EARLY NEW ENGLAND LIFE
The people who inhabited these little New England towns were from nearly
every grade of English society, but the greater number were men and
women of humble birth--laborers, artisans, and petty farmers--drawn from
town and country, possessed of scanty education, little or no financial
capital, and but slight experience with the larger world. Some were
middle-class lawyers, merchants, and squires; a few, but very few, were
of higher rank, while scores were of the soil, coarse in language and
habits, and given to practices characteristic of the peasantry of
England at that time. The fact that hardly a fifth of those in
Massachusetts were professed Christians renders it doubtful how far
religious convictions were the only driving motive that sent hundreds of
these men to New England. The leaders were, in a majority of cases,
university men familiar with good literature and possessed of good
libraries, but more cognizant of theology and philosophy than of the law
and order of nature. Some were professional soldiers, simple in thought
as they were courageous in action, while others were men of affairs, who
had acquired experience before the courts and in the counting houses of
England and were often amazingly versatile, able to turn their hands to
any business that confronted them. For the great majority there was
little opportunity in these early years to practice a trade or a
profession. Except for the clergy, who could preach in America with
greater freedom than in England, and for the occasional practitioner in
physic or the law who as time went on found occasion to apply his
knowledge in the household and the courts, there was little else for any
one to do than engage in farming, fishing, and trading with the Indians,
or turn carpenter and cobbler according to demand. The artisan became a
farmer, though still preserving his knack as a craftsman, and expended
his skill and his muscle in subduing a tough and unbroken soil.
New England was probably overstocked with men of strong minds and
assertive dispositions. It was settled by radicals who would never have
left the mother country had they not possessed well-formed opinions
regarding some of the most important aspects of religious and social
life. We may call them all Puritans, but as to the details of their
Puritanism they often differed as widely as did Roundheads and Cavaliers
in England. Though representative of a common movement, they were far
from united in their beliefs or consistent in their political practices.
There was always something of the inquisitor at Boston and of the monk
at Plymouth, and in all the Puritan colonies there prevailed a
self-satisfied sense of importance as the chosen of God. The
controversies that arose over jurisdictions and boundaries and the
niceties of doctrine are not edifying, however honest may have been
those who entered into them. Massachusetts and Connecticut always showed
a disposition to stretch their demands for territory to the utmost and
to take what they could, sometimes with little charity or forbearance.
The dominance of the church over the organization and methods of
government and the rigid scrutiny of individual lives and habits, of
which the leaders, notably those of Massachusetts, approved, were hardly
in accord with democracy or personal liberty. Of toleration, except in
Rhode Island, there was none.
The unit of New England life was the town, a self-governing community,
in large measure complete in itself, and if left alone capable of
maintaining a separate existence. Within certain limits, it was
independent of higher authority, and in this respect it was unlike
anything to be found in England. At this period, it was at bottom a
religious community which owned and distributed the lands set apart for
its occupation, elected its own officials, and passed local ordinances
for its own well-being. At first, church members, landholders, and
inhabitants tended to be identical, but they gradually separated as time
went on and as new comers appeared and old residents migrated elsewhere.
Before the end of the century, the ecclesiastical society, the board of
land proprietors, and the town proper, even when largely composed of the
same members, acted as separate groups, though the line of separation
was often vague and was sometimes not drawn at all. Town meetings
continued to be held in the meeting-house, and land was distributed by
the town in its collective capacity. Lands were parceled out as they
were needed in proportion to contributions to a common purchase fund or
to family need, and later according to the ratable value of a man's
property. The fathers of Wallingford in Connecticut, "considering that
even single persons industrious and laborious might through the blessing
of God increase and grow into families," distributed to the meanest
bachelor "such a quantity of land as might in an ordinary way serve for
the comfortable maintenance of a family." Sometimes allotments were
equal; often they varied greatly in size, from an acre to fifty acres
and even more; but always they were determined by a desire to be fair
and just. The land was granted in full right and could be sold or
bequeathed, though at first only with the consent of the community. With
the grant generally went rights in woodland and pasture; and even meadow
land, after the hay was got in, was open to the use of the villagers.
The early New England town took into consideration the welfare and
contentment of the individual, but it rated as of even greater
importance the interests of the whole body.
The settlements of New England inevitably presented great variations of
local life and color, stretching as they did from the Plymouth trucking
posts in Maine, through the fishing villages of Saco and York, and those
on the Piscataqua, to the towns of Long Island and the frontier
communities of western Connecticut--Stamford and Greenwich. The
inhabitants to the number of more than thirty thousand in 1640 were not
only in possession of the coast but were also pushing their way into the
interior. To fishing and agriculture they added trading, lumbering, and
commerce, and were constantly reaching out for new lands and wider
opportunities. The Pilgrims had hardly weathered their first hard winter
when they rebuilt one of their shallops and sent it northward on fishing
and trading voyages; and later they sent one bark up the Connecticut and
another to open up communication with the Dutch at New Amsterdam.
