EVIDENCE PRESENTED BY THE GOVERNMENT TO SUSTAIN ITS CHARGE AND
SPECIFICATIONS.
The following letter was found in the box turned over by General Joseph
A. Johnson, at Charlotte, N.C., to General Schofield, and said to
contain the archives of the Confederate government:--
MONTGOMERY, WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS, VA.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY, _the President of the Confederate States of
America_:--
DEAR SIR:--I have been thinking for some time that I
would make this communication to you, but have been deterred
from doing so on account of ill health. I now offer you my
services, and if you will favor me in my designs, I will
proceed, as soon as my health will permit, to rid my country of
some of her deadliest enemies, by striking at the very heart's
blood of those who seek to enchain her in slavery. I consider
nothing dishonorable having such a tendency. All I ask of you
is to favor me by granting me the necessary passes, etc., on
which to travel while in the jurisdiction of the Confederate
government. I am perfectly familiar with the North, and feel
confident I can execute anything I undertake. I am just
returned from within their lines. I am a lieutenant in General
Duke's command, and I was on the raid last June in Kentucky
under General John H. Morgan. I and all of my command excepting
about three or four, and two commissioned officers, were taken
prisoners; but finding a good opportunity, while being taken to
prison, I made my escape from them. Dressing myself in the garb
of a citizen, I attempted to pass through the mountains, but
finding that impossible, narrowly escaping two or three times
from being retaken, I shaped my course north, and went through
to the Canadas, from where, by the assistance of Colonel
Holcomb, I succeeded in making my way around and through the
blockade; but having yellow fever, etc., at Bermuda, I have
been rendered unfit for service since my arrival. I was reared
up in the State of Alabama, and educated in its university.
Both the Secretary of War and his assistant, Judge Campbell,
are personally acquainted with my father, William J. Alston, of
the fifth Congressional District of Alabama, having served in
the time of the old Congress, in the years 1849-50 and 1851. If
I do anything for you, I shall expect your full confidence in
return. If you do this, I can render you and my country very
important service. Let me hear from you soon. I am anxious to
be doing something, and having no command at present, all, or
nearly all, being in garrison, I desire that you favor me in
this a short time. I would like to have a personal interview
with you, in order to perfect the arrangements before starting.
I am, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
LIEUTENANT W. ALSTON.
This letter, it will be observed, is without date; but the box in
which it was found was marked, "Adjutant and Inspector General's
Office; letters received July to December, 1864." Lieutenant Alston
was captured in Kentucky in June, 1864, and so, in making his escape
through Canada, made the acquaintance of the rebel agents there, just
at the time that they were full of the assassination scheme. It was
probably from his intercourse with them that he became infatuated
with this idea, although he does not give them the credit of it. He
seems to have been an ambitious youth who desired to impress the rebel
President with the idea that this was an original scheme of his own.
Mark how unblushingly he opens his mind to Davis in presenting his
plot! It is nothing less than "striking at the heart's blood of some
of his country's deadliest foes," of whom everybody then knew that
Abraham Lincoln was universally regarded in the South as chief. It is a
plain offer to aid his country's cause by entering upon the policy of
assassinating the loyal men of the country whose official duty required
them to put down the rebellion. He considers nothing dishonorable that
tends to accomplish this. He does not merely propose to strike at the
heart's blood of Abraham Lincoln. No; like the Canada conspirators,
he has a more comprehensive scheme. Did Jefferson Davis feel insulted
by being thought capable of giving his sanction to such a foul and
dishonorable proposition? Let us see.
The following is his endorsement put upon it:--
INDORSEMENT.
A. 1. 390. Lieut. W. Alston, Montgomery, Sulphur Springs, Va.
(no date). Is Lieutenant in General Duke's command. Accompanied
raid into Kentucky and was captured, but escaped into Canada,
from whence he found his way back. Been in bad health. Now
offers his services to rid the country of some of its deadliest
enemies. Asks for papers to permit him to travel within the
jurisdiction of this government. Would like to have an
interview and explain. Respectfully referred, by direction of
the President, to the Honorable Secretary of War.
BURTON N. HARRISON,
_Private Secretary_.
Received November 19th, 1864.
Recorded book A.A.G.O., December 16th, 1864.
A.G. for attention.
By order of J. A. CAMPBELL, A.S.W.
