impersonal schemes, and I point out the fact that, if you undertake to
lift anybody, you must have a fulcrum or point of resistance. All the
elevation you give to one must be gained by an equivalent depression on
some one else. The question of gain to society depends upon the balance
of the account, as regards the position of the persons who undergo the
respective operations. But nearly all the schemes for “improving the
condition of the working man” involve an elevation of some working men
at the expense of other working men. When you expend capital or labor
to elevate some persons who come within the sphere of your influence,
you interfere in the conditions of competition. The advantage of
some is won by an equivalent loss of others. The difference is not
brought about by the energy and effort of the persons themselves. If
it were, there would be nothing to be said about it, for we constantly
see people surpass others in the rivalry of life and carry off the
prizes which the others must do without. In the cases I am discussing,
the difference is brought about by an interference which must be
partial, arbitrary, accidental, controlled by favoritism and personal
preference. I do not say, in this case, either, that we ought to do
no work of this kind. On the contrary, I believe that the arguments
for it quite outweigh, in many cases, the arguments against it. What I
desire, again, is to bring out the forgotten element which we always
need to remember in order to make a wise decision as to any scheme of
this kind. I want to call to mind the Forgotten Man, because, in this
case also, if we recall him and go to look for him, we shall find him
patiently and perseveringly, manfully and independently struggling
against adverse circumstances without complaining or begging. If, then,
we are led to heed the groaning and complaining of others and to take
measures for helping these others, we shall, before we know it, push
down this man who is trying to help himself.
Let us take another class of cases. So far we have said nothing about
the abuse of legislation. We all seem to be under the delusion that the
rich pay the taxes. Taxes are not thrown upon the consumers with any
such directness and completeness as is sometimes assumed; but that, in
ordinary states of the market, taxes on houses fall, for the most part,
on the tenants and that taxes on commodities fall, for the most part,
on the consumers, is beyond question. Now the state and municipality
go to great expense to support policemen and sheriffs and judicial
officers, to protect people against themselves, that is, against the
results of their own folly, vice, and recklessness. Who pays for it?
Undoubtedly the people who have not been guilty of folly, vice, or
recklessness. Out of nothing comes nothing. We cannot collect taxes
from people who produce nothing and save nothing. The people who have
something to tax must be those who have produced and saved.
When you see a drunkard in the gutter, you are disgusted, but you pity
him. When a policeman comes and picks him up you are satisfied. You
say that “society” has interfered to save the drunkard from perishing.
Society is a fine word, and it saves us the trouble of thinking to
say that society acts. The truth is that the policeman is paid by
somebody, and when we talk about society we forget who it is that pays.
It is the Forgotten Man again. It is the industrious workman going home
from a hard day’s work, whom you pass without noticing, who is mulcted
of a percentage of his day’s earnings to hire a policeman to save the
drunkard from himself. All the public expenditure to prevent vice has
the same effect. Vice is its own curse. If we let nature alone, she
cures vice by the most frightful penalties. It may shock you to hear me
say it, but when you get over the shock, it will do you good to think
of it: a drunkard in the gutter is just where he ought to be. Nature
is working away at him to get him out of the way, just as she sets up
her processes of dissolution to remove whatever is a failure in its
line. Gambling and less mentionable vices all cure themselves by the
ruin and dissolution of their victims. Nine-tenths of our measures
for preventing vice are really protective towards it, because they
ward off the penalty. “Ward off,” I say, and that is the usual way of
looking at it; but is the penalty really annihilated? By no means. It
is turned into police and court expenses and spread over those who have
resisted vice. It is the Forgotten Man again who has been subjected to
the penalty while our minds were full of the drunkards, spendthrifts,
gamblers, and other victims of dissipation. Who is, then, the Forgotten
Man? He is the clean, quiet, virtuous, domestic citizen, who pays his
debts and his taxes and is never heard of out of his little circle. Yet
who is there in the society of a civilized state who deserves to be
remembered and considered by the legislator and statesman before this
man?
Another class of cases is closely connected with this last. There
is an apparently invincible prejudice in people’s minds in favor of
state regulation. All experience is against state regulation and in
favor of liberty. The freer the civil institutions are, the more weak
or mischievous state regulation is. The Prussian bureaucracy can do
a score of things for the citizen which no governmental organ in the
United States can do; and, conversely, if we want to be taken care
of as Prussians and Frenchmen are, we must give up something of our
personal liberty.
Now we have a great many well-intentioned people among us who believe
that they are serving their country when they discuss plans for
regulating the relations of employer and employee, or the sanitary
regulations of dwellings, or the construction of factories, or the
way to behave on Sunday, or what people ought not to eat or drink or
smoke. All this is harmless enough and well enough as a basis of mutual
encouragement and missionary enterprise, but it is almost always made
a basis of legislation. The reformers want to get a majority, that is,
to get the power of the state and so to make other people do what the
reformers think it right and wise to do. A and B agree to spend Sunday
in a certain way. They get a law passed to make C pass it in their
way. They determine to be teetotallers and they get a law passed to
make C be a teetotaller for the sake of D who is likely to drink too
much. Factory acts for women and children are right because women and
children are not on an equal footing with men and cannot, therefore,
make contracts properly. Adult men, in a free state, must be left to
make their own contracts and defend themselves. It will not do to
say that some men are weak and unable to make contracts any better
than women. Our civil institutions assume that all men are equal in
political capacity and all are given equal measure of political power
and right, which is not the case with women and children. If, then, we
measure political rights by one theory and social responsibilities by
another, we produce an immoral and vicious relation. A and B, however,
get factory acts and other acts passed regulating the relation of
employers and employee and set armies of commissioners and inspectors
traveling about to see to things, instead of using their efforts, if
any are needed, to lead the free men to make their own conditions as to
what kind of factory buildings they will work in, how many hours they
will work, what they will do on Sunday and so on. The consequence is
that men lose the true education in freedom which is needed to support
free institutions. They are taught to rely on government officers and
inspectors. The whole system of government inspectors is corrupting
to free institutions. In England, the liberals used always to regard
state regulation with suspicion, but since they have come to power,
they plainly believe that state regulation is a good thing--if _they_
regulate--because, of course, they want to bring about good things. In
this country each party takes turns, according as it is in or out, in
supporting or denouncing the non-interference theory.
Now, if we have state regulation, what is always forgotten is
this: Who pays for it? Who is the victim of it? There always is a
victim. The workmen who do not defend themselves have to pay for the
inspectors who defend them. The whole system of social regulation by
boards, commissioners, and inspectors consists in relieving negligent
people of the consequences of their negligence and so leaving them
to continue negligent without correction. That system also turns
away from the agencies which are close, direct, and germane to the
purpose, and seeks others. Now, if you relieve negligent people of the
consequences of their negligence, you can only throw those consequences
on the people who have not been negligent. If you turn away from the
agencies which are direct and cognate to the purpose, you can only
employ other agencies. Here, then, you have your Forgotten Man again.
The man who has been careful and prudent and who wants to go on and
reap his advantages for himself and his children is arrested just
at that point, and he is told that he must go and take care of some
negligent employees in a factory or on a railroad who have not provided
precautions for themselves or have not forced their employers to
provide precautions, or negligent tenants who have not taken care of
their own sanitary arrangements, or negligent householders who have not
provided against fire, or negligent parents who have not sent their
children to school. If the Forgotten Man does not go, he must hire an
inspector to go. No doubt it is often worth his while to go or send,
rather than leave the thing undone, on account of his remoter interest;
but what I want to show is that all this is unjust to the Forgotten
Man, and that the reformers and philosophers miss the point entirely
when they preach that it is his duty to do all this work. Let them
preach to the negligent to learn to take care of themselves. Whenever
A and B put their heads together and decide what A, B and C must do
for D, there is never any pressure on A and B. They consent to it and
like it. There is rarely any pressure on D because he does not like it
and contrives to evade it. The pressure all comes on C. Now, who is C?
He is always the man who, if let alone, would make a reasonable use
of his liberty without abusing it. He would not constitute any social
problem at all and would not need any regulation. He is the Forgotten
Man again, and as soon as he is brought from his obscurity you see that
he is just that one amongst us who is what we all ought to be.
Let us look at another case. I read again and again arguments to prove
that criminals have claims and rights against society. Not long ago, I
read an account of an expensive establishment for the reformation of
criminals, and I am told that we ought to reform criminals, not merely
punish them vindictively. When I was a young man, I read a great many
novels by Eugene Sue, Victor Hugo, and other Frenchmen of the school
of ’48, in which the badness of a bad man is represented, not as his
fault, but as the fault of society. Now, as society consists of the bad
men plus the good men, and as the object of this declaration was to
show that the badness of the bad men was not the fault of the bad men,
it remains that the badness of the bad men must be the fault of the
good men. No doubt, it is far more consoling to the bad men than even
to their friends to reach the point of this demonstration.
Let us ask, now, for a moment, what is the sense of punishment, since
a good many people seem to be quite in a muddle about it. Every man in
society is bound in nature and reason to contribute to the strength and
welfare of society. He ought to work, to be peaceful, honest, just,
and virtuous. A criminal is a man who, instead of working with and
for society, turns his efforts against the common welfare in some way
or other. He disturbs order, violates harmony, invades the security
and happiness of others, wastes and destroys capital. If he is put to
death, it is on the ground that he has forfeited all right to existence
in society by the magnitude of his offenses against its welfare. If he
is imprisoned, it is simply a judgment of society upon him that he is
so mischievous to the society that he must be segregated from it. His
punishment is a warning to him to reform himself, just exactly like the
penalties inflicted by God and nature on vice. A man who has committed
crime is, therefore, a burden on society and an injury to it. He is a
destructive and not a productive force and everybody is worse off for
his existence than if he did not exist. Whence, then, does he obtain
a right to be taught or reformed at the public expense? The whole
question of what to do with him is one of expediency, and it embraces
the whole range of possible policies from that of execution to that
of education and reformation, but when the expediency of reformatory
attempts is discussed we always forget the labor and expense and who
must pay. All that the state does for the criminal, beyond forcing
him to earn his living, is done at the expense of the industrious
member of society who never costs the state anything for correction
and discipline. If a man who has gone astray can be reclaimed in any
way, no one would hinder such a work, but people whose minds are full
of sympathy and interest for criminals and who desire to adopt some
systematic plans of reformatory efforts are only, once more, trampling
on the Forgotten Man.
Let us look at another case. If there is a public office to be filled,
of course a great number of persons come forward as candidates for
it. Many of these persons are urged as candidates on the ground that
they are badly off, or that they cannot support themselves, or that
they want to earn a living while educating themselves, or that they
have female relatives dependent on them, or for some other reason of a
similar kind. In other cases, candidates are presented and urged on the
ground of their kinship to somebody, or on account of service, it may
be meritorious service, in some other line than that of the duty to be
performed. Men are proposed for clerkships on the ground of service in
the army twenty years ago, or for custom-house inspectors on the ground
of public services in the organization of political parties. If public
positions are granted on these grounds of sentiment or favoritism,
the abuse is to be condemned on the ground of the harm done to the
public interest; but I now desire to point out another thing which is
constantly forgotten. If you give a position to A, you cannot give it
to B. If A is an object of sentiment or favoritism and not a person fit
and competent to fulfill the duty, who is B? He is somebody who has
nothing but merit on his side, somebody who has no powerful friends,
no political influence, some quiet, unobtrusive individual who has
known no other way to secure the chances of life than simply to deserve
them. Here we have the Forgotten Man again, and once again we find him
worthy of all respect and consideration, but passed by in favor of the
noisy, pushing, and incompetent. Who ever remembers that if you give a
place to a man who is unfit for it you are keeping out of it somebody,
somewhere, who is fit for it?