Pynchon was making Springfield the centre of the fur trade of the
interior, though an overcrowding of merchants there was reducing profits
and compelling the settlers to resort to agriculture for a living. Of
all the colonies, New Haven was the most distinctly commercial. Stephen
Goodyear built a trucking house on an island below the great falls of
the Housatonic in 1642; other New Haven colonists engaged in ventures on
Delaware Bay; and in 1645, the colony endeavored to open a direct trade
with England. But nearly every New Haven enterprise failed, and by 1660
the wealth of the colony had materially diminished and the settlement
had become "little else than a colony of discouraged farmers." Among all
the colonies in New England and elsewhere there was considerable
coasting traffic, and vessels went to Newfoundland and Bermuda, and even
to the distant West Indies, to Madeira, and to Bilboa across the ocean.
Ever since Winthrop built the _Blessing of the Bay_ in 1631, the first
sea-going craft launched in New England, Massachusetts had been the
leading commercial colony, and her vessels occasionally made the long
triangular voyage to Jamaica, and England, and back to the Bay. The
vessels carried planks, pipe staves, furs, fish, and provisions, and
exchanged them for sugar, molasses, household goods, and other wares and
commodities needed for the comfort and convenience of the colonists.
The older generation was passing away. By 1660, Winthrop, Cotton,
Hooker, Haynes, Bradford, and Whiting were dead; Davenport and Roger
Williams were growing old; some of the ablest men, Peters, Ludlow,
Whitfield, Desborough, Hooke, had returned to England, and others less
conspicuous had gone to the West Indies or to the adjacent colonies.
The younger men were coming on, new arrivals were creeping in, and a
loosening of the old rigidity was affecting the social order. The
Cambridge platform of 1648, which embodied the orthodox features of the
Congregational system as determined up to that time, gave place to the
Half-Way Covenant of 1657 and 1662, which owed its rise to the coming to
maturity of the second generation, the children of the first settlers,
now admitted to membership but not to full communion--a wide departure
from the original purpose of the founders. Rhode Island continued to be
the colony of separatism and soul liberty, where Seeker, Generalist,
Anabaptist, and religious anarchist of the William Harris type found
place, though not always peace. Cotton Mather later said there had never
been "such a variety of religions together on so small a spot as there
have been in that colony."
The coming of the Quakers to Boston in 1656, bringing with them as they
did some of the very religious ideas that had caused Mrs. Hutchinson and
John Wheelwright to be driven into exile, revived anew the old issue and
roused the orthodox colonies to deny admission to ranters, heretics,
Quakers, and the like. Boston burned their books as "corrupt,
heretical, and blasphemous," flung these people into prison with every
mark of indignity, branded them as enemies of the established order in
church and commonwealth, and tried to prove that they were witches and
emissaries of Satan. The first-comers were sent back to Barbados whence
they came; the next were returned to England; those of 1657 were
scourged; those of 1658, under the Massachusetts law of the previous
year, were mutilated and, when all these measures had no effect, under
the harsher law of October, 1658, four were hanged. One of these, Mary
Dyer, though reprieved and banished, persisted in returning to her
death. The Quakers were scourged in Plymouth, branded in New Haven,
flogged at the cart's tail on Long Island, and chained to a wheelbarrow
at New Amsterdam. Upon Connecticut they made almost no impression; only
in Piscataqua, Rhode Island, Nantucket, and Eastern Long Island did they
find a resting place.
To the awe inspired by the covenant with God was added the terror
aroused by the dread power of Satan; and witchcraft inevitably took its
place in the annals of New England Puritanism as it had done for a
century in the annals of the older world. Not one of the colonies,
except Rhode Island, was free from its manifestations. Plymouth had two
cases which came to trial, but no executions; Connecticut and New Haven
had many trials and a number of executions, beginning with that of Alse
Young in Windsor in 1647, the first execution for witchcraft in New
England. The witch panic, a fearful exhibition of human terror, appeared
in Massachusetts as early as 1648, and ran its sinister course for more
than forty years, involving high and low alike and disclosing an amazing
amount of credulity and superstition. To the Puritan the power of Satan
was ever imminent, working through friend or foe, and using the human
form as an instrument of injury to the chosen of God. The great epidemic
of witchcraft at Salem in 1692, the climax and close of the delusion,
resulted in the imprisonment of over two hundred persons and the
execution of nineteen. Some of those who sat in the court of trial later
came to their senses and were heartily ashamed of their share in the
proceedings.
The New Englander of the seventeenth century, courageous as he was and
loyal to his religious convictions, was in a majority of cases gifted
with but a meager mental outfit. The unknown world frightened and
appalled him; Satan warring with the righteous was an ever-present
menace to his soul; the will of God controlled the events of his daily
life, whether for good or ill. The book of nature and the physiology and
ailments of his own body he comprehended with the mind of a child. He
believed that the planet upon which he lived was the center of the
universe, that the stars were burning vapors, and the moon and comets
agencies controlling human destinies. Strange portents presaged disaster
or wrought evil works. Many a New Englander's life was governed
according to the supposed influence of the heavenly bodies; Bradford
believed that there was a connection between a cyclone and an eclipse;
and Morton defined an earthquake as a movement of wind shut up in the
pores and bowels of the earth.