The handwriting of the private secretary of Jefferson Davis, Burton
N. Harrison, and of the Assistant Secretary of War, J. A. Campbell,
in the endorsements, was verified before the Commission by Lewis W.
Chamberlain, who had been a clerk in the war department at Richmond,
and was well acquainted with the handwriting of both of these gentlemen.
From the consideration given by the rebel President, as shown by
these careful and favorable endorsements, would it be unreasonable
to conclude that Lieutenant Alston was granted the interview that he
desired, and that, armed with the permission and authority of the rebel
chief, he became one of the active participants in the closing scenes
of the drama?
We have other evidence that at this very time the mind of Jefferson
Davis was turned in this direction, and that he was inciting his agents
in Canada to turn their attention to a grand political scheme of
wholesale assassinations.
To show the moral obtundity of the political stay-at-home-and-fight
rebels about this time, I will reproduce an advertisement of this
proposition to assassinate President Lincoln and the other civil
officers of the government, that was published in the _Selma_ (Alabama)
_Dispatch_, in December, 1864, under the caption--
"MILLION DOLLARS FOR ASSASSINATION
"One million dollars wanted to have peace by the 1st of March.
If the citizens of the Southern Confederacy will furnish me
with the cash, or good securities for the sum of one million
dollars, I will cause the lives of Abraham Lincoln, William
H. Seward, and Andrew Johnson to be taken by the 1st of March
next. This will give us peace, and satisfy the world that
cruel tyrants cannot live in a land of liberty. If this is not
accomplished, nothing will be claimed beyond the sum of fifty
thousand dollars in advance, which is supposed to be necessary
to reach and slaughter the three villains. I will give, myself,
one thousand dollars towards this patriotic purpose. Every one
wishing to contribute will address Box X, Cahawba, Alabama.
December 1st, 1864."
This advertisement was proven by compositors in the _Dispatch_
office to have been put in that paper by Mr. G. W. Gale, a lawyer of
considerable reputation, and that the copy was in his handwriting,
which was well known at that office. My impression is that several of
the Richmond papers reproduced this advertisement, as also many other
papers in the Confederacy. The treasonable purpose to overthrow the
Constitution by the assassination of the President, Vice-President, and
Secretary of State shows that the plan had been maturely considered
in the light of the conditions that would render it most effective in
securing the object in view, and that it was a deep political scheme to
give the rebellion a new lease of life, and put it on its feet again
under more favorable conditions for success. I have already given
incidentally, and in a fragmentary way, glimpses of the testimony on
which the charges of the government were founded. I will now present in
a connected form the testimony bearing on the question.
Richard Montgomery testified before the Commission that Thompson said
to him in the summer of 1864 that he had his friends all over the
North, and that he could have anybody put out of his way that he chose;
that he would only have to point out the man that he considered in his
way, and his friends would remove him, and would consider it no crime
when done for the cause of the Confederacy. Clay also, on being told
by Montgomery what Thompson had said, replied, "That is so; we are all
devoted to our cause and ready to go any lengths--to do anything in the
world to serve our cause." Thompson said his friends would do this and
not let him know anything about it if necessary. That this was not mere
bragadocio is evident from the fact that Montgomery was accepted by
Thompson as a confederate in full sympathy with himself, and entitled
to his fullest confidence.
Merritt testified that he first heard of the assassination plot in
October or November, 1864, when he was told by Young, in reply to an
inquiry of Merritt in regard to a contemplated raid: "We have something
on the _tapis_ of much more importance than any raids we have made, or
can make." He said, "It was determined that Old Abe should never be
inaugurated." He said they had plenty of friends in Washington; and
speaking of Mr. Lincoln, he called him a damned old tyrant. Merritt
was afterwards introduced to George N. Sanders by Colonel Steele, and
in the course of the conversation that ensued, Steele said, "the damned
old tyrant will never serve another term if he is elected." Sanders
replied, "he (Lincoln) would have to keep himself mighty close if he
did serve another term." In January, 1865, Thompson told Montgomery
that a proposition had been made to him to rid the world of the tyrant
Lincoln, Stanton, Grant, and some others. He said he knew the men
that made the proposition to be bold, daring men, and able to execute
anything they would undertake without regard to cost. He said he was in
favor of the proposition, but had concluded to defer giving his answer
until he should have consulted with his government at Richmond; and
that he was only waiting for their approval; adding that he thought it
would be a great blessing to the people, both North and South, to have
these men killed. Beverly Tucker, in a conversation with Montgomery
after the assassination, recounting the many wrongs the South had
received at the hands of Mr. Lincoln, said, "that he deserved his
death, and it was a pity he had not met it long ago; that it was too
bad that the boys had not been allowed to act when they wanted to."