Let us take another case. A trades-union is an association of
journeymen in a certain trade which has for one of its chief objects
to raise wages in that trade. This object can be accomplished only
by drawing more capital into the trade, or by lessening the supply
of labor in it. To do the latter, the trades-unions limit the number
of apprentices who may be admitted to the trade. In discussing this
device, people generally fix their minds on the beneficiaries of this
arrangement. It is desired by everybody that wages should be as high as
they can be under the conditions of industry. Our minds are directed
by the facts of the case to the men who are in the trade already and
are seeking their own advantage. Sometimes people go on to notice the
effects of trades-unionism on the employers, but although employers
are constantly vexed by it, it is seen that they soon count it into
the risks of their business and settle down to it philosophically.
Sometimes people go further then and see that, if the employer adds
the trades-union and strike risk to the other risks, he submits to it
because he has passed it along upon the public and that the public
wealth is diminished by trades-unionism, which is undoubtedly the case.
I do not remember, however, that I have ever seen in print any analysis
and observation of trades-unionism which takes into account its
effect in another direction. The effect on employers or on the public
would not raise wages. The public pays more for houses and goods, but
that does not raise wages. The surplus paid by the public is pure
loss, because it is only paid to cover an extra business risk of the
employer. If their trades-unions raise wages, how do they do it? They
do it by lessening the supply of labor in the trade, and this they do
by limiting the number of apprentices. All that is won, therefore, for
those in the trade, is won at the expense of those persons in the same
class in life who want to get into the trade but are forbidden. Like
every other monopoly, this one secures advantages for those who are in
only at a greater loss to those who are kept out. Who, then, are those
who are kept out and who are always forgotten in all the discussions?
They are the Forgotten Men again; and what kind of men are they? They
are those young men who want to earn their living by the trade in
question. Since they select it, it is fair to suppose that they are fit
for it, would succeed at it, and would benefit society by practicing
it; but they are arbitrarily excluded from it and are perhaps pushed
down into the class of unskilled laborers. When people talk of the
success of a trades-union in raising wages, they forget these persons
who have really, in a sense, paid the increase.
Let me now turn your attention to another class of cases. I have
shown how, in time past, the history of states has been a history of
selfishness, cupidity, and robbery, and I have affirmed that now and
always the problems of government are how to deal with these same vices
of human nature. People are always prone to believe that there is
something metaphysical and sentimental about civil affairs, but there
is not. Civil institutions are constructed to protect, either directly
or indirectly, the property of men and the honor of women against the
vices and passions of human nature. In our day and country, the problem
presents new phases, but it is there just the same as it ever was,
and the problem is only the more difficult for us because of its new
phase which prevents us from recognizing it. In fact, our people are
raving and struggling against it in a kind of blind way, not yet having
come to recognize it. More than half of their blows, at present, are
misdirected and fail of their object, but they will be aimed better
by and by. There is a great deal of clamor about watering stocks
and the power of combined capital, which is not very intelligent or
well-directed. The evil and abuse which people are groping after in all
these denunciations is jobbery.
By jobbery I mean the constantly apparent effort to win wealth, not
by honest and independent production, but by some sort of a scheme
for extorting other people’s product from them. A large part of our
legislation consists in making a job for somebody. Public buildings are
jobs, not always, but in most cases. The buildings are not needed at
all or are costly far beyond what is useful or even decently luxurious.
Internal improvements are jobs. They are carried out, not because they
are needed in themselves, but because they will serve the turn of some
private interest, often incidentally that of the very legislators who
pass the appropriations for them. A man who wants a farm, instead
of going out where there is plenty of land available for it, goes
down under the Mississippi River to make a farm, and then wants his
fellow-citizens to be taxed to dyke the river so as to keep it off his
farm. The Californian hydraulic miners have washed the gold out of the
hillsides and have washed the dirt down into the valleys to the ruin of
the rivers and the farms. They want the federal government to remove
this dirt at the national expense. The silver miners, finding that
their product is losing value in the market, get the government to go
into the market as a great buyer in the hope of sustaining the price.
The national government is called upon to buy or hire unsalable ships;
to dig canals which will not pay; to educate illiterates in the states
which have not done their duty at the expense of the states which have
done their duty as to education; to buy up telegraphs which no longer
pay; and to provide the capital for enterprises of which private
individuals are to win the profits. We are called upon to squander
twenty millions on swamps and creeks; from twenty to sixty-six millions
on the Mississippi River; one hundred millions in pensions--and there
is now a demand for another hundred million beyond that. This is the
great plan of all living on each other. The pensions in England used to
be given to aristocrats who had political power, in order to corrupt
them. Here the pensions are given to the great democratic mass who have
the political power, in order to corrupt them. We have one hundred
thousand federal office-holders and I do not know how many state and
municipal office-holders. Of course public officers are necessary
and it is an economical organization of society to set apart some of
its members for civil functions, but if the number of persons drawn
from production and supported by the producers while engaged in civil
functions is in undue proportion to the total population, there is
economic loss. If public offices are treated as spoils or benefices or
sinecures, then they are jobs and only constitute part of the pillage.
The biggest job of all is a protective tariff. This device consists
in delivering every man over to be plundered by his neighbor and in
teaching him to believe that it is a good thing for him and his country
because he may take his turn at plundering the rest. Mr. Kelley said
that if the internal revenue taxes on whisky and tobacco, which are
paid to the United States government, were not taken off, there would
be a rebellion. Just then it was discovered that Sumatra tobacco was
being imported, and the Connecticut tobacco men hastened to Congress
to get a tax laid on it for their advantage. So it appears that if a
tax is laid on tobacco, to be paid to the United States, there will be
a rebellion, but if a tax is laid on it to be paid to the farmers of
the Connecticut Valley, there will be no rebellion at all. The tobacco
farmers having been taxed for protected manufactures are now to be
taken into the system, and the workmen in the factories are to be taxed
on their tobacco to protect the farmers. So the system is rendered more
complete and comprehensive.
On every hand you find this jobbery. The government is to give every
man a pension, and every man an office, and every man a tax to raise
the price of his product, and to clean out every man’s creek for him,
and to buy all his unsalable property, and to provide him with plenty
of currency to pay his debts, and to educate his children, and to
give him the use of a library and a park and a museum and a gallery
of pictures. On every side the doors of waste and extravagance stand
open; and spend, squander, plunder, and grab are the watchwords. We
grumble some about it and talk about the greed of corporations and
the power of capital and the wickedness of stock gambling. Yet we
elect the legislators who do all this work. Of course, we should
never think of blaming ourselves for electing men to represent and
govern us, who, if I may use a slang expression, give us away. What
man ever blamed himself for his misfortune? We groan about monopolies
and talk about more laws to prevent the wrongs done by chartered
corporations. Who made the charters? Our representatives. Who elected
such representatives? We did. How can we get bad law-makers to make
a law which shall prevent bad law-makers from making a bad law? That
is, really, what we are trying to do. If we are a free, self-governing
people, all our misfortunes come right home to ourselves and we can
blame nobody else. Is any one astonished to find that men are greedy,
whether they are incorporated or not? Is it a revelation to find
that we need, in our civil affairs, to devise guarantees against
selfishness, rapacity, and fraud? I have ventured to affirm that
government has never had to deal with anything else.
Now, I have said that this jobbery means waste, plunder, and loss,
and I defined it at the outset as the system of making a chance to
extort part of his product from somebody else. Now comes the question:
Who pays for it all? The system of plundering each other soon destroys
all that it deals with. It produces nothing. Wealth comes only from
production, and all that the wrangling grabbers, loafers, and jobbers
get to deal with comes from somebody’s toil and sacrifice. Who, then,
is he who provides it all? Go and find him and you will have once more
before you the Forgotten Man. You will find him hard at work because
he has a great many to support. Nature has done a great deal for him
in giving him a fertile soil and an excellent climate and he wonders
why it is that, after all, his scale of comfort is so moderate. He has
to get out of the soil enough to pay all his taxes, and that means the
cost of all the jobs and the fund for all the plunder. The Forgotten
Man is delving away in patient industry, supporting his family,
paying his taxes, casting his vote, supporting the church and the
school, reading his newspaper, and cheering for the politician of his
admiration, but he is the only one for whom there is no provision in
the great scramble and the big divide.
Such is the Forgotten Man. He works, he votes, generally he prays--but
he always pays--yes, above all, he pays. He does not want an office;
his name never gets into the newspaper except when he gets married or
dies. He keeps production going on. He contributes to the strength of
parties. He is flattered before election. He is strongly patriotic. He
is wanted, whenever, in his little circle, there is work to be done
or counsel to be given. He may grumble some occasionally to his wife
and family, but he does not frequent the grocery or talk politics at
the tavern. Consequently, he is forgotten. He is a commonplace man. He
gives no trouble. He excites no admiration. He is not in any way a hero
(like a popular orator); or a problem (like tramps and outcasts); nor
notorious (like criminals); nor an object of sentiment (like the poor
and weak); nor a burden (like paupers and loafers); nor an object out
of which social capital may be made (like the beneficiaries of church
and state charities); nor an object for charitable aid and protection
(like animals treated with cruelty); nor the object of a job (like the
ignorant and illiterate); nor one over whom sentimental economists and
statesmen can parade their fine sentiments (like inefficient workmen
and shiftless artisans). Therefore, he is forgotten. All the burdens
fall on him, or on her, for it is time to remember that the Forgotten
Man is not seldom a woman.
When you go to Willimantic, they will show you with great pride the
splendid thread mills there. I am told that there are sewing-women who
can earn only fifty cents in twelve hours, and provide the thread. In
the cost of every spool of thread more than one cent is tax. It is
paid, not to get the thread, for you could get the thread without it.
It is paid to get the Willimantic linen company which is not worth
having and which is, in fact, a nuisance, because it makes thread
harder to get than it would be if there were no such concern. If a
woman earns fifty cents in twelve hours, she earns a spool of thread as
nearly as may be in an hour, and if she uses a spool of thread per day,
she works a quarter of an hour per day to support the Willimantic linen
company, which in 1882 paid 95 per cent dividend to its stockholders.
If you go and look at the mill, it will captivate your imagination
until you remember all the women in all the garrets, and all the
artisans’ and laborers’ wives and children who are spending their
hours of labor, not to get goods which they need, but to pay for the
industrial system which only stands in their way and makes it harder
for them to get the goods.
It is plain enough that the Forgotten Man and the Forgotten Woman
are the very life and substance of society. They are the ones who
ought to be first and always remembered. They are always forgotten by
sentimentalists, philanthropists, reformers, enthusiasts, and every
description of speculator in sociology, political economy, or political
science. If a student of any of these sciences ever comes to understand
the position of the Forgotten Man and to appreciate his true value,
you will find such student an uncompromising advocate of the strictest
scientific thinking on all social topics, and a cold and hard-hearted
skeptic towards all artificial schemes of social amelioration. If
it is desired to bring about social improvements, bring us a scheme
for relieving the Forgotten Man of some of his burdens. He is our
productive force which we are wasting. Let us stop wasting his force.
