasture-land, with cheapness and plenty
around him. And St. Evremond was one of the handsomest specimens of this
fine locality (so mixed up as it is with _us_); and his blue eyes
sparkled with humour; his beautifully-turned mouth was all sweetness;
and his noble forehead, the whiteness of which was set off by thick dark
eyebrows, was expressive of his great intelligence, until a wen grew
between his eyebrows, and so changed all the expression of his face that
the Duchess of Mazarin used to call him the 'Old Satyr.' St. Evremond
was also Norman in other respects: he called himself a thorough Roman
Catholic, yet he despised the superstitions of his church, and prepared
himself for death without them. When asked by an ecclesiastic sent
expressly from the court of Florence to attend his death-bed, if he
'would be reconciled,' he answered, 'With all my heart; I would fain be
reconciled to my stomach, which no longer performs its usual
functions.' And his talk, we are told, during the fortnight that
preceded his death, was not regret for a life we should, in seriousness,
call misspent, but because partridges and pheasants no longer suited his
condition, and he was obliged to be reduced to boiled meats. No one,
however, could tell what might also be passing in his heart. We cannot
always judge of a life, any more than of a drama, by its last scene; but
this is certain, that in an age of blasphemy St. Evremond could not
endure to hear religion insulted by ridicule. 'Common decency,' said
this man of the world, 'and a due regard to our fellow-creatures, would
not permit it.' He did not, it seems, refer his displeasure to a higher
source--to the presence of the Omniscient,--who claims from us all not
alone the tribute of our poor frail hearts in serious moments, but the
deep reverence of every thought in the hours of careless pleasure.
It was now St. Evremond who taught De Grammont to collect around him the
wits of that court, so rich in attractions, so poor in honour and
morality. The object of St. Evremond's devotion, though he had, at the
æra of the Restoration, passed his fiftieth year, was Hortense Mancini,
once the richest heiress, and still the most beautiful woman in Europe,
and a niece, on her mother's side, of Cardinal Mazarin. Hortense had
been educated, after the age of six, in France. She was Italian in her
accomplishments, in her reckless, wild disposition, opposed to that of
the French, who are generally calculating and wary, even in their vices:
she was Italian in the style of her surpassing beauty, and French to the
core in her principles. Hortense, at the age of thirteen, had been
married to Armand Duc de Meilleraye and Mayenne, who had fallen so
desperately in love with this beautiful child, that he declared 'if he
did not marry her he should die in three months.' Cardinal Mazarin,
although he had destined his niece Mary to this alliance, gave his
consent on condition that the duke should take the name of Mazarin. The
cardinal died a year after this marriage, leaving his niece Hortense the
enormous fortune of £1,625,000; yet she died in the greatest
difficulties, and her corpse was seized by her creditors.
The Duc de Mayenne proved to be a fanatic, who used to waken his wife
in the dead of the night to hear his visions; who forbade his child to
be nursed on fast-days; and who believed himself to be inspired. After
six years of wretchedness poor Hortense petitioned for a separation and
a division of property. She quitted her husband's home and took refuge
first in a nunnery, where she showed her unbelief, or her irreverence,
by mixing ink with holy-water, that the poor nuns might black their
faces when they crossed themselves; or, in concert with Madame de
Courcelles, another handsome married woman, she used to walk through the
dormitories in the dead of night, with a number of little dogs barking
at their heels; then she filled two great chests that were over the
dormitories with water, which ran over, and, penetrating through the
chinks of the floor, wet the holy sisters in their beds. At length all
this sorry gaiety was stopped by a decree that Hortense was to return to
the Palais Mazarin; and to remain there until the suit for a separation
should be decided. That the result should be favourable was doubtful:
therefore, one fine night in June, 1667, Hortense escaped. She dressed
herself in male attire, and, attended by a female servant, managed to
get through the gate at Paris, and to enter a carriage. Then she fled to
Switzerland; and, had not her flight been shared by the Chevalier de
Rohan, one of the handsomest men in France, one could hardly have blamed
an escape from a half-lunatic husband. She was only twenty-eight when,
after various adventures, she came in all her unimpaired beauty to
England. Charles was captivated by her charms, and, touched by her
misfortunes, he settled on her a pension of £4,000 a year, and gave her
rooms in St. James's. Waller sang her praise:--
'When through the world fair Mazarine had run,
Bright as her fellow-traveller, the sun:
Hither at length the Roman eagle flies,
As the last triumph of her conquering eyes.'
If Hortense failed to carry off from the Duchess of Portsmouth--then the
star of Whitehall--the heart of Charles, she found, at all events, in
St. Evremond, one of those French, platonic, life-long friends, who, as
Chateaubriand worshipped Madame Récamier, adored to the last the exiled
niece of Mazarin. Every day, when in her old age and his, the warmth of
love had subsided into the serener affection of pitying, and yet
admiring friendship, St. Evremond was seen, a little old man in a black
coif, carried along Pall Mall in a sedan chair, to the apartment of
Madame Mazarin, in St. James's. He always took with him a pound of
butter, made in his own little dairy, for her breakfast. When De
Grammont was installed at the court of Charles, Hortense was, however,
in her prime. Her house at Chelsea, then a country village, was famed
for its society and its varied pleasures. St. Evremond has so well
described its attractions that his words should be literally given.