Conover testified that he saw Booth in Montreal about the latter part
of October, 1864. He was strutting about the St. Lawrence Hall, playing
billiards, etc., but occasionally was to be seen in confidential
intercourse with Sanders and Thompson.
Whilst in Canada at this time the plot to assassinate was fully decided
upon, as will be shown by the "Selby letter" subjoined. This letter was
picked up in a street car in New York by a couple of ladies, one of
whom, Mrs. Mary Hudspeth, testified before the Commission as follows:
"In November last, after the presidential election, and on the day that
General Butler left New York, as I was riding on the Third Avenue cars
in New York City, I overheard a conversation of two men. They were
talking most earnestly. One of them said he would leave for Washington
day after to-morrow. The other was going to Newburg or New Berne that
night. One of the two was a young man with false whiskers. This I
observed when a jolt of the car pushed his hat forward and at the same
time pushed his whiskers, by which I observed that the front face was
darker than it was under the whiskers. Judging by his conversation, he
was a young man of education. The other, whose name was Johnson, was
not. I noticed that the hand of the younger man was very beautiful, and
showed that he had led a life of ease and not of labor.
"They exchanged letters whilst in the car. When the one who had the
false whiskers put back the letters in his pocket, I saw a pistol in
his belt. I overheard the younger one say that he would leave for
Washington the day after to-morrow. The other was very angry because it
had not fallen on him to go to Washington. Both left the cars before
I did. After they had left, my daughter, who was with me, picked up
a letter which was lying on the floor of the car, immediately under
where they sat, and gave it to me, and I, thinking it was mine, as I
had letters of my own to post at the Nassau Street Post-office, took
it without noticing that it was not one of my own. When I got to the
brokers, where I was going with some gold, I noticed an envelope with
two letters in it. These are the letters, and both were contained in
one envelope. After I examined the letters and found their character,
I took them first to General Scott, who asked me to read them to him.
He said he thought they were of great importance, and asked me to take
them to General Dix. I did so. The letters are as follows:--
"DEAR LOUIS:--The time has at last come that we have
all so wished for, and upon you everything depends. As it was
decided before you left, we were to cast lots. Accordingly
we did so, and you are to be the Charlotte Corday of the
nineteenth century. When you remember the fearful, solemn vow
that was taken by us you will feel there is no drawback--_Abe_
must _die_, and _now_. You can choose your weapons--the
cup, the _knife_, the _bullet_. The cup failed us once, and
might again. Johnson, who will give _this_, has been like an
enraged demon since the meeting because it has not fallen
upon him to rid the world of the monster. He says the blood
of his gray-haired father and his noble brother call on him
for revenge, and revenge he will have; if he cannot wreak it
upon the fountain head, he will upon some of the blood-thirsty
generals. Butler would suit him. As our plans were all
concocted and well arranged, we separated; and as I am writing
on my way to Detroit, I will only say that all rests upon
you. You know where to find your friends. Your disguises are
so perfect and complete, that without _one_ knew _your face_
no police telegraphic despatch would catch you. The English
gentleman, Harcourt, must not act hastily. Remember he has ten
days. Strike for your home, strike for your country; bide your
time, but strike sure. Get introduced, congratulate him, listen
to his stories--not many more will the brute tell to earthly
friends. Do anything but fail, and meet us at the appointed
place within the fortnight. Inclose this note, together with
one of poor Leenea. I will give the reason for this when
we meet. Return by Johnson. I wish I could go to you, but
duty calls me to the West; you will probably hear from me in
Washington. Sanders is doing us no good in Canada.
"Believe me your brother in love,
"CHARLES SELBY."
"ST. LOUIS, October 21st, 1864.
"DEAREST HUSBAND:--Why do you not come home? You left
me for ten days only, and now you have been from home more than
two weeks. In that long time, only sent me one short note--a
few cold words--and a check for money, which I did not require.
What has come over you? Have you forgotten your wife and child?