Then we shall have a clean and simple gain for the whole society. The
Forgotten Man is weighted down with the cost and burden of the schemes
for making everybody happy, with the cost of public beneficence, with
the support of all the loafers, with the loss of all the economic
quackery, with the cost of all the jobs. Let us remember him a little
while. Let us take some of the burdens off him. Let us turn our pity
on him instead of on the good-for-nothing. It will be only justice
to him, and society will greatly gain by it. Why should we not also
have the satisfaction of thinking and caring for a little while about
the clean, honest, industrious, independent, self-supporting men and
women who have not inherited much to make life luxurious for them, but
who are doing what they can to get on in the world without begging
from anybody, especially since all they want is to be let alone, with
good friendship and honest respect. Certainly the philanthropists and
sentimentalists have kept our attention for a long time on the nasty,
shiftless, criminal, whining, crawling, and good-for-nothing people, as
if they alone deserved our attention.
The Forgotten Man is never a pauper. He almost always has a little
capital because it belongs to the character of the man to save
something. He never has more than a little. He is, therefore, poor
in the popular sense, although in the correct sense he is not so. I
have said already that if you learn to look for the Forgotten Man and
to care for him, you will be very skeptical toward all philanthropic
and humanitarian schemes. It is clear now that the interest of the
Forgotten Man and the interest of “the poor,” “the weak,” and the other
petted classes are in antagonism. In fact, the warning to you to look
for the Forgotten Man comes the minute that the orator or writer begins
to talk about the poor man. That minute the Forgotten Man is in danger
of a new assault, and if you intend to meddle in the matter at all,
then is the minute for you to look about for him and to give him your
aid. Hence, if you care for the Forgotten Man, you will be sure to be
charged with _not_ caring for the poor. Whatever you do for any of the
petted classes wastes capital. If you do anything for the Forgotten
Man, you must secure him his earnings and savings, that is, you
legislate for the security of capital and for its free employment; you
must oppose paper money, wildcat banking and usury laws and you must
maintain the inviolability of contracts. Hence you must be prepared to
be told that you favor the capitalist class, the enemy of the poor man.
What the Forgotten Man really wants is true liberty. Most of his wrongs
and woes come from the fact that there are yet mixed together in our
institutions the old mediæval theories of protection and personal
dependence and the modern theories of independence and individual
liberty. The consequence is that the people who are clever enough
to get into positions of control, measure their own rights by the
paternal theory and their own duties by the theory of independent
liberty. It follows that the Forgotten Man, who is hard at work at
home, has to pay both ways. His rights are measured by the theory
of liberty, that is, he has only such as he can conquer. His duties
are measured by the paternal theory, that is, he must discharge all
which are laid upon him, as is always the fortune of parents. People
talk about the paternal theory of government as if it were a very
simple thing. Analyze it, however, and you see that in every paternal
relation there must be two parties, a parent and a child, and when
you speak metaphorically, it makes all the difference in the world
who is parent and who is child. Now, since we, the people, are the
state, whenever there is any work to be done or expense to be paid, and
since the petted classes and the criminals and the jobbers cost and
do not pay, it is they who are in the position of the child, and it
is the Forgotten Man who is the parent. What the Forgotten Man needs,
therefore, is that we come to a clearer understanding of liberty and to
a more complete realization of it. Every step which we win in liberty
will set the Forgotten Man free from some of his burdens and allow him
to use his powers for himself and for the commonwealth.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
The following bibliography is as nearly exhaustive as we have been able
to make it. There are doubtless other articles which have not come
under our notice; and there are certainly a number of contributions
to the press, signed and unsigned, to which we have no clue. The
distribution of those which we have found will indicate the task of any
one who should aim at exhaustiveness.
It has seemed best to us to include the titles of certain unpublished
writings, especially where these are to be made accessible to students
by the deposit of the manuscripts with the Yale University Library
(under Sumner Estate). Sumner had a way of writing something out
very carefully, perhaps as a lecture, and then laying it away with
apparently no thought of publishing it; a number of such manuscripts
have been printed for the first time in this series of volumes. There
are also a few of Sumner’s printed utterances which we possessed in the
form of clippings, but could not locate; the titles of such have been
included as accessible at the Yale Library.
There is a good deal of Sumner’s writing in the reports of the
Connecticut State Board of Education. We have been informed that his
services to that Board, extending over twenty years, included much
committee work and many carefully written reports. As these are of a
somewhat special nature, we refer simply to the documents of the Board.
It is the intention of the publishers to make of the volumes now in
print under uniform style a set of four, to be numbered in the order of
their appearance. For the sake of brevity, then, War and Other Essays
is referred to below as Vol. I; Earth Hunger and Other Essays, as Vol.
II; The Challenge of Facts and Other Essays, as Vol. III; and The
Forgotten Man and Other Essays, as Vol. IV.
There are in these volumes a few numbers not written by Sumner, but
about him, such as the Memorial Addresses in Vol. III.
A. G. K.
M. R. D.
1872. THE BOOKS OF THE KINGS, by K. C. W. F. Bähr. Translated,
Enlarged, and Edited ... Book 2, by W. G.
Sumner, in Lange, J. P., A commentary on the Holy
Scripture ... New York, Scribner, Armstrong & Co.,
1866–1882, 26 vols., VI, 312 pp.
THE CHURCH’S LAW OF THE INTERPRETATION OF SCRIPTURE.
Unpublished manuscript on scientific criticism
of the Bible. April 3. 61 pp. (Sumner Estate.)
MEMORIAL DAY ADDRESS. Delivered at Morristown,
May 30. Printed for the first time in Vol. III, pp. 347–362.
1873. THE SOLIDARITY OF THE HUMAN RACE. Unpublished
manuscript of an address on the influence of ideas and
events in one country on conditions in other countries,
delivered at the Sheffield Scientific School, January 11.
40 pp. (Sumner Estate.)
RELATION OF PHYSICAL TO MORAL GOOD. An address.
Unpublished manuscript probably of this date, 35 pp.
(Sumner Estate.)
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE TO COURSES IN POLITICAL AND
SOCIAL SCIENCE. Printed for the first time in Vol. III,
pp. 391–403.
HISTORY OF PAPER MONEY. Paper money in China,
England, Austria, Russia, and the American Colonies.
Unpublished manuscript, 109 pp. (Sumner Estate.)
SOCIALISM. Three unpublished manuscripts written between
1873 and 1880 which appear to be preliminary
sketches to the essay entitled The Challenge of Facts.
38, 12, and 31 pp. respectively.
1874. A HISTORY OF AMERICAN CURRENCY, with chapters on the
English Bank Restriction and Austrian Paper Money,
to which is appended “The Bullion Report.” New
York, H. Holt & Co., iv, 391 pp., twofold diagram.
THE LESSON OF THE PANIC (of 1873). Unpublished manuscript
advocating a return to a sound currency, 20 pp.
(Sumner Estate.)
HAVE WE HAD ENOUGH? Unpublished manuscript on the
evils of paper money, written soon after the panic of
1873, 15 pp. (Sumner Estate.)
POLITICAL ECONOMY. From 300 to 400 pp. of lecture notes
for classroom use. (Sumner Estate.)
TAXATION. What it is, what its relation to other departments
of political economy is, and what are the general
principles by which it must be controlled. Unpublished
manuscript probably of this date, 24 pp. (Sumner
Estate.)
1875. AMERICAN FINANCE. Boston, Williams.
THE CURRENCY QUESTION. An address delivered about
this time opposing the issue of irredeemable paper money.
Unpublished manuscript, 96 pp. (Sumner Estate.)
1876. MONETARY DEVELOPMENT. (In Woolsey, T. D., and
others, First Century of the Republic. New York,
Harper & Bros.)
POLITICS IN AMERICA, 1776–1876. North American Review,
January, Vol. CXXII, Centennial number, pp. 47–87.
Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp. 285–333.
SHALL THE “HARD TIMES” CONTINUE? A review of the
address of Professor Sumner before the New Haven
Chamber of Commerce. The Woonsocket Patriot,
May 19.
BOURBONISM. “Real Issues of the Day.” New York
World, May 19.
FREE PIG-IRON. Letter to the New York Mercantile
Journal, June 3.
FOR PRESIDENT? New Haven Palladium, September 12.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 365–379.
IS THE WAR OVER? “Real Issues of the Day.” New
York World, October 9.
FEARS OF A SOLID SOUTH. “Real Issues of the Day.”
New York World, October 10.
POLITICAL STATUS OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. Letter to
the New York World, October 16.
WHAT HAS BECOME OF REFORM? “Real Issues of the
Day.” New York World, October 23.
THE DEMOCRATIC REPLY. To the visiting Republicans in
New Orleans who refused to enter into a conference upon
the subject of the counting of the election returns.
New York Tribune, November 17.
“PROFESSOR SUMNER ON LOUISIANA.” Letter to the
New York World, November 21, in answer to Governor
Ingersoll’s request to express his views on the political
situation in that state after his visit to New Orleans.
IMPRESSIONS IN NEW ORLEANS. Letter to the New
York Herald, November 22.
1877. LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF PROTECTION IN THE UNITED
STATES. Delivered before the International Free-trade
Alliance. Reprinted from “The New Century.” Published
for the International Free-trade Alliance by
G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York, 64 pp. Contents:
The National Idea and the American System, Broad
Principles Underlying the Tariff Controversy, The
Origin of Protection in this Country, The Establishment
of Protection in this Country, Vacillation of the Protective
Policy in this Country.
REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. The Chicago Tribune, January
1. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 223–240.
PROTECTION AND PIG-IRON. Letter to the Courier,
February 12.
DEMOCRACY AND RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT. Address
at Providence, R. I., June 20, before the Phi Beta Kappa
Society of Brown University. The Providence Evening
Press, June 21. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 243–286.
SILVER. Address before the Senior Class of Yale University.
The New Haven Union, December 12.
THE SILVER QUESTION. What it is and how it should be
dealt with. New York World, December 12.
THE COMMERCIAL CRISIS OF 1837. Written in 1877 or
1878. (There are indications on the manuscript that
it was once printed, but efforts to find where have
failed.) Published, probably for the first time, in
Vol. IV, pp. 371–398.
1878. OUR REVENUE SYSTEM, by A. L. EARLE. Preface by W. G.
Sumner. New York, published for the New York Free-trade
Club by G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 47 pp. (Economic
Monograph No. V.)
MONEY AND ITS LAWS. International Review, January
and February, Vol. V, pp. 75–81.
WHAT IS FREE TRADE? Chicago News, January 7.
SILVER. Address in Chicago. The Chicago Tribune,
January 9.
THE SILVER QUESTION. Lecture before the Manhattan
Club of New York City, January 25, on the disastrous
results of remonetization. The New York World,
January 26.
A FEW PLAIN ANSWERS. Letter to the New Haven
Register, February 28, on the tariff.
PROTECTION AND REVENUE IN 1877. Lecture delivered
before the New York Free-trade Club, April 18. New
York, published for the New York Free-trade Club by
G. P. Putnam’s Sons. (Economic Monograph No.
VIII.)
SOCIALISM. Scribner’s Monthly, October, Vol. XVI, No.