Of medicine the Puritans knew little and practised less. They swallowed
doses of weird and repelling concoctions, wore charms and amulets, found
comfort and relief in internal and external remedies that could have had
no possible influence upon the cause of the trouble, and when all else
failed they fell back upon the mercy and will of God. Surgery was a
matter of tooth-pulling and bone-setting, and though post-mortems were
performed, we have no knowledge of the skill of the practitioner. The
healing art, as well as nursing and midwifery, was frequently in the
hands of women, one of whom deposed: "I was able to live by my
chirurgery, but now I am blind and cannot see a wound, much less dress
it or make salves"; and Jane Hawkins of Boston, the "bosom friend" of
Mrs. Hutchinson, was forbidden by the general courts "to meddle in
surgery or physic, drink, plaisters or oils," as well as religion. The
men who practised physic were generally homebred, making the greater
part of their living at farming or agriculture. Some were ministers as
well as physicians, and one of them (Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes is sorry
to say) "took to drink and tumbled into the Connecticut River, and so
ended." There were a number of regularly trained doctors, such as John
Clark of Newbury, Fuller of Plymouth, Rossiter of Guilford, and others;
and the younger Winthrop, though not a physician, had more than a
smattering of medicine.
The mass of the New Englanders of the seventeenth century had but little
education and but few opportunities for travel. As early as 1642,
Massachusetts required that every child should be taught to read, and
in 1647 enacted a law ordaining that every township should appoint a
schoolmaster, and that the larger towns should each set up a grammar
school. This well-known and much praised enactment, which made education
the handmaid of religion and was designed to stem the tide of religious
indifference rising over the colony, was better in intention than in
execution. It had little effect at first, and even when under its
provisions the common school gradually took root in New England, the
education given was of a very primitive variety. Harvard College itself,
chartered in 1636, was a seat of but a moderate amount of learning and
at its best had only the training of the clergy in view. In Hartford and
New Haven, grammar schools were founded under the bequest of Governor
Hopkins, but came to little in the seventeenth century. In 1674, one
Robert Bartlett left money for the setting up of a free school in New
London, for the teaching of Latin to poor children, but the hope was
richer than the fulfilment. In truth, of education for the laity at this
time in New England there was scarcely more than the rudiments of
reading, writing, and arithmetic. The frugal townspeople of New England
generally deemed education an unnecessary expense; the school laws were
evaded, and when complied with were more honored in the breach than in
the observance. Even when honestly carried out, they produced but
slender results. Probably most people could sign their names after a
fashion, though many extant wills and depositions bear only the marks of
their signers. Schoolmasters and town clerks had difficulties with
spelling and grammar, and the rural population were too much engrossed
by their farm labors to find much time for the improvement of the mind.
Except in the homes of the clergy and the leading men of the larger
towns there were few books, and those chiefly of a religious character.
The English Bible and Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_, printed in Boston
in 1681, were most frequently read, and in the houses of the farmers the
_British Almanac_ was occasionally found. There were no newspapers, and
printing had as yet made little progress.
The daily routine of clearing the soil, tilling the arable land, raising
corn, rye, wheat, oats, and flax, of gathering iron ore from bogs and
turpentine from pine trees, and in other ways of providing the means of
existence, rendered life essentially stationary and isolated, and the
mind was but slightly quickened by association with the larger world. A
little journeying was done on foot, on horseback, or by water, but the
trip from colony to colony was rarely undertaken; and even within the
colony itself but few went far beyond the borders of their own
townships, except those who sat as deputies in the assembly or engaged
in hunting, trading, fishing, or in wars with the Indians. A Connecticut
man could speak of "going abroad" to Rhode Island. Though in the larger
towns good houses were built, generally of wood and sometimes of brick,
in the remoter districts the buildings were crude, with rooms on one
floor and a ladder to the chamber above, where corn was frequently
stored. Along the Pawcatuck River, families lived in cellars along with
their pigs. Clapboards and shingles came in slowly as sawmills
increased, but at first nails and glass were rare luxuries. Conditions
in such seaports as Boston, where ships came and went and higher
standards of living prevailed, must not be taken as typical of the whole
country. The buildings of Boston in 1683 were spoken of as "handsome,
joining one to another as in London, with many large streets, most of
them paved with pebble stone." Money in the country towns was
merchantable wheat, peas, pork, and beef at prices current. Time was
reckoned by the farmers according to the seasons, not according to the
calendar, and men dated events by "sweet corn time," "at the beginning
of last hog time," "since Indian harvest," and "the latter part of seed
time for winter wheat."
New England was a frontier land far removed from the older
civilizations, and its people were always restive under restraint and
convention. They were in the main men and women of good sense, sobriety,
and thrift, who worked hard, squandered nothing, feared God, and honored
the King, but the equipment they brought with them to America was
insufficient at best and had to be replaced, as the years wore on, from
resources developed on New England soil.