Baby calls for papa until my heart aches. We are _so lonely
without you_. I have written to you again and again, and, as a
last resource, yesterday wrote to Charlie, begging him to see
you and tell you to come home. I am so ill--not able to leave
my room; if I was, I would go to you wherever you were, if in
_this world_. Mamma says I must not write any more, as I am too
weak. Louis, darling, do not stay away any longer from your
heart-broken wife,
"LEENEA."
General Dix sent these letters to the War Department at Washington.
They were given to President Lincoln, who put them in an envelope,
marked it "Assassination," and laid it away in his desk, where it was
found after his death. Mrs. Hudspeth testified that she picked these
letters up on the day that General Butler left New York. General Butler
had orders to leave on the 11th of November, but upon application got
permission to remain until the 14th. Booth left Washington on the early
morning train on November 11th, which would put him into New York on
the afternoon of that day. Here he met his co-conspirator, Johnson, on
the cars, and in exchanging letters with him, dropped these letters
without noticing it. The Leenea letter was to have been returned by
Johnson. He was to leave for Washington on the day after to-morrow,
which, reckoning from the 11th, would be the 13th. The hotel register
accounts for him again at Washington on the 14th in the early part of
the evening. That the young man described by Mrs. Hudspeth was John
Wilkes Booth was shown by her recognition of his photograph, shown to
her in the presence of the Commission, when she declared that that was
the same face.[5]
It was also shown by the testimony of Samuel Knapp Chester, the
actor, that Booth was in New York about this time, laboring with
Chester in the most urgent manner to draw him into the conspiracy.
It is true he represented to him that the purpose was to capture the
President, and carry him a prisoner to Richmond; that this feat was
to be performed at Ford's Theatre in Washington, and that Chester's
part in it would be the easy one of simply opening the door of exit
on a given signal; but can any sane man believe that this was his
purpose? The impracticability of this proposition could not but have
been as apparent to Booth as it was to Chester, who begged Booth,
finally, to never mention the subject to him again. It is evident Booth
intended to withhold from Chester his real purpose until he could get
him irrevocably committed to the conspiracy. The letter which he had
dropped, and which I have given above, reveals the real purpose of the
conspiracy. It will be seen by this letter that it was in contemplation
at that time to act at once, or at least as soon as a good opportunity
should be found, or could be made. He who was "to be the Charlotte
Corday of the nineteenth century" had his choice as to the weapons he
should use; but whether it should be the cup, the knife, or the bullet,
it simply meant death. Why was not the purpose carried out at that time
as arranged for at the meeting to which the letter refers? As will be
shown by the subsequent testimony, the assassins were restrained from
present action by the agents of the rebel government in Canada, who
desired to have explicit sanction to the arrangements they had made as
to the compensation, and authority for the expenditure it involved.
Let us see now how the testimony connects the rebel agents in Canada
with this meeting that was held in the latter part of October, or
first of November, 1864, and with its conclusions, which resulted in
arrangements for these assassinations. Montgomery testified that in
January, 1865, Jacob Thompson told him that a proposition had been made
to him to rid the world of the tyrant Lincoln, Stanton, Grant, and some
others. The men who had made the proposition, he said, he knew to be
bold, daring men, and able to execute anything they would undertake
without regard to cost. He said he was in favor of the proposition but
had determined to defer his answer until he had consulted with his
government at Richmond, and he was then only waiting their approval,
adding that he thought it would be a blessing to the people, both
North and South, to have these men killed. A few days after the
assassination, Montgomery had a conversation with Beverly Tucker in
Montreal. He said a great deal about the wrongs the South had received
at the hands of Mr. Lincoln, and that he deserved his death, and it
was a pity he had not met with it long ago. He said "It was too bad
that the boys had not been allowed to act when they wanted to." Thus we
see that "the boys" were kept back from the execution of the plot for
which they had made ready late in October, or early in November, at the
meeting referred to in the Selby letter, by Thompson and his clique,
who had concluded to defer it until they should have obtained the
sanction of their government at Richmond to their arrangements, which
no doubt involved the expenditure of a large sum of money. Montgomery
at this time related a portion of the conversation with Thompson, given
above, to William C. Cleary, who was Thompson's confidential secretary,
when Cleary told him that Booth was one of the men to whom Thompson
referred; and speaking of the assassination, he said "It was too bad
that the whole work had not been done," adding, "They had better
look out; we have not done yet." Cleary told Montgomery during this
conversation that Booth had been there visiting Thompson twice in the
winter; the last time he thought was in December.