6, pp. 887–893.
RELATION OF LEGISLATION TO CURRENCY. Unpublished
manuscript written about this time dealing with the
nature of money, coining, paper money, legal tender
acts, the monetary experience of England and France,
etc., and opposing the abuses of legislation in regard to
currency. 45 pp. (Sumner Estate.)
A CONCURRENT CIRCULATION OF GOLD AND SILVER.
Printed for the first time in Vol. IV, pp. 183–210.
1879. BIMETALLISM. Princeton Review, November, pp. 546–578.
AMORTIZATION OF PUBLIC DEBTS. Unpublished manuscript,
chiefly historical, written about this time. 35 pp.
(Sumner Estate.)
THE INFLUENCE OF COMMERCIAL CRISES ON OPINIONS
ABOUT ECONOMIC DOCTRINES. An address probably of
this date. Printed for the first time in Vol. IV, pp.
213–235.
THE CO-OPERATIVE COMMONWEALTH. Written in the
seventies or eighties. Extracts printed for the first
time in Vol. IV, pp. 441–462.
1880. WHAT OUR BOYS ARE READING. Combined with “Books
and Reading for the Young,” by J. H. Smart. Chas.
Scribner’s Sons. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 367–377.
THE TRUE AIM OF LIFE. Address to the Seniors in Yale
University. The New Haven Register, February 1.
(Not in form for re-printing.)
THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF ELECTIONS. Princeton
Review, March, pp. 262–286, and July, pp. 24–41.
TWO LETTERS TO THE NEW YORK TIMES, April 3 and 4,
giving his reasons for using Spencer’s “Study of Sociology”
as a text-book.
THE ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON. Address
before the Kent Club of the Yale Law School, briefly
reported in the New York Tribune, April 29. Printed
in full for the first time in Vol. IV, pp. 337–367.
THE REVIVAL OF OCEAN COMMERCE. A free-trade letter
to the American Railroad Journal, September 10.
Professor Sumner’s views respecting the tariff question.
Letters to the New Haven Register, October 9, 12, and 14.
THE FINANCIAL QUESTIONS NOW BEFORE US. Unpublished
manuscript written about this time, 8 pp. (Sumner
Estate.)
1881. ELECTIONS AND CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. Princeton Review,
January, pp. 129–148.
PANIC WITHOUT CAUSE. Lecture in Brothers’ Hall, New
Haven, on the recent panic in Wall Street. New Haven
Register, January 14.
THE ARGUMENT AGAINST PROTECTIVE TAXES. Princeton
Review, March, pp. 241–259.
SHALL AMERICANS OWN SHIPS? North American Review,
June, Vol. 132, No. CCXCV, pp. 559–566. Reprinted
in Vol. IV, pp. 273–282.
FORTUNES MADE IN THREAD. Letter to the New York
Times, June 5, on the peculiar protection given to the
manufacturers of thread.
SOCIOLOGY. Princeton Review, November, pp. 303–323.
Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 167–192.
1882. ANDREW JACKSON AS A PUBLIC MAN. What he was, what
chances he had, and what he did with them. Boston,
New York, Houghton Mifflin Company, vi, 402 pp.
(American Statesmen Series.)
POLITICAL ECONOMY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE. Comp.
by W. G. Sumner, D. A. Wells, W. E. Foster, R. L.
Dugdale, and G. H. Putnam. New York Society for
Political Education. Cover title, 36 pp. Economic
Tracts No. 2.
PROTECTIVE TAXES AND WAGES. Philadelphia Tariff
Commission, 21 pp. Caption title.
BANK CHECKS AND BLANKETS. A free-trade letter to the
New Haven Register, June 2.
THE “AMERICAN SYSTEM.” A letter to the American
Free-trade League, June.
WHY SHOULD THE MEN OF IOWA LEVY TAXES ON THEMSELVES
TO BENEFIT PENNSYLVANIA? Iowa State Leader,
September 4.
THE FREE PLAY OF ECONOMIC FORCES. Letter to the
Nation regarding Jevons’s “State in Relation to Labor,”
September 30.
LUMBER PRICES. Letter to the Northwestern Lumberman,
October 14.
Professor Sumner’s speech before the Tariff Commission,
reviewed by George Basil Dixwell, Cambridge, J. Wilson
& Son, 43 pp.
Professor Sumner’s “Argument against Protective Taxes,”
reviewed by George Basil Dixwell, Cambridge, J.
Wilson & Son, 13 pp.
WAGES. Princeton Review, November, pp. 241–262.
1883. THE FORGOTTEN MAN. The original lecture on this
subject, delivered in New Haven February 8 or 9.
28 typewritten pp. Printed for the first time in Vol. IV,
pp. 465–495.
WHAT SOCIAL CLASSES OWE TO EACH OTHER. First appeared
in Harper’s Weekly, February-May, Vol. XXVII,
Nos. 1366–1376. New York, Harper & Brothers,
169 pp.
ON THE CASE OF A CERTAIN MAN WHO IS NEVER
THOUGHT OF. Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 247–253, from
“What Social Classes Owe to Each Other,” pp. 123–133.
THE CASE OF THE FORGOTTEN MAN FURTHER CONSIDERED.
Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 257–268, from “What Social
Classes Owe to Each Other,” pp. 134–152.
BEST PUBLIC OPINION. Letter to the Gazette and Free
Press, January 12, in reply to T. K. Beecher.
LET COMMERCIAL RELATIONS ALONE. Letter to W. H.
Knight in the Gazette and Free Press, January 16.
Letter to Mr. Earle of the American Free-trade League
regarding a speech of Mr. Evarts’s. Printed in the
New York Times, February 6.
“PROFESSOR SUMNER ON MONETARY SCIENCE.” Letter
to the editor of Bradstreet’s in which he disagrees with
the theory of H. C. Adams that money laws in economics
are dependent on the nation’s sentiment as expressed in
its legislative enactments. February 10.
“PROFESSOR SUMNER REPLIES.” Letter to the New
Haven Register, February 10, referring to his remarks
about the protective tax on thread in his lecture on the
“Forgotten Man.”
“PROFESSOR SUMNER’S PRESUMPTION.” A defense of
his letter to Mr. Earle regarding a speech of Mr. Evarts’s.
New York Times, February 14.
WILLIMANTIC LINEN MILLS. Letter to the New York
Times, February 16, defending his position as taken
against the protective tax on thread.
SOME FACTS ABOUT THREAD. Unpublished manuscript,
14 pp., referring to the controversy with the Willimantic
Linen Co. (Sumner Estate.)
A THEORIST ANSWERED. A free-trade letter to the New
Haven Register, February 26, in reply to a letter signed
“Hardpan.”
THE GAIN TO THE COUNTRY BY PROTECTION. Letter to
the New York Times, February 27.
“PROFESSOR SUMNER INSTRUCTS HIS CRITICS.” A free-trade
letter to the New York Times, March 1.
THAT CENSUS PUZZLE. New York Times, March 2.
PROTECTIVE TAXES AND WAGES. North American Review,
March, Vol. 136, No. CCCXVI, pp. 270–276.
A COURSE OF READING IN POLITICAL ECONOMY. Prepared
for The Critic, March, 4 pp.
THE TARIFF ON THREAD. Letter to the New York Times,
March 8.
THREAD. Letter to the Boston Transcript, April 25,
regarding the Willimantic Linen Co.
THREAD AT THREE CENTS A SPOOL. Letter to the New
York Times, April 28.
THE WILLIMANTIC MILLS’ PROFIT. Letter to the Boston
Transcript, April 30.
Letter to the Palladium (New Haven), April 30, regarding
the controversy with the Willimantic Linen Co.
“PROFESSOR SUMNER’S VIEWS.” Letter to the New Haven
Register, May 26, in answer to Mr. Barrows of the
Willimantic Linen Co.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF STRIKES. Harper’s Weekly, September
15, Vol. XXVII, No. 1395, p. 586. Reprinted in
Vol. IV, pp. 239–246.
Letter to the New Haven Register, October 18, regarding
the development of our industries.
“PROFESSOR SUMNER’S VIEWS RESPECTING THE TARIFF
QUESTION.” New Haven Register, October 19.
“MIXED UP MR. SHELDON.” Letter to the New Haven
Register, October 30, showing Mr. Sheldon’s ignorance
of tariff laws.
THE SCIENCE OF SOCIOLOGY. A Speech at the Farewell
Banquet to Herbert Spencer. Delivered November 9,
1882, published in “Herbert Spencer on the Americans
and the Americans on Herbert Spencer,” pp. 35–40.
New York, D. Appleton & Company, 96 pp. Reprinted
in Vol. IV, pp. 401–405.
SUGGESTIONS ON SOCIAL SUBJECTS. Passages selected
from “What Social Classes owe to Each Other,” in
the Popular Science Monthly, December, Vol. XXIV,
pp. 160–169.
AN AMERICAN CRITICISM OF BRITISH PROTECTIONIST
THEORIES. A criticism of Professor Sidgwick’s doctrine
that protective taxes come out of the foreigner. The
London Economist, December 1, Vol. XLI, No. 2,101,
pp. 1397–1398.
THE DEMOCRATIC THEORY OF PUBLIC OFFICES. Address
before the Civil Service Reform Association, Rochester,
N. Y. Reasons for reform in the manner of selecting
public officers. What would be gained by the change.
Printed in the Rochester newspapers of the time.
(Sumner Estate.)
1884. PROBLEMS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY. New York, 12 mo.,
125 pp. H. Holt & Co.
OUR COLLEGES BEFORE THE COUNTRY. Princeton Review,
March, pp. 127–140. Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 355–373.
SOCIOLOGICAL FALLACIES. North American Review, June,
Vol. 138, No. CCCXXXI, pp. 574–579. Reprinted in
Vol. II, pp. 357–364.
EVILS OF THE TARIFF SYSTEM. North American Review,
September, Vol. 139, No. CCCXXXIV, pp. 293–299.
1885. PROTECTIONISM. The -Ism which Teaches that Waste
makes Wealth. New York, H. Holt & Company,
October, 12mo., 170 pp. Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp.
9–111.
COLLECTED ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE.
New York, H. Holt & Company, 173 pp. Contents:
Bimetallism, Wages, The Argument against Protective
Taxes, Sociology, Theory and Practice of Elections,
Presidential Elections and Civil Service Reform, Our
Colleges Before the Country.
OUR CURRENCY FOR THE LAST TWENTY-FIVE YEARS.
Harper’s Weekly, January 10-February 7, Vol. XXIX,
Nos. 1464–1468.
SHALL SILVER BE DEMONETIZED? North American Review,
June, Vol. 140, No. CCCXLIII, pp. 485–489.
1886. REGULATION OF CONTRACTS. How far have modern
improvements in production and transportation changed
the principle that men should be left free to make their
own bargains? Science, March 5, Vol. VII, No. 161,
pp. 225–228.
WHAT IS FREE TRADE? In Good Cheer for April, p. 7.
Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp. 123–127.
CAN PROTECTION INCREASE THE WEALTH OF THE COUNTRY?
The Tax-gatherer, May 22, No. 19.
INDUSTRIAL WAR. Forum, September, Vol. II, pp. 1–8.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 93–102.
MR. BLAINE ON THE TARIFF. North American Review,
October, Vol. 143, No. CCCLIX, pp. 398–405.
