CHAPTER IV.

THE NEWS COMMUNICATED TO THE WORLD, AND ITS EFFECT.

On the morning of the 15th of April, 1865, the telegraph wires carried

to every part of the United States that was in communication with

Washington, and to the rest of the civilized world, the astounding

intelligence that Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,

had been assassinated on the previous night by John Wilkes Booth,

at Ford's Theatre in Washington City; that at the same hour a most

savage attempt had been made to assassinate the Secretary of State,

Hon. William H. Seward, and that he was lying in a most critical and

dangerous condition from the wounds which he had received, and would

probably die. Never, perhaps, in the history of the race were so many

hearts bleeding, and so many eyes suffused with tears at one time, as

on that sorrowful day. The nation was filled with grief, mingled with

indignation and horror at the deed. The land was literally draped in

mourning. Every city, and every town and village, displayed the sable

habiliments of grief. The response came back to our people, in kind,

from every civilized people on earth.

The writer was at the time a member of Grant's victorious army, and

had large opportunities for witnessing the effects produced by the sad

intelligence on the soldiery of our country. From the highest officers

down to the rank and file of the army, sorrow and grief were depicted

on every countenance. From Appomattox to Richmond the victorious

army that had been filled with joyful and hopeful anticipations over

its successes, and the prospect of the speedy dawn of peace, and of

returning to their homes and friends and to the pursuits of peaceful

life, after four years of arduous military service, was at once plunged

into the deepest sadness and gloom. Strong men wept. It was as though

every soldier had lost his dearest friend. There was always a day of

sadness in the army after every great battle, even in the triumphs

of victory, at the thought of the many brave comrades who had given

up their lives for their country, and would never again be seen in

the ranks,--who were even then being gathered up from the field and

carefully laid away in silence to await the resurrection morn; and of

the others, who with loss of limbs and fearful wounds, were receiving

the care of the surgeons and nurses in the hospitals improvised for the

occasion; but never before had such a pall of grief been thrown over

the entire army.

The depth of sorrow into which the nation was plunged by the news

of his assassination revealed, as nothing else could have done, the

place Abraham Lincoln held in the confidence and affections of the

loyal people of the land. The first shock of the sad intelligence was

almost paralytic. The people--even the army--for the moment stood dazed

and bewildered. What was the meaning of all this? Was the war to be

prolonged? Were we now to be called upon to turn our victorious arms

upon the enemy in the rear, of whose existence we had all the time been

conscious? Such were the questions that first suggested themselves. If

so, the army was then in a state of mind to have made a short work of

it. The victory over our armed foe in front, who had so bravely met us,

and often with success, on many a hotly-contested field, would never

have been yielded to the disloyal cowards who, through all of these

years of the war, from their safe retreats and hiding-places, threw

every obstacle they could in the way of our now martyred President, and

who had planned and accomplished his taking off.

The extent of the conspiracy had not as yet been revealed; but enough

was known to the government to evince the fact that this was an act of

deep political significance, having behind it a very different class of

men from the dissolute and depraved assassins who were executing their

behests, and not merely done for the gratification of personal and

political revenge. It was obvious that the occasion called for the most

vigorous and decided measures on the part of the government to meet

and overcome the strategy of assassinations just now entered upon. It

very soon became known to the authorities that the plot had been but

very partially executed, and that the purpose of the conspirators was

to subvert the constitution by depriving the nation of its executive

head, and leaving no constitutional way of electing a new President,

and at the same time to deprive the armies in the field of a lawful

commander. To accomplish this, the President, Vice-President, Secretary

of State, and General Grant were all to have been assassinated. The

conspirators in Canada and also the rebel president, when they heard

that only President Lincoln had been killed, could not conceal their

disappointment, and virtually confessed that their deep-laid scheme

had proven a failure. The former still adhered to their purpose, and

in their rage declared, "We are not done with them yet." We hardly

dare to venture upon the consideration of what would have been the

result had they completed the work they had planned. We have reason

for profound thankfulness to that God who has thus far so wisely and

graciously watched over our national progress, that he did not permit

its accomplishment. But we, who were actors on the stage at that time,

knowing how the principal actors in our national affairs, both civil

and military, had been schooled in self-sacrificing, patriotic devotion

to the institutions of our fathers, and their unfaltering purpose to

transmit them unimpaired to their children and children's children for

a perpetual inheritance, can but feel assured that even in the dire

extremity now under consideration they would have proven true to their

trust, and would have found a way to restore all of the machinery of

government provided for in the Constitution. The people are above the

Constitution even as the maker is above the thing made.

The rebel armies had been so completely overcome that they could no

longer have formed even a nucleus around which the traitors in the

North could have organized an opposition that could have been regarded

with other than feelings of contempt by our victorious hosts. The time

had passed; the opportunity was gone. No wonder the conspirators in

Canada gnashed their teeth with rage and disappointment because "the

boys had not been allowed to act when they wanted to." They had amongst

their many schemes concocted during the summer of 1864, such as making

raids, liberating rebel prisoners of war held in Northern prisons,

burning cities, spreading pestilence, and poisoning reservoirs, been

led also to consider this scheme of assassinations. All of these things

were to be done in aid of the rebellion.

As their cause became desperate on account of the continued success

of our arms, so did they become desperate in planning to retrieve. As

early as January, 1865, they received a communication from Jefferson

Davis suggesting these things and urging them to stop at nothing,

however desperate, and plainly intimating that Lincoln ought not to

be allowed to live; but it was not until the latter part of March,

1865, that they were prepared to present to him a definitely-prepared

plan for the accomplishment of their purposes that he could accept and

sanction. They had thus been long delayed, and now they were compelled

to realize that their work was a failure. No wonder that they all, from

Jefferson Davis down, felt and expressed grievous disappointment. It

reminds us of Milton's description of the malignant schemes, failures,

disappointments, and rage of the Prince of Devils in his contests with

the Almighty.

Assassination of Lincoln: a History of the Great Conspiracy Trial of the Conspirators by a Military Commission, and a Review of the Trial of John H. Surratt · 第 4 / 23 章