That Cleary was well acquainted with all that Thompson, Tucker, and
Clay were doing is clear from the relation he sustained to Thompson;
and Thompson himself told Montgomery that Cleary was posted in all his
affairs, and that if he (Montgomery) sought him at any time when he was
absent, he could confide his business to Cleary.
Conover testified that he called on Thompson, in the early part of
February, 1865, to make some inquiry about the intended raid on
Ogdensburg, when Thompson said to him, "There is a better opportunity,
a better chance to immortalize yourself and save your country." Conover
replied that he was willing to do anything to save the country.
Thompson then said, "Some of our boys are going to play a grand joke
on Abe and Andy." Upon Conover asking him for a further explanation, he
said, "It was to kill them, or, rather, to remove them from office."
He said, "it was only removing them from office; that the killing of
a tyrant was no murder." He told Conover then, or subsequently, that
he had conferred a commission on Booth for this purpose, and would
commission all who engaged in it, so that whether it succeeded or
failed, if they escaped to Canada, they could not be claimed under
the extradition treaty. The Confederate government kept these Canada
agents supplied with commissions in blank, to be filled up by them
at their pleasure, to cover cases like these. In this conversation
of Thompson with Conover, in February, in which he was endeavoring
to enlist Conover in the plot, he argued that killing a tyrant in
such a case was no murder, and asked him if he had ever read the work
entitled, "Killing no Murder," a letter addressed by Colonel Titus to
Oliver Cromwell. Mr. Hamlin was to have been included in the scheme,
had it been put into execution before the 4th of March. In a subsequent
conversation in April, Mr. Hamlin was omitted, and Vice-President
Johnson put in his place. We here again see the political intent of
this scheme, in that it was the office, not the man, that was really
the subject of the blow.
Merritt testified to an interview he had with Harper, Caldwell,
Randall, Charles Holt, and a man called "Texas," at the Queen's
Hotel, in Toronto, on the 6th of April, 1865. Harper said they were
"going to the States, and were going to kick up the damnedest row
that had ever been heard of." He said to Merritt, an hour or two
afterwards, that "if he (Merritt) did not hear of the death of Old
Abe, and the Vice-President, and General Dix in less than ten days he
might put him down as a damned fool." We have now had abundant proof
that Thompson, Clay, Tucker, Sanders, Cleary, etc., were guilty of
combining, confederating, and conspiring with Booth, and the others,
to assassinate Abraham Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, William H. Seward,
etc.; that this plot originated with them, and that they diligently
prosecuted the work of preparation for it from October, 1864, until
its denouement, in April, 1865. It appears to have engrossed their
minds; it was the great subject of conversation in all of their secret
conclaves, the great burden of all their thoughts, the very height of
their ambition.
Let us next see to what extent the head of the rebel Confederacy,
Jefferson Davis, is implicated in it by the evidence. We have
already seen by his favorable reception of the Alston letter and the
endorsement he put upon it, that there was nothing in his mind or
moral nature that revolted at its base, cowardly, and dishonorable
proposition to "strike at the very heart's blood of some of our
country's deadliest foes." On the contrary, he refers it to his
Assistant Secretary of War, marked "For attention."
Having obtained this index to the state of his mind, we find ourselves
prepared to receive the testimony of Dr. J. B. Merritt as to a letter
read by Sanders in a meeting of rebels in Montreal, about the middle
of February, 1865, at which ten or fifteen persons were present,
amongst whom were Sanders, Colonel Steele, Captain Scott, George Young,
Byron Hill, Caldwell, Ford, Benedict, Kirk, and Merritt. Sanders said
he had received the letter from "the President of our Confederacy"
(meaning Jefferson Davis). The substance of this letter was, that if
the confederates in Canada and in the States were willing to submit to
be governed by such a tyrant as Lincoln he did not wish to recognize
them as friends and associates, and he expressed his approbation of
any measures they might take to accomplish this object. It is true Dr.
Merritt did not see Davis's signature to the letter, and would not
have known it had he seen it, but the letter was first read openly by
Sanders, and then handed to the others, several of whom read it, and
none questioned either its author or authenticity. Colonel Steele,
Young, Hill, and Captain Scott read it, and no objection was raised.