WHAT IS THE “PROLETARIAT”? The Independent, October
28. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 161–165.
WHO WIN BY PROGRESS? The Independent, November
25. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 169–174.
THE NEW SOCIAL ISSUE. The Independent, December 23.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 207–212.
SUBJECTS FOR THESES AND COMPOSITIONS. Prepared
with notes and references attached to the subjects for
Senior and Junior Classes, Yale College. I. Honor
Theses in Political Science. II. Subjects for Required
Compositions. 9 pp. (Sumner Estate.)
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 1824–1876.
Notes taken by J. C. Schwab, 1886–1887. MS 17½ ×
25½ cm. Yale University Library.
POLITICAL ECONOMY. Notes of lectures taken by J. C.
Schwab, 1886–1887. MS 17½ × 25½ cm. Yale University
Library.
1887. WHAT MAKES THE RICH RICHER AND THE POOR POORER?
Popular Science Monthly, January, Vol. XXX, pp.
289–296. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 65–77.
SOCIALISM. Speech before the Massachusetts Reform
Club, Boston, January 8. Boston Sunday Record,
January 9.
FEDERAL LEGISLATION ON RAILROADS. The Independent,
January 20. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 177–182.
LEGISLATION BY CLAMOR. The Independent, February 24.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 185–190.
THE SHIFTING OF RESPONSIBILITY. The Independent,
March 24. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 193–198.
SOME POINTS IN THE NEW SOCIAL CREED. The Independent,
April 21. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 207–211.
THE INDIANS IN 1887. Forum, May, Vol. III, pp. 254–262.
SPECULATIVE LEGISLATION. The Independent, May 19.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 215–219.
UNRESTRICTED COMMERCE. Chautauquan, June.
THE BANQUET OF LIFE. The Independent, June 23.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 217–221.
SOME NATURAL RIGHTS. The Independent, July 28.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 222–227.
STRIKES AND THE INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATION. Popular
Science News, July, Vol. XXI, No. 7, pp. 93–94. Reprinted
in Vol. IV, pp. 249–253.
STATE INTERFERENCE. North American Review, August,
Vol. 145, No. CCCLXIX, pp. 109–119. Reprinted in
Vol. I, pp. 213–226.
THE ABOLITION OF POVERTY. The Independent, August
25. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 228–232.
THE STATE AS AN “ETHICAL PERSON.” The Independent,
October 6. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 201–204.
THE BOON OF NATURE. The Independent, October 27.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 233–238.
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM. Chautauquan, November, pp. 78–80.
IS LIBERTY A LOST BLESSING? The Independent, November
24. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 131–135.
ADVANTAGES OF FREE TRADE. The Christian Secretary.
(Sumner Estate.)
1888. LAND MONOPOLY. The Independent, January 12. Reprinted
in Vol. II, pp. 239–244.
A GROUP OF NATURAL MONOPOLIES. The Independent,
February 16. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 245–248.
THE FALL IN SILVER AND INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION.
Rand McNally’s Banker’s Monthly, February, pp. 47–48.
THE FIRST STEPS TOWARDS A MILLENNIUM. Cosmopolitan,
March, pp. 32–36. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp.
93–105.
ANOTHER CHAPTER ON MONOPOLY. The Independent,
March 15. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 249–253.
TRUSTS AND TRADES-UNIONS. The Independent, April 19.
Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp. 257–262.
THE FAMILY MONOPOLY. The Independent, May 10.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 254–258.
THE FAMILY AND PROPERTY. The Independent, June 14
and July 19. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 259–269.
TARIFF REFORM. The Independent, August 16. Reprinted
in Vol. IV, pp. 115–120.
THE STATE AND MONOPOLY. The Independent, September
13 and October 11. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 270–279.
“A CONDITION NOT A THEORY.” Free trade. Belford’s
Monthly Magazine, October, Vol. I, No. 5.
DEMOCRACY AND PLUTOCRACY. The Independent, November
15. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 283–289.
DEFINITIONS OF DEMOCRACY AND PLUTOCRACY. The
Independent, December 20. Reprinted in Vol. II,
pp. 290–295.
1889. THE CONFLICT OF PLUTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. The
Independent, January 10. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp.
296–300.
PEASANT EMANCIPATION IN DENMARK. Based on a
review of Stavnsbaands-løsningen og landboreformerne.
Set fra nationaløkonomiens Standpunkt. Af V. Falbe
Hansen, Copenhagen: Gad. 1888. The Nation, February
7, No. 1232, pp. 123–124.
PEASANTS AND LAND TENURE IN SCANDINAVIA. Unpublished
manuscript, 20 typewritten pages, written in
1889 or later, covering the period from the earliest times
to the eighteenth century. (Sumner Estate.)
SEPARATION OF STATE AND MARKET. The Independent,
February 14. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 306–311.
DEMOCRACY AND MODERN PROBLEMS. The Independent,
March 28. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 301–305.
SOCIAL WAR IN DEMOCRACY. The Independent, April 11.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 312–317.
AN EXAMINATION OF A NOBLE SENTIMENT. The Independent,
May 16. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 212–216.
SKETCH OF WILLIAM GRAHAM SUMNER. The Popular
Science Monthly, June, Vol. XXXV, pp. 261–268.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 3–13.
AN OLD “TRUST.” The Independent, June 13. Reprinted
in Vol. IV, pp. 265–269.
WHAT IS CIVIL LIBERTY? The Popular Science Monthly,
July, Vol. XXXV, pp. 289–303. Reprinted in Vol. II,
pp. 109–130.
WHO IS FREE? IS IT THE SAVAGE? The Independent,
July 18. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 136–140.
WHO IS FREE? IS IT THE CIVILIZED MAN? The Independent,
August 15. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 140–145.
WHO IS FREE? IS IT THE MILLIONAIRE? The Independent,
September 12. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 145–150.
WHO IS FREE? IS IT THE TRAMP? The Independent,
October 17. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 150–155.
LIBERTY AND RESPONSIBILITY. The Independent, November
21. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 156–160.
LIBERTY AND LAW. The Independent, December 26.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 161–166.
DO WE WANT INDUSTRIAL PEACE? Forum, December,
Vol. VIII, pp. 406–416. Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 229–243.
FREE TRADE. Unpublished manuscript of about this
date. I. Definitions of Protection and Protectionism.
II. The Medieval Doctrine of Commerce. III. The
Sixteenth Century. IV. The Dynastic States. V. Mercantilism
and the Colonial System. VI. The New
Doctrine. VII. Smithianismus. VIII. Protection in
the United States. IX. Nineteenth-century Protectionism.
X. The Present Situation. About 64 typewritten
pages. (Sumner Estate.)
THE STRIKES. Unpublished manuscript written sometime
in the eighties, 21 typewritten pages. A general
survey of the “labor question.” (Sumner Estate.)
A PARABLE. Written in the eighties. Printed for the
first time in Vol. III, pp. 105–107.
THE SPHERE OF ACADEMICAL INSTRUCTION. Address
delivered at the celebration of a school anniversary.
To judge “what an academy is, what it ought to do,
and how it ought to do it; and to judge of its achievements
by true standards.” Unpublished manuscript
of the eighties, 27 pages. (Sumner Estate.)
INTEGRITY IN EDUCATION. An address delivered in Hartford
probably in the eighties. Printed for the first time
in Vol. IV, pp. 409–419.
DISCIPLINE. Probably in the eighties. Printed for the
first time in Vol. IV, pp. 423–438.
THE CHALLENGE OF FACTS. Written sometime in the
eighties. Original title was Socialism. Printed for the
first time in Vol. III, pp. 17–52.
1890. ALEXANDER HAMILTON. (“Makers of America.”) New
York, 12mo., 280 pp., Dodd, Mead & Co.
LIBERTY AND DISCIPLINE. The Independent, January 16.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 166–171.
DOES LABOR BRUTALIZE? The Independent, February 20.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 187–193.
LIBERTY AND PROPERTY. The Independent, March 27.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 171–176.
LIBERTY AND OPPORTUNITY. The Independent, April 24.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 176–181.
WHY I AM A FREE TRADER. Twentieth Century, April 24,
pp. 8–10.
CAN WE GET MORE MONEY? Frank Leslie’s Illustrated
Newspaper, May 3, Vol. LXX, No. 1807.
LIBERTY AND LABOR. The Independent, May 22. Reprinted
in Vol. II, pp. 181–187.
PROPOSED SILVER LEGISLATION. Frank Leslie’s Illustrated
Newspaper, May 24, Vol. LXX, No. 1810, p. 330.
LIBERTY AND MACHINERY. The Independent, June 12.
Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 193–198.
THE DISAPPOINTMENT OF LIBERTY. The Independent,
July 17. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 198–203.
WHAT EMANCIPATES. The Independent, August 14. Reprinted
in Vol. III, pp. 137–142.
THE DEMAND FOR MEN. The Independent, September 11.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 111–116.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DEMAND FOR MEN. The Independent,
October 16. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 119–123.
WHAT THE “SOCIAL QUESTION” IS. The Independent,
November 20. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 127–133.
1891. THE FINANCIER AND THE FINANCES OF THE AMERICAN
REVOLUTION. New York, 2 vols., 8vo., 309 and 330 pp.
LIBERTÉ DES ÉCHANGES. Nouveau Dictionnaire d’Économie
Politique, vol. 2, pp. 138–166, Guillaumin et Cie.,
Paris.
POWER AND PROGRESS. The Independent, January 15.
Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 145–150.
CONSEQUENCES OF INCREASED SOCIAL POWER. The Independent,
August 13. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 153–158.
1892. ROBERT MORRIS (“Makers of America”). New York,
12mo., 172 pp.
1893. PROPOSED CLASSIFICATION OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES. A
chart printed for distribution to the classes in Social
Science in Yale University. “Not published.”
1894. THE ABSURD EFFORT TO MAKE THE WORLD OVER. Forum,
March, Vol. XVII, pp. 92–102. Reprinted in Vol. I,
pp. 195–210.
1895. THE VENEZUELA MESSAGE. Letter to the New York
Times, December 18.
1896. HISTORY OF BANKING IN THE UNITED STATES. XV, 485 pp.
Being Vol. I of A History of Banking in all the Leading
Nations.
“PROFESSOR SUMNER ON YALE.” Letter to The Yale
News, January 20. Learning is more appreciated here
now than thirty years ago.
THE CURRENCY CRISIS. A course of six lectures given at
the house of Mr. John E. Parsons, 30 East 36th St.,
New York City, February 13 and 27 and March 5, 12,
19, and 26. What the lecturer said, as well as the
questions and answers at the end of his lectures, was
taken down in shorthand and typewritten. Mr. Herbert
Parsons has the transcript in bound form, and the Yale
University Library also has a copy. (Sumner Estate.)
THE TREASURY AS A BANK OF ISSUE AND A SILVER WAREHOUSE.
The Bond Record, March, Vol. IV, No. 2,
pp. 87–89.
AN ANSWER TO MR. TIGHE’S LETTER ON YALE’S VENEZUELAN
ATTITUDE. Letter to the Yale Alumni Weekly,
May 20, Vol. V, No. 30, pp. 1–2.
THE FALLACY OF TERRITORIAL EXTENSION. Forum,
June, Vol. XXI, pp. 416–419. Reprinted in Vol. I,
pp. 285–293.