'Freedom and discretion are equally to be found there. Every one is made
more at home than in his own house, and treated with more respect than
at court. It is true that there are frequent disputes there, but they
are those of knowledge and not of anger. There is play there, but it is
inconsiderable, and only practised for its amusement. You discover in no
countenance the fear of losing, nor concern for what is lost. Some are
so disinterested that they are reproached for expressing joy when they
lose, and regret when they win. Play is followed by the most excellent
repasts in the world. There you will find whatever delicacy is brought
from France, and whatever is curious from the Indies. Even the commonest
meats have the rarest relish imparted to them. There is neither a plenty
which gives a notion of extravagance, nor a frugality that discovers
penury or meanness.'
What an assemblage it must have been! Here lolls Charles, Lord
Buckhurst, afterwards Lord Dorset, the laziest, in matters of business
or court advancement--the boldest, in point of frolic and pleasure, of
all the wits and beaux of his time. His youth had been full of adventure
and of dissipation. 'I know not how it is,' said Wilmot, Lord Rochester,
'but my Lord Dorset can do anything, and is never to blame.' He had, in
truth, a heart; he could bear to hear others praised; he despised the
arts of courtiers; he befriended the unhappy; he was the most engaging
of men in manners, the most loveable and accomplished of human beings;
at once poet, philanthropist, and wit; he was also possessed of
chivalric notions, and of daring courage.
Like his royal master, Lord Dorset had travelled; and when made a
gentleman of the bedchamber to Charles II., he was not unlike his
sovereign in other traits; so full of gaiety, so high-bred, so lax, so
courteous, so convivial, that no supper was complete without him: no
circle 'the right thing,' unless Buckhurst, as he was long called, was
there to pass the bottle round, and to keep every one in good-humour.
Yet, he had misspent a youth in reckless immorality, and had even been
in Newgate on a charge, a doubtful charge it is true, of highway robbery
and murder, but had been found guilty of manslaughter only. He was again
mixed up in a disgraceful affair with Sir Charles Sedley. When brought
before Sir Robert Hyde, then Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, his name
having been mentioned, the judge inquired whether that was the Buckhurst
lately tried for robbery? and when told it was, he asked him whether he
had so soon forgotten his deliverance at that time: and whether it would
not better become him to have been at his prayers begging God's
forgiveness than to come into such courses again?
The reproof took effect, and Buckhurst became what was then esteemed a
steady man; he volunteered and fought gallantly in the fleet under James
Duke of York: and he completed his reform, to all outward show, by
marrying Lady Falmouth.[9] Buckhurst, in society, the most good-tempered
of men, was thus referred to by Prior, in his poetical epistle to
Fleetwood Sheppard:--
'When crowding folks, with strange ill faces,
Were making legs, and begging places:
And some with patents, some with merit,
Tired out my good Lord Dorset's spirit.'
Yet his pen was full of malice, whilst his heart was tender to all.
Wilmot, Lord Rochester, cleverly said of him:--
'For pointed satire I would Buckhurst chuse,
The best good man with the worst-natured muse.'
Still more celebrated as a beau and wit of his time, was John Wilmot,
Lord Rochester. He was the son of Lord Wilmot, the cavalier who so
loyally attended Charles II. after the Battle of Worcester; and, as, the
offspring of that royalist, was greeted by Lord Clarendon, then
Chancellor of the University of Oxford, when he took his degree as
Master of Arts, with a kiss.[10] The young nobleman then travelled,
according to custom; and then most unhappily for himself and for others,
whom he corrupted by his example, he presented himself at the court of
Charles II. He was at this time a youth of eighteen, and one of the
handsomest persons of his age. The face of Buckhurst was hard and plain;
that of De Grammont had little to redeem it but its varying
intelligence; but the countenance of the young Earl of Rochester was
perfectly symmetrical: it was of a long oval, with large, thoughtful,
sleepy eyes; the eyebrows arched and high above them; the brow, though
concealed by the curls of the now modest wig, was high and smooth; the
nose, delicately shaped, somewhat aquiline; the mouth full, but
perfectly beautiful, was set off by a round and well-formed chin. Such
was Lord Rochester in his zenith; and as he came forward on state
occasions, his false light curls hanging down on his shoulders--a
cambric kerchief loosely tied, so as to let the ends, worked in point,
fall gracefully down: his scarlet gown in folds over a suit of light
steel armour--for men had become carpet knights then, and the coat of
mail worn by the brave cavaliers was now less warlike, and was mixed up
with robes, ruffles, and rich hose--and when in this guise he appeared
at Whitehall, all admired; and Charles was enchanted with the
simplicity, the intelligence, and modesty of one who was then an
ingenuous youth, with good aspirations, and a staid and decorous
demeanour.
Woe to Lady Rochester--woe to the mother who trusted her son's innocence
in that vitiated court! Lord Rochester forms one of the many instances
we daily behold, that it is those most tenderly cared for, who often
fall most deeply, as well as most early, into temptation. He soon lost
every trace of virtue--of principle, even of deference to received
notions of propriety. For a while there seemed hopes that he would not
wholly fall: courage was his inheritance, and he distinguished himself
in 1665, when as a volunteer, he went in quest of the Dutch East India
fleet, and served with heroic gallantry under Lord Sandwich. And when he
returned to court, there was a partial improvement in his conduct. He
even looked back upon his former indiscretions with horror: he had now
shared in the realities of life: he had grasped a high and honourable
ambition; but he soon fell away--soon became almost a castaway. 'For
five years,' he told Bishop Burnet, when on his death-bed, 'I was never
sober.' His reputation as a wit must rest, in the present day, chiefly
upon productions which have long since been condemned as unreadable.