After reading this letter, Sanders went on to name a number of persons
who were ready and willing, as he said, to engage in the undertaking
to remove the President, Vice-President, the cabinet, and some of the
leading generals, and said there was any amount of money to accomplish
the purpose. Amongst the persons whom he said thus stood ready to
engage in this work, he named Booth, George Harper, Charles Caldwell,
one Randall, and Harrison (by which name Surratt was known), and
one or two others, one of whom they called "Plug Tobacco," or "Port
Tobacco." I will here remark that Atzerodt was sometimes called by this
latter name. Sanders said that Booth was heart and soul in this project
of assassination, and felt as much as any person could feel, for the
reason that he was a cousin to Beall, who was hung in New York. He said
that if they could dispose of Mr. Lincoln it would be an easy matter to
dispose of Mr. Johnson; he was such a drunken sot it would be an easy
matter to dispose of him in some of his drunken revelries.
When Sanders read the letter he also spoke of Mr. Seward. "I inferred,"
says Dr. Merritt, "it was partially the language of the letter. It was,
I think, that if the President, Vice-President, and Mr. Seward could be
disposed of, it would be satisfying the people of the North that they
(the Southerners) had friends in the North, and that peace could be
obtained on better terms than could be otherwise obtained."
It will be remembered that Booth sent to Chester fifty dollars in a
letter when trying to get him into the conspiracy, and that at their
final interview in February, Chester positively refused to have
anything to do with it, and returned to Booth the fifty dollars he
had received. Booth took the money, saying at the same time he would
not do so only he was short of funds. He had told Chester that there
was plenty of money in the affair, and that if he would join he would
never want for money again as long as he lived. He said, however, as
an excuse for taking back the fifty dollars he had sent him, that he
was very short of funds, and that he, or some one, would have to go to
Richmond to replenish. Wiechmann testified that John H. Surratt left
Washington for Richmond on the 27th of March, and returned on the 3d of
April; that on his return he showed him nine, or eleven, twenty-dollar
gold pieces and sixty dollars in currency. Wiechmann was on intimate
terms of personal intercourse with Surratt, lived in the same house
with him, and was with him daily when at home, and expressed himself as
quite certain that he had no gold when he left Washington. He was not
engaged in any business by which he could make money. His mother had
a very limited income from the rent of her farm and tavern, and kept
boarders to enable her to make ends meet; yet her son was constantly
spending money in traveling about, and so must have been supplied by
his Canada friends, whom he visited occasionally; and the chief calls
he had for expenditure appear to have arisen from his prosecution of
their schemes. Returning thus from Richmond to Washington on the 3d of
April, he left the same evening, according to Wiechmann, for Canada.
Conover testified that he saw him in Montreal on the 6th or 7th of
April, in Mr. Thompson's room, and he learned from their conversation
that Surratt had just brought despatches from Richmond to Mr. Thompson.
One despatch was from Mr. Benjamin, the rebel Secretary of State,
and one, which Conover thought was a cipher despatch, from Jefferson
Davis. Conover had previously been solicited by Thompson to participate
in this work of assassination, and so was freely admitted to their
secret councils. After reading these letters from Davis and Benjamin,
Thompson, laying his hands on them, said, "This makes the thing all
right," referring to the assent of the rebel authorities. Mr. Lincoln,
Mr. Johnson, the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, and the Secretary
of State, Mr. Seward, Judge Chase, and General Grant were to be the
victims. Mr. Thompson said this would leave the government entirely
without a head; that there was no provision in the Constitution of the
United States by which they could elect another President if these men
were removed. The long waited for authority to use funds which the
rebel government had placed to the credit of Mr. Thompson having been
now secured in the despatch from Mr. Benjamin, and his chief, Jefferson
Davis, no time was lost in putting the ball in motion. Mr. Thompson
had over six hundred thousand dollars to his credit in the Ontario
Bank of Montreal, and within two days after receiving these letters,
he drew on his deposit for over two hundred thousand dollars. Conover
saw Surratt in Montreal from the 6th or 7th to the 9th of April, and
having been admitted to their confidence by Thompson, on his receiving
the despatches, was accepted by Surratt as being one of themselves, and
so he was under no restraint in conversing with Conover. From the whole
of his conversation Conover inferred that he was to take his part,
whatever that might be, in the conspiracy. We have already learned
from Merritt's testimony, that after Surratt's return to Canada on the
6th of April there was an immediate bustle amongst those in Canada who
were to go to Washington to take part in the plot, and that they began
to leave on the 8th. The sinews of war having been furnished, there was
great eagerness, expressed and apparent, to be off for the execution
of the plot, and great boasting on the part of those who went as to
what they were going to do. Having set their hired assassins in motion,
Thompson and his gang stood waiting in a great state of expectancy for
the result. Conover testified that on the day before, or the very day
of the assassination, he had a conversation with William C. Cleary
about the rejoicing in the States over the surrender of Lee and the
capture of Richmond. Cleary remarked that they "would put the laugh on
the other side of their mouths in a day or two." "The conspiracy was at
that time talked of amongst them about as freely as one would speak of
the weather."