A FEW WORDS. Short address as member of the State
Board of Education at the graduating exercises of the
New Haven Normal School, June 18. (Sumner Estate.)
THE POLICY OF DEBASEMENT. “The Battle of the Standards.”
New York Journal, July 29.
THE PROPOSED DUAL ORGANIZATION OF MANKIND. Popular
Science Monthly, August, Vol. XLIX, pp. 433–439.
Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 271–281.
PROSPERITY STRANGLED BY GOLD. Leslie’s Weekly, August
20. Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp. 141–145.
CAUSE AND CURE OF HARD TIMES. Leslie’s Weekly,
September 3. Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp. 149–153.
THE FREE-COINAGE SCHEME IS IMPRACTICABLE AT EVERY
POINT. Leslie’s Weekly, September 10. Reprinted
in Vol. IV, pp. 157–162.
DELUSION OF THE DEBTORS. Leslie’s Weekly, September
17. Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp. 165–170.
THE CRIME OF 1873. Leslie’s Weekly, September 24.
Reprinted in Vol. IV, pp. 173–180.
THE SINGLE GOLD STANDARD. Chautauquan, October,
Vol. XXIV, pp. 72–77.
BANKS OF ISSUE IN THE UNITED STATES. Forum, October,
Vol. XXII, pp. 182–191.
EARTH HUNGER OR THE PHILOSOPHY OF LAND GRABBING.
Printed for the first time in Vol. II, pp. 31–64.
A FREE COINAGE CATECHISM. Reprinted from The
Evening Post, The Evening Post Publishing Co., New
York, 16 pp.
LECTURES ON AMERICAN HISTORY, Yale University,
1896–1897. Notes taken by J. C. Schwab. MS.
13 × 21 cm. Yale University Library.
ADVANCING SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN THE
UNITED STATES. 1896 or 1897. Printed for the first
time in Vol. III, pp. 289–344.
1897. THE TEACHER’S UNCONSCIOUS SUCCESS. Address given
at a dinner held in honor of Mr. Henry Barnard, at
Jewel Hall, Hartford, January 25. Printed for the
first time in Vol. II, pp. 9–13.
MONEY AND CURRENCY. A course of four lectures delivered
in Boston. I. The Anxiety Lest there be not
Money Enough. II. How We Resumed Specie Payments
in 1879. What We Did Not Do. III. The
Single Gold Standard--A Beneficent and Accomplished
Fact. IV. Where we now Stand and what we have to
Do. Syllabus.
SOCIOLOGY. A course of six lectures given in Albany,
February 27, March 6, 13, 20, 27, and April 3. Introduction.
Individuality and Sociality. Property.
Industrialism and Militarism. Population. Mental Reaction
on Experience. Suggested Books for a Course
of Reading. Syllabus.
THE ORIGIN OF THE DOLLAR. Paper read at meeting of
the British Association for the Advancement of Science
at Toronto, August 19–25. (Sumner Estate.)
OUTLINE OF A PROPOSED CURRICULUM (for Yale College).
4 pages typewritten manuscript. (Sumner Estate.)
1898. THE SPANISH DOLLAR AND THE COLONIAL SHILLING.
American Historical Review, Vol. III, No. 4, pp. 607–619.
SYLLABUS of six lectures given during January and February
in Plainfield. N. J. I. What is a Free Man and a
Free State? II. What is Democracy? III. Aggregations
of Wealth and Plutocracy. IV. The Rich and the
Poor. V. Woman. VI. Immigration.
LEITER HAS BEEN A HERO. Letter to The World, New
York, June 15, on the Joseph Leiter deal.
THE COIN SHILLING OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Yale
Review, November, Vol. VII, pp. 247–264, and February,
1899, Vol. VII, pp. 405–420.
1899. THE CONQUEST OF THE UNITED STATES BY SPAIN. A
lecture before the Phi Beta Kappa Society of Yale University,
January 16. Yale Law Journal, Vol. VIII,
No. 4, pp. 168–193. Boston, D. Estes & Co., 32 pp. 23 cm.
Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 297–334.
THE POWER AND BENEFICENCE OF CAPITAL. Proceedings
of the Sixth Annual Convention of The Savings Banks
Association of the State of New York, held at the Rooms
of the Chamber of Commerce, 32 Nassau Street, New
York, May 10; pp. 77–95. J. S. Babcock, New York,
printer. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 337–353.
1900. FIRST FRUITS OF EXPANSION. New York Evening Post,
April 14, p. 13.
THE PREDICAMENT OF SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY. Printed for
the first time in Vol. III, pp. 415–425. Original title of
manuscript was “Sociology.” Written about 1900.
PURPOSES AND CONSEQUENCES. Printed for the first
time in Vol. II, pp. 67–75. Written sometime between
1900 and 1906.
RIGHTS. Printed for the first time in Vol. II, pp. 79–83.
Written sometime between 1900 and 1906.
EQUALITY. Printed for the first time in Vol. II, pp. 87–89.
Written sometime between 1900 and 1906.
1901. THE ANTHRACITE COAL INDUSTRY, by Peter Roberts. Introduction
by W. G. Sumner. New York, London, Macmillan
Co., 261 pp. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 387–388.
SPECIMENS OF INVESTMENT SECURITIES FOR CLASS ROOM
USE. New Haven, The E. P. Judd Co., 32 pp., 27
× 35½ cm. Verbatim reprints of a large number of
shares, certificates, bonds, and other evidences of ownership
of debt, without independent text or comment:
collected for use in college instruction.
TRUSTS. Journal of Commerce, June 24.
THE PREDOMINANT ISSUE. Burlington, Vt. Reprinted
from the International Monthly, November, Vol. 2, pp.
496–509. Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 337–352.
THE YAKUTS. Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski.
Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
and Ireland, Vol. 31, pp. 65–110.
1902. SUICIDAL FANATICISM IN RUSSIA. The Popular Science
Monthly, March, Vol. LX, pp. 442–447.
THE CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH: ITS ECONOMIC JUSTIFICATION.
The Independent, April-June. Reprinted in
Vol. III, pp. 81–90.
1903. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF WILLIAM GRAHAM SUMNER.
A History of the Class of 1863, Yale College, pp. 165–167.
New Haven, The Tuttle, Morehouse & Taylor
Co., 1905. Reprinted in Vol. II, pp. 3–5.
WAR. Printed for the first time in Vol. I, pp. 3–40.
1904. REPLY TO A SOCIALIST (THE FALLACIES OF SOCIALISM).
Collier’s Weekly, October 29, pp. 12–13. Reprinted in
Vol. III, pp. 55–62.
1905. LYNCH-LAW, by James Elbert Cutler. Foreword by W. G.
Sumner. New York, Longmans, Green, and Co., v,
287 pp. Reprinted in Vol. III, pp. 383–384.
ECONOMICS AND POLITICS. Printed for the first time in
Vol. II, pp. 318–333.
THE SCIENTIFIC ATTITUDE OF MIND. Address to initiates
of the Sigma Xi Society, Yale University, on March 4.
Printed for the first time in Vol. II, pp. 17–28.
1906. PROTECTIONISM TWENTY YEARS AFTER. (Title given by
editor.) Address at a dinner of the Committee on
Tariff Reform of the Tariff Reform Club in the City of
New York, June 2. Published by the Reform Club
Committee on Tariff Reform, 42 Broadway, New York,
N. Y. Series 1906, No. 4, 7 pp., August 15. Reprinted
in Vol. IV, pp. 131–138.
1907. FOLKWAYS: A Study of the Sociological Importance of
Usages, Manners, Customs, Mores, and Morals. Boston,
Ginn & Co., v, 692 pp.
SOCIOLOGY AS A COLLEGE SUBJECT. American Journal of
Sociology, March, Vol. 12, No. 5, pp. 597–599. Reprinted
in Vol. III, pp. 407–411.
1908. DECLINE OF CONFIDENCE. Annual Financial and Commercial
Review, New York Herald, January 2.
1909. WHAT IS SANE TARIFF REFORM? Annual Financial and
Commercial Review, New York Herald, January 4.
THE FAMILY AND SOCIAL CHANGE. American Journal of
Sociology, March, Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 577–591. Reprinted
in Vol. I, pp. 43–61.
WITCHCRAFT. Forum, May, Vol. XLI, pp. 410–423.
Reprinted in Vol. I, pp. 105–126.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY and List of Books Published. Facsimile
of letter and photograph in The Yale Courant, May,
Vol. XLV, No. 7, on occasion of Sumner’s retirement.
THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN CHALDEA, EGYPT, INDIA,
JUDEA, AND GREECE TO THE TIME OF CHRIST. Forum,
August, Vol. XLII, pp. 113–136. Reprinted in Vol. I,
pp. 65–102.
THE MORES OF THE PRESENT AND THE FUTURE. Yale
Review, November, Vol. XVIII, pp. 233–245. Reprinted
in Vol. I, pp. 149–164.
1910. RELIGION AND THE MORES. American Journal of Sociology,
March, Vol. 15, No. 5, pp. 577–591. Reprinted
in Vol. I, pp. 129–146.
COMMENT ON WILLIAM GRAHAM SUMNER. (Died April 12.)
The Pioneer, Henry W. Farman. The Teacher, J. C.
Schwab. The Inspirer, Irving Fisher. The Idealist,
Clive Day. The Alan, Albert G. Keller. The Veteran,
Richard T. Ely. Yale Review, May, Vol. XIX, pp. 1–12.
MEMORIAL ADDRESSES. Delivered June 19, in Lampson
Lyceum, Yale University, by Otto T. Bannard, Henry
De Forest Baldwin, and Albert Galloway Keller.
Printed in Vol. III, pp. 429–450.
POSTHUMOUS
1911. WAR. Yale Review (New Series), October, Vol. I, No. 1,
pp. 1–27. Printed in Vol. I, pp. 3–40.
WAR AND OTHER ESSAYS. New Haven, Yale University
Press, 381 pp.
1913. EARTH HUNGER OR THE PHILOSOPHY OF LAND GRABBING.
Yale Review (New Series), October, Vol. III, No. 1,
pp. 3–32. Printed in Vol. II, pp. 31–64.
EARTH HUNGER AND OTHER ESSAYS. New Haven, Yale
University Press, 377 pp.
1914. THE CHALLENGE OF FACTS AND OTHER ESSAYS. New
Haven, Yale University Press, 450 pp.
1918. THE FORGOTTEN MAN AND OTHER ESSAYS. New Haven,
Yale University Press, 559 pp.
FOOTNOTES
[1] February 4, 1884, Mr. Robinson of New York proposed, in the House
of Representatives, an amendment to the Constitution, so as to allow
Congress to lay an export duty on cotton for the encouragement of home
manufactures. (Record, 862.)
[2] Philadelphia _American_, August 7, 1884.
[3] Taussig: “History of the Existing Tariff,” 78 ff.
[4] The wool growers held a convention at St. Louis May 28, 1885, at
which they estimated their loss by the reduction of the tax on wool
in 1883, or the _difference_ between what they got by this tax before
that date and after, at ninety million dollars (New York _Times_, May
29). If that sum is what they lost, it is what the consumers gained.
They are very angry, and will not vote for any one who will not help to
re-subject the consumers to this tribute to them.
[5] Broderick, “English Land and English Landlords,” p. 194.