Strange to say, when not under the influence of wine, he was a constant
student of classical authors, perhaps the worst reading for a man of his
tendency: all that was satirical and impure attracting him most.
Boileau, among French writers, and Cowley among the English, were his
favourite authors. He also read many books of physic; for long before
thirty his constitution was so broken by his life, that he turned his
attention to remedies, and to medical treatment; and it is remarkable
how many men of dissolute lives take up the same sort of reading, in the
vain hope of repairing a course of dissolute living. As a writer, his
style was at once forcible and lively; as a companion, he was wildly
vivacious: madly, perilously, did he outrage decency, insult virtue,
profane religion. Charles II. liked him on first acquaintance, for
Rochester was a man of the most finished and fascinating manners; but at
length there came a coolness, and the witty courtier was banished from
Whitehall. Unhappily for himself, he was recalled, and commanded to wait
in London until his majesty should choose to readmit him into his
presence.
Disguises and practical jokes were the fashion of the day. The use of
the mask, which was put down by proclamation soon after the accession of
Queen Anne, favoured a series of pranks with which Lord Rochester,
during the period of his living concealed in London, diverted himself.
The success of his scheme was perfect. He established himself, since he
could not go to Whitehall, in the City. 'His first design,' De Grammont
relates, 'was only to be initiated into the mysteries of those fortunate
and happy inhabitants; that is to say, by changing his name and dress,
to gain admittance to their feasts and entertainments.... As he was able
to adapt himself to all capacities and humours, he soon deeply
insinuated himself into the esteem of the substantial wealthy aldermen,
and into the affections of their more delicate, magnificent, and tender
ladies; he made one in all their feasts and at all their assemblies; and
whilst in the company of the husbands, he declaimed against the faults
and mistakes of government; he joined their wives in railing against the
profligacy of the court ladies, and in inveighing against the king's
mistresses: he agreed with them, that the industrious poor were to pay
for these cursed extravagances; that the City beauties were not inferior
to those at the other end of the town,... after which, to outdo their
murmurings, he said, that he wondered Whitehall was not yet consumed by
fire from heaven, since such rakes as Rochester, Killigrew, and Sidney
were suffered there.'
This conduct endeared him so much to the City, and made him so welcome
at their clubs, that at last he grew sick of their cramming, and endless
invitations.
He now tried a new sphere of action; and instead of returning, as he
might have done, to the court, retreated into the most obscure corners
of the metropolis; and again changing his name and dress, gave himself
out as a German doctor named Bendo, who professed to find out
inscrutable secrets, and to apply infallible remedies; to know, by
astrology, all the past, and to foretell the future.
If the reign of Charles was justly deemed an age of high civilization,
it was also one of extreme credulity. Unbelief in religion went hand in
hand with blind faith in astrology and witchcraft; in omens,
divinations, and prophecies: neither let us too strongly despise, in
these their foibles, our ancestors. They had many excuses for their
superstitions; and for their fears, false as their hopes, and equally
groundless. The circulation of knowledge was limited: the public
journals, that part of the press to which we now owe inexpressible
gratitude for its general accuracy, its enlarged views, its purity, its
information, was then a meagre statement of dry facts: an announcement,
not a commentary. 'The Flying Post,' the 'Daily Courant,' the names of
which may be supposed to imply speed, never reached lone country places
till weeks after they had been printed on their one duodecimo sheet of
thin coarse paper. Religion, too, just emerging into glorious light from
the darkness of popery, had still her superstitions; and the mantle that
priestcraft had contrived to throw over her exquisite, radiant, and
simple form, was not then wholly and finally withdrawn. Romanism still
hovered in the form of credulity.
But now, with shame be it spoken, in the full noonday genial splendour
of our Reformed Church, with newspapers, the leading articles of which
rise to a level with our greatest didactic writers, and are competent
even to form the mind as well as to amuse the leisure hours of the young
readers: with every species of direct communication, we yet hold to
fallacies from which the credulous in Charles's time would have shrunk
in dismay and disgust. Table-turning, spirit-rapping, _clairvoyance_,
Swedenborgianism, and all that family of follies, would have been far
too strong for the faith of those who counted upon dreams as their
guide, or looked up to the heavenly planets with a belief, partly
superstitious, partly reverential, for their guidance; and in a dim and
flickering faith trusted to their _stars_.
'Dr. Bendo,' therefore, as Rochester was called--handsome, witty,
unscrupulous, and perfectly acquainted with the then small circle of the
court--was soon noted for his wonderful revelations. Chamber-women,
waiting-maids, and shop-girls were his first customers: but, very soon,
gay spinsters from the court came in their hoods and masks to ascertain
with anxious faces, their fortunes; whilst the cunning, sarcastic 'Dr.
Bendo,' noted in his diary all the intrigues which were confided to him
by these lovely clients. La Belle Jennings, the sister of Sarah Duchess
of Marlborough, was among his disciples; she took with her the beautiful
Miss Price, and, disguising themselves as orange girls, these young
ladies set off in a hackney-coach to visit Dr. Bendo; but when within
half a street of the supposed fortune-teller's, were prevented by the
interruption of a dissolute courtier named Brounker.