Jefferson Davis received his first intelligence of the assassination
at Charlotte, N.C., on the 19th of April, in a telegram from General
Breckinridge, as follows:--
"GREENSBORO', April 19, 1865.
"_His Excellency President Davis_:--
"President Lincoln was assassinated in the theatre at
Washington on the night of the 11th inst. Seward's house was
entered on the same night and he was repeatedly stabbed, and is
probably mortally wounded.
[Signed]
"JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE."
Davis received this telegram whilst haranguing in his grandiloquent
style the crowd that had gathered about him, trying to convince them
that they were not whipped, and would yet succeed. At the conclusion
of his speech, he read the telegram to his auditors; and after the
manifestations of delight at the news had subsided, he made this
comment: "Well, if it were done, it were better it were well done."
On the following day, when dining at the house of the witness, Mr.
Lewis F. Bates, with General Breckinridge, who had come to pay him a
visit, upon General Breckinridge saying in regard to the assassination
that he regretted it very much--that it was very unfortunate for
the people of the South at that time--Davis replied, "Well, General,
I don't know; if it were done at all, it were better that it were
well done; and if the same had been done to Andy Johnson, the beast,
and Secretary Stanton the job would then be complete." Mark the
disappointment of the man, and his bitter dissatisfaction with the
result of the plot to which he had so recently given his sanction! The
telegram informed him of the death of President Lincoln at the hands
of an assassin, and gave him strong grounds to conclude that Secretary
Seward had been put out of the way in the same way, and was dead; but
this does not satisfy him. The work had not been well done because
"Andy Johnson" still lived, and so they had failed in their purpose to
subvert the government. Hear him growl, "It were better it were well
done; and if the same had only been done to Andy Johnson, the beast,
and to Secretary Stanton, the job would then have been complete," and
we might have taken fresh courage. His co-conspirators in Canada, when
informed of the result, gnashed their teeth in rage and disappointment.
They expressed their regret that "the boys had not been allowed to act
when they wanted to," and swore "they were not done with them yet." At
first their attitude was that of defiance, and their expressions of
regret at their failure to completely carry out their plot were mingled
with threatenings as to what they would yet do. They boasted while the
trial was going on that they had their friends at court, and were kept
posted from day to day as to what was going on. The promptness of the
government in bringing its prisoners before a military commission for
trial, making it obvious that there was to be no fooling in the case,
together with their continued disasters in the field, ending in the
speedy collapse of the rebellion and the capture of Jefferson Davis,
brought them to their senses, and to a realization of their own danger;
and so they at once commenced to destroy all documentary evidence of
their guilt. They declared in the presence of Montgomery, and also of
Merritt, that they had destroyed all their papers, lest some Yankee
should steal them and they should be brought up in a possible future
trial as evidence against them.
Now, let us consider what is lacking in this testimony to make the
evidence of Davis's complicity in this crime complete. Nothing,
manifestly, but the letters referred to in the testimony; the first,
that read by Sanders, and credited by him to Davis, inciting his
friends in Canada to the commission of this crime, and pointing out
specifically whom he would have them put out of the way; and the
second, carried by Surratt to Thompson, on which Thompson laid his
hand and exclaimed, "This makes the thing all right!" But the absence
of this missing link in the chain of evidence against him is accounted
for, and that in a way that makes the chain even stronger, if possible,
than if we were able to produce these documents.
His co-conspirators in Canada declare to two witnesses and in the
presence of a third, George B. Hutchinson, that they have destroyed all
their papers; giving as the reason for so doing, the fear that some
"Yankee son of a b--h" might steal them, and they should be used as
evidence against them.
They burn their papers and then silently steal away. _Exeunt omnes._