[6] Since the above was in type, I have, for the first time, seen an
argument from a protectionist, that a tariff between our states is, or
may become, desirable. It is from the Chicago _Inter-Ocean_, and marks
the extreme limit reached, up to this time, by protectionist fanaticism
and folly, although it is thoroughly consistent, and fairly lays bare
the spirit and essence of protectionism:
“In the United States the present ominous and overshadowing strike in
the iron trade, by which from 75,000 to 100,000 men have been thrown
out of work, is an incisive example of the tendency of this country,
also, to a condition of trade which will compel individual states and
certain sections of the country to ask for legislation, in order to
protect them against the cheaper labor and superior natural advantage
of others.” The remedy for the harm done by taxes on our foreign trade
is to lay some on our domestic trade. (See §§ 26, 95.)
[7] Since the above was in type, a treasury order has subjected all
goods from Canada to the same taxes as imported goods, although they
may be going from Minnesota to England. Nature has made man too well
off. The inhabitants of North America will not simply use their
chances, but they divide into two artificial bodies so as to try to
harm each other. Millions are spent to cut an isthmus where nature has
left one, and millions more to set up a tax-barrier where nature has
made a highway.
[8] 62, Niles’s “Register,” 132.
[9] _Journal des Economistes_, March, 1885, page 496.
[10] Paris correspondent of the New York _Evening Post_, February 9,
1884.
[11] _Economist_, Commercial Review, 1884, p. 15.
[12] The Vienna correspondent of the _Economist_ writes, June 15, 1885,
“The representatives of the sugar trade addressed a petition to the
Finance Minister, asking, above all things, that the premium on export
should be retained, without which, they say, they cannot continue to
exist, and which is granted in all countries where beet-root sugar is
manufactured.”
[13] _Bradstreet’s_, July 25, 1885.
[14] _Economist_, 1884, p. 1052.
[15] A friend has sent me a report (Barbados _Agricultural Report_,
April 24, 1885) of an indignation meeting at Bridgetown to protest
because the English Government refused to ratify the commercial treaty
with the United States. The islanders feel the competition of the
“bounty-fed” sugar in the English market; a new complication, a new
mischief.
[16] _Economist_, Commercial Supplement, February 14, 1885, p. 7.
[17] Since the above was in type, a report from the “South American
Commission” has been received and published. This Commission submitted
certain propositions to the President of Chili on behalf of the United
States. The report says:
“The second proposition involved the idea of a reciprocal commercial
treaty between the two countries under which special products of each
should be admitted free of duty into the other when carried under
the flag of either nation. This did not meet with any greater favor
with President Santa Maria, who was not disposed to make reciprocity
treaties. His people were at liberty to sell where they could get the
best prices and buy where goods were the cheapest. In his opinion
commerce was not aided by commercial treaties, and Chili neither asked
from nor gave to other nations especial favors. Trade would regulate
itself, and there was no advantage in trying to divert it in one
direction or the other. So far as the United States was concerned,
there could be very little trade with Chili, owing to the fact that the
products of the two countries were almost identical. Chili produced
very little that we wanted, and although there were many industrial
products of the United States that were used in Chili, the merchants
of the latter country must be allowed to buy where they sold and where
they could trade to the greatest advantage. With reference to the
provision that reduced duties should be allowed only upon goods carried
in Chilian or American vessels, he said that Chili did not want any
such means to encourage her commerce: her ports were open to all the
vessels of the world upon an equality, and none should have especial
privileges.”--(N. Y. _Times_, July 3, 1885.)
If this is a fair specimen of the political and economic enlightenment
which prevails at the other end of the American Continent, it is a
great pity that the “Commission” is not a great deal larger. They are
like the illiterate missionaries who found themselves unawares in a
theological seminary. We would do well to send our whole Congress out
there.
[18] This is the case for which the _Inter-Ocean_ proposed the remedy
described in § 71 note.
[19] I except those of Mr. Carroll Wright. He has sufficiently stated
of how slight value his are.
[20] Bk. V, ch. 10, § 1.
[21] It has been developed mathematically by a French mathematician
(_Journal des Economistes_, August and September, 1873, pp. 285 and
464).
[22] See a fallacy under this head: Cunningham, “Growth of English
Industry,” 410, note.
[23] IMMIGRATION IN 1884
Males Females Total
Professional occupations 2,184 100 2,284
Skilled occupations 50,905 4,156 55,061
Occupations not stated 19,778 11,887 31,665
No occupation 75,483 169,904 245,387
Miscellaneous occupations 160,159 24,036 184,195
------- ------- -------
Total 308,509 210,083 518,592
Under miscellaneous were 106,478 laborers and 42,050 farmers.
[24] See a fallacy under this point: Cunningham, “Growth of English
Industry,” 410 note.
[25] See an interesting collection of illustrations in an article on
“Lords of Industry” in the _North American Review_ for June, 1884. The
futile criticisms at the end of the article do not affect the value of
the facts collected.
[26] Cunningham, “Growth of English Industry and Commerce,” 316, note
2. (See also §§ 114, 134.)
[27] Mill, “Political Economy,” Bk. I, ch. 5, § 5. Cairnes, “Leading
Principles,” ch. I, § 5.
[28] “Political Economy,” 491–492.
[29] I published a criticism of this case in the London _Economist_,
December 1, 1883.
[30] Quoted by Taussig: “History of the Existing Tariff,” 73.
[31] Illustrations of this are presented without number. Here is the
most recent one: “The [silk] masters [of Lyons, France] look to the
government for relief by a reduction of the duty on cotton yarn, or the
right to import all numbers duty free for export after manufacture.
With the present tariffs, they maintained, which is no doubt true, that
they cannot compete with the Swiss and German makers. But the Rouen
cotton spinners oppose the demand of the Lyons silk manufacturers, and
protest that they will be ruined if the latter are allowed to procure
their material from abroad. The Lyons weavers assert that they are
being ruined because they cannot.”--(_Economist_, 1885, p. 815.) The
cotton men won in the Chamber of Deputies, July 23, 1885.
[32] _Independent_, August 16, 1888.
[33] In _Good Cheer_ for April, 1886, p. 7.
[34] Address at a dinner of the committee on Tariff Reform of the
Reform Club in the city of New York, June 2, 1906.
[35] _Leslie’s Weekly_, August 20, 1896.
[36] _Leslie’s Weekly_, September 3, 1896.
[37] _Leslie’s Weekly_, September 10, 1896.
[38] _Leslie’s Weekly_, September 17, 1896.
[39] Pp. 161–162.
[40] _Leslie’s Weekly_, September 24, 1896.
[41] _Harper’s Weekly_, September 15, 1883
[42] _Popular Science News_, July, 1887.
[43] _The Independent_, April 19, 1888.
[44] “Earth Hunger, and Other Essays,” pp. 217–270.
[45] _The Independent_, June 13, 1889.
[46] Falke, “August von Sacheen.”
[47] _The North American Review_, Vol. CXXXII, pp. 559–566. (June,
1881.)
[48] _The North American Review_, vol. cxxii, pp. 47–87. (January,
1876.)
[49] Address before the Kent Club of the Yale Law School.
[50] Statistics means here, what it ought to mean, much more than
tables of figures.
[51] Niles, XLVI, 407.
[52] Niles, VIII, 246.
[53] Niles, XXIV, 247.
[54] Niles, XLVI, 101.
[55] For Clay, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Delaware,
Maryland.
[56] Niles, March 1, 1834.
[57] Some counterfeiters were arrested at New York in a garret where
they had $20,000 in notes of the “Ottawa Bank” and $800 in specie.
They were very indignant--said they were a “bank” and were printing
their notes at New York for economy. They came so nearly within the
definition of a “bank” current at this time that they escaped on this
plea.
[58] Speech at the Farewell Banquet to Herbert Spencer, held November
9, 1882.
[59] Address delivered in Hartford.
[60] These initials, as will be seen below, mean Grand Passed Master
Coöperator, while G. C. indicates the lower grade of Grand Coöperator.
INDEX
In the following index, _War and Other Essays_ is referred to as Vol.
I, _Earth Hunger and Other Essays_ as Vol. II, _The Challenge of Facts
and Other Essays_ as Vol. III, and _The Forgotten Man and Other Essays_
as Vol. IV. References in heavy type are essay titles.
Abolition, IV, 17–18, 319.
Abolitionists, IV, 320–321.
Aborigines, treatment of, I, 27, 33–35, 273, 274, 306, 308; II, 45.
Absolutism, democratic, III, 305;
state, II, 130.
Abstract justice, II, 219.
=ABSURD EFFORT TO MAKE THE WORLD OVER=, I, 195–210.
Academical life, IV, 423, 430.
Academical pursuits, IV, 424.
Academical societies, IV, 474.
Achievement, the work of, III, 145–146.
Act of 1873, IV, 165, 173–180.
Adams, John, III, 378; IV, 291, 293, 294, 296, 381.
Adams, John Quincy, IV, 304–305, 340, 343, 347, 348, 350, 351.
Administrative reform, III, 372–374.
Adults, demand for, III, 113–114.
Advancement, I, 179.
Advancing comfort, period of, II, 201–202.
Advancing industrial organization, I, 196–199.
Advancing social organization, II, 286–287; III, 315–317.
=ADVANCING SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION IN THE UNITED STATES=,
III, 289–344.
Africa, III, 300; IV, 71;
colonization of, II, 42;
exploitation of, I, 273; II, 51.
Aggrandizement, territorial, I, 286.
Agriculture, III, 39; IV, 76;
status of women under, I, 65.
Air, II, 240.
Alabama, IV, 55.
Alarmists, III, 341, 342–343.
Albany _Argus_, IV, 303.
Albany Regency, IV, 327, 351, 355, 362.
Alchemist, IV, 13, 19–20.
Alchemy, IV, 18.
Aleatory element, I, 116, 119–120.
Algeria, IV, 59.
Allodial land tenure, III, 312.
Almsgiving, III, 68, 74, 75.
Alternate standard, IV, 193, 195, 197, 198, 209.
Altruism, II, 130.
America, discovery of, II, 41–42, 315; III, 153–154;
Political Growth of, III, 248–249.
=AMERICA, POLITICS IN, 1776–1876=, IV, 285–333.
American college, what it ought to be, I, 370–371, 372–373.
American colleges, improvement in, I, 356.
American colonies, the, I, 274–276; III, 248–253, 290–325; IV, 285,
288.
American commonwealth, conception of the, I, 332–334; II, 56.
American culture, IV, 294.
American history contrasted with European, III, 292–293, 307.
American Indians, the, I, 6–7, 12, 15, 33, 44, 50, 309; II, 137, 138;
III, 230, 249, 250.
American institutions, III, 244.
American life, IV, 241–242.
American politics, history of, IV, 339.
American principles, I, 326–329.
American shipping, IV, 273–278.
American Social Science Association, the, II, 217.
American traditions, III, 353–354, 355.
Americanism, I, 346.
Americans, IV, 123, 125–126, 132, 300;
what they cannot do, I, 329–331.
Ames, Fisher, IV, 292.
Analogy, IV, 199, 204, 206;
argument from, IV, 199.
Anarchistic liberty, II, 119, 131–132, 161, 198, 199, 200, 203; III,
292, 317, 336.
Anarchists, II, 112.