'Everything by turns and nothing long.' When Lord Rochester was tired of
being an astrologer, he used to roam about the streets as a beggar; then
he kept a footman who knew the Court well, and used to dress him up in a
red coat, supply him with a musket, like a sentinel, and send him to
watch at the doors of all the fine ladies, to find out their goings on:
afterwards, Lord Rochester would retire to the country, and write libels
on these fair victims, and, one day, offered to present the king with
one of his lampoons; but being tipsy, gave Charles, instead, one written
upon himself.
At this juncture we read with sorrow Bishop Burnet's forcible
description of his career:--
'He seems to have freed himself from all impressions of virtue or
religion, of honour or good nature.... He had but one maxim, to which he
adhered firmly, that he has to do everything, and deny himself in
nothing that might maintain his greatness. He was unhappily made for
drunkenness, for he had drunk all his friends dead, and was able to
subdue two or three sets of drunkards one after another; so it scarce
ever appeared that he was disordered after the greatest drinking: an
hour or two of sleep carried all off so entirely, that no sign of them
remained.... This had a terrible conclusion.'
Like many other men, Rochester might have been saved by being kept far
from the scene of temptation. Whilst he remained in the country he was
tolerably sober, perhaps steady. When he approached Brentford on his
route to London, his old propensities came upon him.
When scarcely out of his boyhood he carried off a young heiress,
Elizabeth Mallett, whom De Grammont calls _La triste heritière_: and
triste, indeed, she naturally was. Possessed of a fortune of £2500 a
year, this young lady was marked out by Charles II. as a victim for the
profligate Rochester. But the reckless young wit chose to take his own
way of managing the matter. One night, after supping at Whitehall with
Miss Stuart, the young Elizabeth was returning home with her
grandfather, Lord Haly, when their coach was suddenly stopped near
Charing Cross by a number of bravos, both on horseback and on foot--the
'Roaring Boys and Mohawks,' who were not extinct even in Addison's time.
They lifted the affrighted girl out of the carriage, and placed her in
one which had six horses; they then set off for Uxbridge, and were
overtaken; but the outrage ended in marriage, and Elizabeth became the
unhappy, neglected Countess of Rochester. Yet she loved him--perhaps in
ignorance of all that was going on whilst _she_ stayed with her four
children at home.
'If,' she writes to him, 'I could have been troubled at anything, when I
had the happiness of receiving a letter from you, I should be so,
because you did not name a time when I might hope to see you, the
uncertainty of which very much afflicts me.... Lay your commands upon me
what I am to do, and though it be to forget my children, and the long
hope I have lived in of seeing you, yet will I endeavour to obey you; or
in the memory only torment myself, without giving you the trouble of
putting you in mind that there lives a creature as
'Your faithful, humble servant.'
And he, in reply: 'I went away (to Rochester) like a rascal, without
taking leave, dear wife. It is an unpolished way of proceeding, which a
modest man ought to be ashamed of. I have left you a prey to your own
imaginations amongst my relations, the worst of damnations. But there
will come an hour of deliverance, till when, may my mother be merciful
unto you! So I commit you to what I shall ensue, woman to woman, wife to
mother, in hopes of a future appearance in glory....
'Pray write as often as you have leisure, to your
'ROCHESTER.'
To his son, he writes: 'You are now grown big enough to be a man, if
you can be wise enough; and the way to be truly wise is to serve God,
learn your book, and observe the instructions of your parents first, and
next your tutor, to whom I have entirely resigned you for this seven
years; and according as you employ that time, you are to be happy or
unhappy for ever. I have so good an opinion of you, that I am glad to
think you will never deceive me. Dear child, learn your book and be
obedient, and you will see what a father I shall be to you. You shall
want no pleasure while you are good, and that you may be good are my
constant prayers.'
Lord Rochester had not attained the age of thirty, when he was
mercifully awakened to a sense of his guilt here, his peril hereafter.
It seemed to many that his very nature was so warped that penitence in
its true sense could never come to him; but the mercy of God is
unfathomable; He judges not as man judges; He forgives, as man knows not
how to forgive.
'God, our kind Master, merciful as just,
Knowing our frame, remembers man is dust:
He marks the dawn of every virtuous aim,
And fans the smoking flax into a flame;
He hears the language of a silent tear,
And sighs are incense from a heart sincere.'
And the reformation of Rochester is a confirmation of the doctrine of a
special Providence, as well as of that of a retribution, even in this
life.
The retribution came in the form of an early but certain decay; of a
suffering so stern, so composed of mental and bodily anguish, that never
was man called to repentance by a voice so distinct as Rochester. The
reformation was sent through the instrumentality of one who had been a
sinner like himself, who had sinned _with_ him; an unfortunate lady,
who, in her last hours, had been visited, reclaimed, consoled by Bishop
Burnet. Of this, Lord Rochester had heard. He was then, to all
appearance, recovering from his last sickness. He sent for Burnet, who
devoted to him one evening every week of that solemn winter when the
soul of the penitent sought reconciliation and peace.
The conversion was not instantaneous; it was gradual, penetrating,
effective, sincere. Those who wish to gratify curiosity concerning the
death-bed of one who had so notoriously sinned, will read Burnet's
account of Rochester's illness and death with deep interest; and nothing
is so interesting as a death-bed. Those who delight in works of nervous
thought, and elevated sentiments, will read it too, and arise from the
perusal gratified. Those, however, who are true, contrite Christians
will go still farther; they will own that few works so intensely touch
the holiest and highest feelings; few so absorb the heart; few so
greatly show the vanity of life; the unspeakable value of purifying
faith. 'It is a book which the critic,' says Doctor Johnson, 'may read
for its elegance, the philosopher for its arguments, the saint for its
piety.'
Whilst deeply lamenting his own sins, Lord Rochester became anxious to
redeem his former associates from theirs.
'When Wilmot, Earl of Rochester,'[11] writes William Thomas, in a
manuscript preserved in the British Museum, 'lay on his death-bed, Mr.
Fanshawe came to visit him, with an intention to stay about a week with
him. Mr. Fanshawe, sitting by the bedside, perceived his lordship
praying to God, through Jesus Christ, and acquainted Dr. Radcliffe, who
attended my Lord Rochester in this illness and was then in the house,
with what he had heard, and told him that my lord was certainly
delirious, for to his knowledge, he said, he believed neither in God nor
in Jesus Christ. The doctor, who had often heard him pray in the same
manner, proposed to Mr. Fanshawe to go up to his lordship to be further
satisfied touching this affair. When they came to his room the doctor
told my lord what Mr. Fanshawe said, upon which his lordship addressed
himself to Mr. Fanshawe to this effect: "Sir, it is true, you and I have
been very bad and profane together, and then I was of the opinion you
mention. But now I am quite of another mind, and happy am I that I am
so. I am very sensible how miserable I was whilst of another opinion.
Sir, you may assure yourself that there is a Judge and a future state;"
and so entered into a very handsome discourse concerning the last
judgment, future state &c., and concluded with a serious and pathetic
exhortation to Mr. Fanshawe to enter into another course of life; adding
that he (Mr. F.) knew him to be his friend; that he never was more so
than at this time; and "sir," said he, "to use a Scripture expression, I
am not mad, but speak the words of truth and soberness." Upon this Mr.
Fanshawe trembled, and went immediately a-foot to Woodstock, and there
hired a horse to Oxford, and thence took coach to London.'
There were other butterflies in that gay court; beaux without wit;
remorseless rakes, incapable of one noble thought or high pursuit; and
amongst the most foolish and fashionable of these was Henry Jermyn, Lord
Dover. As the nephew of Henry Jermyn, Lord St. Albans, this young
simpleton was ushered into a court life with the most favourable
auspices. Jermyn Street (built in 1667) recalls to us the residence of
Lord St. Albans, the supposed husband of Henrietta Maria. It was also
the centre of fashion when Henry Jermyn the younger was launched into
its unholy sphere. Near Eagle Passage lived at that time La Belle
Stuart, Duchess of Richmond; next door to her Henry Savile, Rochester's
friend. The locality has since been purified by worthier associations:
Sir Isaac Newton lived for a time in Jermyn Street, and Gray lodged
there.
It was, however, in De Grammont's time, the scene of all the various
gallantries which were going on. Henry Jermyn was supported by the
wealth of his uncle, that uncle who, whilst Charles II. was starving at
Brussels, had kept a lavish table in Paris: little Jermyn, as the
younger Jermyn was called, owed much indeed to his fortune, which had
procured him great _éclat_ at the Dutch court. His head was large; his
features small; his legs short; his physiognomy was not positively
disagreeable, but he was affected and trifling, and his wit consisted in
expressions learnt by rote, which supplied him either with raillery or
with compliments.
This petty, inferior being had attracted the regard of the Princess
Royal--afterwards Princess of Orange--the daughter of Charles I. Then
the Countess of Castlemaine--afterwards Duchess of Cleveland--became
infatuated with him; he captivated also the lovely Mrs. Hyde, a
languishing beauty, whom Sir Peter Lely has depicted in all her sleepy
attractions, with her ringlets falling lightly over her snowy forehead
and down to her shoulders. This lady was, at the time when Jermyn came
to England, recently married to the son of the great Clarendon. She fell
desperately in love with this unworthy being: but, happily for her
peace, he preferred the honour (or dishonour) of being the favourite of
Lady Castlemaine, and Mrs. Hyde escaped the disgrace she, perhaps,
merited.
De Grammont appears absolutely to have hated Jermyn; not because he was
immoral, impertinent, and contemptible, but because it was Jermyn's
boast that no woman, good or bad, could resist him. Yet, in respect to
their unprincipled life, Jermyn and De Grammont had much in common. The
Chevalier was at this time an admirer of the foolish beauty, Jane
Middleton; one of the loveliest women of a court where it was impossible
to turn without seeing loveliness.
Mrs. Middleton was the daughter of Sir Roger Needham, and she has been
described, even by the grave Evelyn, as a 'famous, and, indeed,
incomparable beauty.' A coquette, she was, however, the friend of
intellectual men; and it was probably at the house of St. Evremond that
the Count first saw her. Her figure was good, she was fair and delicate;
and she had so great a desire, Count Hamilton relates, to 'appear
magnificently, that she was ambitious to vie with those of the greatest
fortunes, though unable to support the expense.'