Anarchy and liberty contrasted, II, 164–165.
Ancient Germans, the, I, 21, 155.
Anglo-American law, III, 215, 218.
Anthracite coal industry, III, 387–388.
=“ANTHRACITE COAL INDUSTRY, THE,” FOREWORD TO=, III, 387–388.
Anti-federalists, the, III, 307, 327–328; IV, 289.
Anti-masonic movement, IV, 311.
Anti-slavery, I, 151.
Appointing power, IV, 307.
Apprentices, IV, 486, 487.
_A priori_ method, the, III, 400, 401.
_A priori_ philosophers, III, 244–245.
Arbitration, I, 328.
Aristocracy, IV, 291, 292;
definition of, II, 290; III, 302–303, 305;
Popular Dislike of All, III, 265–267.
Aristotle, I, 99; II, 113, 114.
Army, IV, 104.
Arnold, Matthew, IV, 425.
Art of politics, III, 246–247.
Art of production, IV, 104.
Art of recitation, I, 366.
Articles of Confederation, IV, 289.
Artificial environment, II, 251.
Artificial monopoly, II, 135, 247; IV, 282.
Artisans, II, 292; IV, 58, 72, 88.
Arts, IV, 49, 58, 87, 402;
advance or improvement in the, I, 187–189; II, 32, 42, 197, 198,
236, 358–360; III, 23, 153, 170–174, 338;
stage of the, III, 22–23.
Astor, John Jacob, I, 339; III, 83.
Astrology, IV, 18.
Atlantic, IV, 57.
Atlantic States, IV, 52.
Atomism, II, 127–128.
Australia, IV, 55, 71, 85;
the colonization of, II, 42.
Australians, the, I, 3–4, 7, 10, 44, 46; III, 303.
Autocracy, definition of, II, 290.
Babylonia, status of women in, I, 69–71.
Bache, IV, 298.
Balance-of-power doctrine, the, I, 274, 278; II, 59.
Baldwin, Henry de Forest, =MEMORIAL ADDRESS= by, III, 432–439.
Ballot, the, III, 231, 232–234, 236–238.
Bank, IV, 313, 393–394;
convention, IV, 384, 385;
local, IV, 359;
national, IV, 313, 315;
of England, IV, 177, 379, 384, 387;
of the United States, IV, 259, 313, 340, 352–354, 355, 356, 358,
359, 360–361, 372–374, 377, 379, 380, 381–382, 385, 386, 387,
388–390, 391, 395;
state, IV, 380.
Bannard, Otto T., =MEMORIAL ADDRESS= by, III, 429–431.
=BANQUET OF LIFE, THE=, II, 217–221.
“Banquet of life,” the, II, 210–211, 217–221, 233; III, 112, 115.
Barny’s, IV, 379.
Bastiat, Frédéric, IV, 98–99.
Bateman, IV, 48.
Bedouin type, the, II, 140.
Beggars, I, 248–249.
Belgium, IV, 48.
Belief in witchcraft, I, 125; II, 21–22.
Belief that “something must be done,” II, 327.
Bellamy, Edward, I, 205, 206.
Beloch, J., I, 100–101.
Benton, Thomas H., IV, 319, 358, 383.
Bequest, III, 42–44.
Berlin, IV, 60.
Bessemer steel, IV, 222.
Bevan and Humphreys, IV, 382, 387.
Bicknell’s _Reporter_, IV, 393.
Biddle, Nicholas, IV, 259, 353, 379, 381, 384, 385, 386, 389;
and Humphreys, IV, 385, 386, 387.
Bimetallism, IV, 141, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201, 202–210, 234–235.
Biography, the study of, II, 179.
Bismarck, Prince, IV, 59.
“Black Friday,” IV, 198.
Blaine, James G., III, 368.
Blair, Senator, III, 187.
Bland Silver Bill, III, 186–187.
Blood revenge, I, 22, 23.
Boers, the, I, 342; II, 54.
Bolsheviki, the, IV, 462.
Bonds of the social order, III, 315, 325.
Book-men, the, IV, 363, 365.
Booms, IV, 152–153;
exploded, IV, 169–170.
=BOON OF NATURE, THE=, II, 233–238.
“Boon of nature,” the, II, 210–211, 218, 233–238; III, 115;
disproved by American history, II, 238; III, 291–292.
Boot-man, the, IV, 44–45.
Boss, the, IV, 327–329.
Boston Massacre, the, III, 330.
Boston Tea Party, the, III, 330.
Bounties, IV, 12, 60–63, 65.
_Bourgeoisie_, the, II, 313, 314; III, 161, 163–165.
Boutwell, G. S., IV, 175.
Boycott, the, I, 224–225; III, 100–101.
_Bradstreet’s_, IV, 29, 60.
Bride-price, the, I, 66, 68, 74.
Brotherhood of man, IV, 403.
Broderick, G. C., IV, 48.
Brutus, IV, 366.
Bryan, W. J., IV, 160, 173.
Buddha, I, 134.
Buddhism, I, 25, 136, 140.
Bureau of Agriculture, IV, 86.
Bureaucracy, definition of, II, 290;
in Germany, II, 302; IV, 481.
Bureaus, the federal, III, 278.
Burgh, IV, 285.
Burr, Aaron, IV, 296, 303, 307.
Bushmen, the, I, 7, 10, 46; III, 303.
Business and politics, IV, 135.
Butler, General, III, 378.
Cæsar, IV, 366, 367.
Cæsarism, III, 239, 275, 276.
Cairnes, J. E., IV, 101, 196.
Calamities, IV, 29–30, 43.
Calhoun, John C., IV, 312, 318–319, 320, 329, 340, 341, 347, 355.
California, IV, 85;
acquisition of, I, 341, 342.
Callender, IV, 294, 298.
Cameron, Senator, III, 368; IV, 65.
Campaign, political, I, 337; IV, 29, 49, 95;
anti-corn-law, IV, 107;
of 1840, IV, 315–316.
Canada, I, 289–290; II, 50–51; IV, 56, 67, 68, 94, 150.
Cannibalism, I, 19–20.
Canon law, I, 144;
and marriage, I, 59.
Capital, I, 160, 186, 207, 248; II, 144, 145, 147, 177, 187, 210,
226–227, 236, 252, 266, 267, 268, 288–289, 295, 306, 341–342,
344–345, 347, 348, 350, 358–360; III, 20–22, 26–28, 35–36,
38–39, 40–42, 43–44, 61, 123, 127, 128, 130, 132, 156–157, 201,
422–423; IV, 19, 20, 21, 25, 36, 37–38, 40, 49, 70, 74, 96,
106, 119, 123, 127, 219, 220, 227–228, 262, 475–476, 494;
accumulation of, I, 202–203; II, 349–352; III, 42, 172;
and civilization, III, 27, 422–423;
and industry, III, 41–42;
and labor, the redistribution of, I, 239–241;
and the state, II, 306;
legislation regarding, III, 27–28;
the asserted natural right to, II, 226–227;
the dignity of, II, 297–298;
the metaphysical side of, II, 359–360;
the power of, II, 297, 329.
=CAPITAL, THE POWER AND BENEFICENCE OF=, II, 337–353.
Capitalism, I, 206–207; III, 76–77.
Capitalists, III, 170, 172.
Captains of industry, I, 199–200, 201; II, 134, 297–298, 329–330,
331–332; III, 83, 84; IV, 99, 218.
Care, II, 149.
Carlovingians, the, III, 119–120.
Catholic church and witchcraft, I, 123.
Caucus, IV, 303–304, 310, 311, 315, 339, 340.
=CAUSE AND CURE OF HARD TIMES=, IV, 149–153.
Celibacy, I, 53–54, 59–60, 79.
Census, IV, 47, 49, 78.
Centralization in the United States, III, 316–317.
Cernuschi, Henri, IV, 193.
Chaldea, status of women in, I, 69, 70, 71.
=CHALLENGE OF FACTS, THE=, III, 17–52.
Chance, II, 176–178, 180, 196–197; III, 36.
Character, II, 11–12, 178, 265; IV, 48, 412–413.
Charity, IV, 477, 492.
Charles II, IV, 34.
Chartered rights, II, 222–223.
Checks and balances, the system of, III, 283–284.
Checks on progress, II, 35–37, 163.
Chemistry, IV, 432.
Chicanery, III, 231, 258.
Child labor, II, 100.
Children, II, 95, 96, 97, 98–101, 104–105; III, 18–19, 113–114;
an asset, I, 66–67; III, 295–296;
a burden, I, 65–67; III, 113–114;
and parents, the rights and duties of, II, 95–102;
and state protection, II, 100;
education of, II, 98–101;
how regarded, I, 66–67;
love for, III, 42, 43–44;
position of, in monogamy, II, 255, 256, 257, 265.
Chili, IV, 69.
China, I, 343–344; II, 55; IV, 53, 54, 92, 135, 207.
Chivalry, II, 19.
Christian family, the, I, 52.
Christian view of marriage, I, 52–54.
Christianity, I, 25–26, 134, 137–138;
and witchcraft, I, 112;
doctrines of natural rights in, II, 114–117;
slavery in early, II, 114–115, 116–118;
medieval, I, 140;
status of women in early, I, 52–60.
Church, the, III, 203–204;
and state, I, 131, 162; II, 18–19, 310; IV, 18, 38;
Catholic, I, 123;
medieval, I, 133; III, 74;
modern, I, 139; III, 81.
Cicero, III, 305.
Circulation, monetary, IV, 157–159;
concurrent, IV, 183–210;
forced, IV, 191.
City life, I, 156.
City police, III, 329.
City, the modern, III, 169–170, 278–279, 420.
Civil holidays, III, 360.
Civil institutions, IV, 487.
Civil liberty, II, 124, 128–129, 182, 198–199, 202; III, 26, 44–45,
226, 238–240, 276, 336; IV, 110, 469, 470, 471–474;
and the individual, II, 168–169;
a matter of law and institutions, II, 160, 166;
definition of, II, 126–127; IV, 230–231, 472;
relation of, to individual liberty, II, 169–170;
the cost of, II, 128; III, 239.
=CIVIL LIBERTY, WHAT IS?=, II, 109–130.
Civil officers, III, 267–268.
Civil service, III, 268–270;
abuse of, II, 303–304;
reform, III, 262–263, 279–280, 308.
Civil Service Commission, the, II, 277.
Civil strife, III, 361.
Civil War, the, I, 31, 32, 217, 219, 311; III, 277, 316, 321,
329–330, 333, 349, 351–354, 359–362, 398–400; IV, 175, 223,
323–324, 330.
Civilization, II, 83, 139, 180, 220–221, 249–253, 340–341, 342,
344–345; III, 23, 420–421; IV, 53–54, 93, 217, 221–223, 233;
and capital, III, 27, 422–423;
and liberty, II, 132, 147, 149–150, 175, 362;
and monopoly, II, 249–253;
and war, I, 16, 34–35;
classical, II, 252, 296;
danger to modern, I, 190;
modern, II, 296–297;
offsets to the gains of, I, 190;
the advance of, II, 344–345;
of Egypt, III, 146–147;
rights a product of, II, 83;
share in the gains of, II, 358–360; III, 21–22;
the origin of, II, 137–138;
the triumph of, II, 357–358; III, 421;
the cost of, III, 208.
Civilized man, the freedom of, III, 26.