Letters and presents now flew about. Perfumed gloves, pocket
looking-glasses, elegant boxes, apricot paste, essences, and other small
wares arrived weekly from Paris; English jewellery still had the
preference, and was liberally bestowed; yet Mrs. Middleton, affected and
somewhat precise, accepted the gifts but did not seem to encourage the
giver.
The Count de Grammont, piqued, was beginning to turn his attention to
Miss Warmestre, one of the queen's maids of honour, a lively brunette,
and a contrast to the languid Mrs. Middleton; when, happily for him, a
beauty appeared on the scene, and attracted him, by higher qualities
than mere looks, to a real, fervent, and honourable attachment.
Amongst the few respected families of that period was that of Sir George
Hamilton, the fourth son of James, Earl of Abercorn, and of Mary,
grand-daughter of Walter, eleventh Earl of Ormond. Sir George had
distinguished himself during the Civil Wars: on the death of Charles I.
he had retired to France, but returned, after the Restoration, to
London, with a large family, all intelligent and beautiful.
From their relationship to the Ormond family, the Hamiltons were soon
installed in the first circles of fashion. The Duke of Ormond's sons had
been in exile with the king; they now added to the lustre of the court
after his return. The Earl of Arran, the second, was a beau of the true
Cavalier order; clever at games, more especially at tennis, the king's
favourite diversion; he touched the guitar well; and made love _ad
libitum_. Lord Ossory, his elder brother, had less vivacity but more
intellect, and possessed a liberal, honest nature, and an heroic
character.
All the good qualities of these two young noblemen seem to have been
united in Anthony Hamilton, of whom De Grammont gives the following
character:--'The elder of the Hamiltons, their cousin, was the man who,
of all the court, dressed best; he was well made in his person, and
possessed those happy talents which lead to fortune, and procure success
in love: he was a most assiduous courtier, had the most lively wit, the
most polished manners, and the most punctual attention to his master
imaginable; no person danced better, nor was any one a more general
lover--a merit of some account in a court entirely devoted to love and
gallantry. It is not at all surprising that, with these qualities, he
succeeded my Lord Falmouth in the king's favour.'
The fascinating person thus described was born in Ireland: he had
already experienced some vicissitudes, which were renewed at the
Revolution of 1688, when he fled to France--the country in which he had
spent his youth--and died at St. Germains, in 1720, aged seventy-four.
His poetry and his fairy tales are forgotten; but his 'Memoirs of the
Count de Grammont' is a work which combines the vivacity of a French
writer with the truth of an English historian.
Ormond Yard, St. James's Square, was the London residence of the Duke of
Ormond: the garden wall of Ormond House took up the greater part of York
Street: the Hamilton family had a commodious house in the same courtly
neighbourhood; and the cousins mingled continually. Here persons of the
greatest distinction constantly met; and here the 'Chevalier de
Grammont,' as he was still called, was received in a manner suitable to
his rank and style; and soon regretted that he had passed so much time
in other places; for, after he once knew the charming Hamiltons, he
wished for no other friends.
There were three courts at that time in the capital; that at Whitehall,
in the king's apartments; that in the queen's, in the same palace; and
that of Henrietta Maria, the Queen-Mother, as she was styled, at
Somerset House. Charles's was pre-eminent in immorality, and in the
daily outrage of all decency; that of the unworthy widow of Charles I.
was just bordering on impropriety; that of Katherine of Braganza was
still decorous, though not irreproachable. Pepys, in his Diary, has this
passage:--'Visited Mrs. Ferrers, and stayed talking with her a good
while, there being a little, proud, ugly, talking lady there, that was
much crying up the queene-mother's court at Somerset House, above our
queen's; there being before her no allowance of laughing and mirth that
is at the other's; and, indeed, it is observed that the greatest court
now-a-days is there. Thence to Whitehall, where I carried my wife to see
the queene in her presence-chamber; and the maydes of honour and the
young Duke of Monmouth, playing at cards.'
Queen Katherine, notwithstanding that the first words she was ever known
to say in English were '_You lie!_' was one of the gentlest of beings.
Pepys describes her as having a modest, innocent look, among all the
demireps with whom she was forced to associate. Again we turn to Pepys,
an anecdote of whose is characteristic of poor Katherine's submissive,
uncomplaining nature:--
'With Creed, to the King's Head ordinary;... and a pretty gentleman in
our company, who confirms my Lady Castlemaine's being gone from court,
but knows not the reason; he told us of one wipe the queene, a little
while ago, did give her, when she came in and found the queene under the
dresser's hands, and had been so long. "I wonder your Majesty," says
she, "can have the patience to sit so long a-dressing?"--"I have so much
reason to use patience," says the queene, "that I can very well bear
with it."'
It was in the court of this injured queen that De Grammont went one
evening to Mrs. Middleton's house: there was a ball that night, and
amongst the dancers was the loveliest creature that De Grammont had ever
seen. His eyes were riveted on this fair form; he had heard, but never
till then seen her, whom all the world consented to call 'La Belle
Hamilton,' and his heart instantly echoed the expression. From this time
he forgot Mrs. Middleton, and despised Miss Warmestre: 'he found,' he
said, that he 'had seen nothing at court till this instant.'
'Miss Hamilton,' he himself tells us, 'was at the happy age when the
charms of the fair sex begin to bloom; she had the finest shape, the
loveliest neck, and most beautiful arms in the world; she was majestic
and graceful in all her movements; and she was the original after which
all the ladies copied in their taste and air of dress. Her forehead was
open, white, and smooth; her hair was well set, and fell with ease into
that natural order which it is so difficult to imitate. Her complexion
was possessed of a certain freshness, not to be equalled by borrowed
colours; her eyes were not large, but they were lively, and capable of
expressing whatever she pleased.'[12] So far for her person; but De
Grammont was, it seems, weary of external charms: it was the
intellectual superiority that riveted his feelings, whilst his
connoisseurship in beauty was satisfied that he had never yet seen any
one so perfect.
[Illustration: DE GRAMMONT'S MEETING WITH LA BELLE HAMILTON.]
'Her mind,' he says, 'was a proper companion for such a form: she did
not endeavour to shine in conversation by those sprightly sallies which
only puzzle, and with still greater care she avoided that affected
solemnity in her discourses which produces stupidity; but without any
eagerness to talk, she just said what she ought, and no more. She had
an admirable discernment in distinguishing between solid and false wit;
and far from making an ostentatious display of her abilities, she was
reserved, though very just in her decisions. Her sentiments were always
noble, and even lofty to the highest extent, when there was occasion;
nevertheless, she was less prepossessed with her own merit than is
usually the case with those who have so much. Formed as we have
described, she could not fail of commanding love; but so far was she
from courting it, that she was scrupulously nice with respect to those
whose merit might entitle them to form any pretensions to her.'
Born in 1641, Elizabeth--for such was the Christian name of this lovely
and admirable woman--was scarcely in her twentieth year when she first
appeared at Whitehall. Sir Peter Lely was at that time painting the
Beauties of the Court, and had done full justice to the intellectual and
yet innocent face that riveted De Grammont. He had depicted her with her
rich dark hair, of which a tendril or two fell on her ivory forehead,
adorned at the back with large pearls, under which a gauze-like texture
was gathered up, falling over the fair shoulders like a veil: a full
corsage, bound by a light band either of ribbon or of gold lace,
confining, with a large jewel or button, the sleeve on the shoulder,
disguised somewhat the exquisite shape. A frill of fine cambric set off,
whilst in whiteness it scarce rivalled, the shoulder and neck.
The features of this exquisite face are accurately described by De
Grammont, as Sir Peter has painted them. 'The mouth does not smile, but
seems ready to break out into a smile. Nothing is sleepy, but everything
is soft, sweet, and innocent in that face so beautiful and so beloved.'
Whilst the colours were fresh on Lely's palettes, James Duke of York,
that profligate who aped the saint, saw it, and henceforth paid his
court to the original, but was repelled with fearless _hauteur_. The
dissolute nobles of the court followed his example, even to the
'lady-killer' Jermyn, but in vain. Unhappily for La Belle Hamilton, she
became sensible to the attractions of De Grammont, whom she eventually
married.
Miss Hamilton, intelligent as she was, lent herself to the fashion of
the day, and delighted in practical jokes and tricks. At the splendid
masquerade given by the queen she continued to plague her cousin, Lady
Muskerry; to confuse and expose a stupid court beauty, a Miss Blaque;
and at the same time to produce on the Count de Grammont a still more
powerful effect than even her charms had done. Her success in
hoaxing--which we should now think both perilous and indelicate--seems
to have only riveted the chain, which was drawn around him more
strongly.
His friend, or rather his foe, St. Evremond, tried in vain to discourage
the Chevalier from his new passion. The former tutor was, it appeared,
jealous of its influence, and hurt that De Grammont was now seldom at
his house.
De Grammont's answer to his remonstrances was very characteristic. 'My
poor philosopher,' he cried, 'you understand Latin well--you can make
good verses--you are acquainted with the nature of the stars in the
firmament--but you are wholly ignorant of the luminaries in the
terrestrial globe.'
He then announced his intention to persevere, notwithstanding all the
obstacles which attached to the suit of a man without either fortune or
character, who had been exiled from his own country, and whose chief
mode of livelihood was dependent on the gaming-table.
One can scarcely read of the infatuation of La Belle Hamilton without a
sigh. During a period of six years their marriage was in contemplation
only; and De Grammont seems to have trifled inexcusably with the
feelings of this once gay and ever lovely girl. It was not for want of
means that De Grammont thus delayed the fulfilment of his engagement.
Charles II., inexcusably lavish, gave him a pension of 1500 Jacobuses:
it was to be paid to him until he should be restored to the favour of
his own king. The fact was that De Grammont contributed to the pleasures
of the court, and pleasure was the household deity of Whitehall.
Sometimes, in those days of careless gaiety, there were promenades in
Spring Gardens, or the Mall; sometimes the court beauties sallied forth
on horseback; at other times there were shows on the river, which then
washed the very foundations of Whitehall. There in the summer evenings,
when it was too hot and dusty to walk, old Thames might be seen covered
with little boats, filled with court and city beauties, attending the
royal barges; collations, music, and fireworks completed the scene, and
De Grammont always contrived some surprise--some gallant show: once a
concert of vocal and instrumental music, which he had privately brought
from Paris, struck up unexpectedly: another time a collation brought
from the gay capital surpassed that supplied by the king. Then the
Chevalier, finding that coaches with glass windows, lately introduced,
displeased the ladies, because their charms were only partially seen in
them, sent for the most elegant and superb _calèche_ ever seen: it came
after a month's journey, and was presented by De Grammont to the king.
It was a royal present in price, for it had cost two thousand livres.
The famous dispute between Lady Castlemaine and Miss Stuart, afterwards
Duchess of Richmond, arose about this _calèche_. The Queen and the
Duchess of York appeared first in it in Hyde Park, which had then
recently been fenced in with brick. Lady Castlemaine thought that the
_calèche_ showed off a fine figure better than the coach; Miss Stuart
was of the same opinion. Both these grown-up babies wished to have the
coach on the same day, but Miss Stuart prevailed.
The Queen condescended to laugh at the quarrels of these two foolish
women, and complimented the Chevalier de Grammont on his present. 'But
how is it,' she asked, 'that you do not even keep a footman, and that
one of the common runners in the street lights you home with a link?'
'Madame,' he answered, 'the Chevalier de Grammont hates pomp: my
link-boy is faithful and brave.' Then he told the Queen that he saw she
was unacquainted with the nation of link-boys, and related how that he
had, at one time, had one hundred and sixty around his chair at night,
and people had asked 'whose funeral it was? As for the parade of coaches
and footmen,' he added, 'I despise it. I have sometimes had five or six
_valets-de-chambre_, without a single footman in livery except my
chaplain.'
'How!' cried the Queen, laughing, 'a chaplain in livery? surely he was
not a priest.'
'_Pardon_, Madame, a priest, and the best dancer in the world of the
Biscayan gig.'
'Chevalier,' said the king, 'tell us the history of your chaplain
Poussatin.'
Then De Grammont related how, when he was with the great Condé, after
the campaign of Catalonia, he had seen among a company of Catalans, a
priest in a little black jacket, skipping and frisking: how Condé was
charmed, and how they recognized in him a Frenchman, and how he offered
himself to De Grammont for his chaplain. De Grammont had not much need,
he said, for a chaplain in his house, but he took the priest, who had
afterwards the honour of dancing before Anne of Austria, in Paris.
Suitor after suitor interfered with De Grammont's at last honourable
address to La Belle Hamilton. At length an incident occurred which had
very nearly separated them for ever. Philibert de Grammont was recalled
to Paris by Louis XIV. He forgot, Frenchman-like, all his engagements to
Miss Hamilton, and hurried off. He had reached Dover, when her two
brothers rode up after him. 'Chevalier de Grammont,' they said, 'have
you forgotten nothing in London?'
'I beg your pardon,' he answered, 'I forgot to marry your sister.' It is
said that this story suggested to Molière the idea of _Le Mariage
forcé_. They were, however, married.
In 1669 La Belle Hamilton, after giving birth to a child, went to reside
in France. Charles II., who thought she would pass for a handsome woman
in France, recommended her to his sister, Henrietta Duchess of Orleans,
and begged her to be kind to her.
Henceforth the Chevalier De Grammont and his wife figured at Versailles,
where the Countess de Grammont was appointed _Dame du Palais_. Her
career was less brilliant than in England. The French ladies deemed her
haughty and old, and even termed her _une Anglaise insupportable_.
She had certainly too much virtue, and perhaps too much beauty still,
for the Parisian ladies of fashion at that period to admire her.
She endeavoured in vain, to reclaim her libertine husband, and to call
him to a sense of his situation when he was on his death-bed. Louis
XIV. sent the Marquis de Dangeau to convert him, and to talk to him on a
subject little thought of by De Grammont--the world to come. After the
Marquis had been talking for some time, De Grammont turned to his wife
and said, 'Countess, if you don't look to it, Dangeau will juggle you
out of my conversion.' St. Evremond said he would gladly die to go off
with so successful a bon-mot.
He became however, in time, serious, if not devout or penitent. Ninon de
l'Enclos having written to St. Evremond that the Count de Grammont had
not only recovered but had become devout, St. Evremond answered her in
these words:--
'I have learned with a great deal of pleasure that the Count de Grammont
has recovered his former health, and acquired a new devotion. Hitherto I
have been contented with being a plain honest man; but I must do
something more: and I only wait for your example to become a devotee.
You live in a country where people have wonderful advantages of saving
their souls: there, vice is almost as opposite to the mode as virtue;
sinning passes for ill-breeding, and shocks decency and good-manners, as
much as religion. Formerly it was enough to be wicked, now one must be a
scoundrel withal to be damned in France.'
A report having been circulated that De Grammont was dead, St. Evremond
expressed deep regret. The report was contradicted by Ninon de l'Enclos.
The Chevalier was then eighty-six years of age; 'nevertheless he was,'
Ninon says, 'so young, that I think him as lively as when he hated sick
people, and loved them after they had recovered their health;' a trait
very descriptive of a man whose good-nature was always on the surface,
but whose selfishness was deep as that of most wits and beaux, who are
spoiled by the world, and who, in return, distrust and deceive the
spoilers. With this long life of eighty-six years, endowed as De
Grammont was with elasticity of spirits, good fortune, considerable
talent, an excellent position, a wit that never ceased to flow in a
clear current; with all these advantages, what might he not have been to
society, had his energy been well applied, his wit innocent, his talents
employed worthily, and his heart as sure to stand muster as his manners?