THE CONSTITUTION--THE ARMY AND NAVY--GENERAL POLITICAL CONDITIONS
Argentina is nominally a Federal Republic and her Constitution closely
resembles that of the United States. But, in fact, the federal element
is much fainter in the southern Republic, for, as has been shown, the
struggles between the two great parties eventually led to the attainment
by the central Government at Buenos Aires of that preponderance which
was inevitable in view of the vast superiority of the capital to the
Provinces in population, civilisation, and geographical position. But
the Spanish distaste for centralised administration shows itself in
the reluctance to admit the facts, and of this the town of La Plata is
an almost comic instance. When, in 1882, it was decided to make this
place, which is distant about thirty-five miles from Buenos Aires,
the capital of the Province, the authorities spared no effort in
planning and building a magnificent city which should be an effectual
counterpoise to the federal capital and a standing protest against
Unitarian theory. But to build a town is one thing and to people it
another; the vast political and commercial interests of Buenos Aires
completely overshadowed the upstart city, and it remains a mere lifeless
husk, unvitalised by the comparatively insignificant Provincial
business. In the United States interference by the Federal Government in
State rights is extremely rare and would be liable to cause real
civil war; in the Argentina it is common and only brings about a
"revolution"--a political phenomenon which has been very mild in type in
Argentina during the last decade or two, and indeed public opinion
generally seems to applaud the President when he brings an unruly
Governor to book.
[Illustration: PASEO AL BOSQUE, LA PLATA (PROVINCIAL CAPITAL).]
The President is the outstanding feature of the Constitution.
Important as the head of the State is in the North American Republic,
in Argentina the President might almost say "L'État c'est moi," for
the well-being of Argentina has practically been conditioned by the
character of the Presidents. The wickedness of a Rosas or the folly of
a Celman formerly made her a byword among nations, while the sagacity
and patriotism of a Rivadavia or a Roca have turned imminent disaster
into prosperity. The President and Vice-President are elected by
Presidential electors who are chosen in each Province by the direct
vote of the people, and who, as in the United States, are chosen for
that purpose alone. The office of President is held for six years,
and the holder of it is Commander-in-Chief and has all the State
patronage, including the ecclesiastical. In him, of course, the
executive power is embodied. He is assisted by eight Secretaries
of State--the Interior, Foreign Affairs, Finance, War, Justice,
Agriculture, Marine, and Public Works--but they are appointed by him
and may be dismissed at pleasure, so it will be easily understood that
his power is enormous.
The Legislature is of the familiar type. The upper house is the Senate
with thirty members, two for each of the fourteen Provinces and two
for the city of Buenos Aires, and their term of office is for nine
years, but one third of them is renewed every three years. The
provincial senators are elected by the Legislatures of the Provinces,
the two for Buenos Aires by a special body of electors. The House of
Deputies, which is the lower branch of the National Congress, consists
of 120 members, elected by the people, and there is supposed to be one
deputy for every 33,000 inhabitants. Each member of Congress receives
the somewhat extravagant allowance of 12,000 dollars, or about £1,060.
The Vice-President is Chairman of the Senate--and here it will
be noticed how very closely the Argentines follow the northern
practice--and it has also sometimes happened that the apparent
sinecure of the Vice-Presidency has been the step to the great office.
The President now in power, Dr. José Figueroa Alcorta,[60] was
Vice-President till March, 1906, when he succeeded on the death of
President Quintana. Like our House of Commons, the House of Deputies
is the money chamber, and it has the right of impeaching guilty
officials before the Senate.
The various Provinces have their own Constitution and in theory have
complete local self-government, even to the right of framing their own
fiscal policy, but, as hinted above, they have not in practice very
great power. There are also a number of Gobernaciones, thinly populated
and governed in more or less absolute fashion. For convenience of
reference, the list of Provinces and Gobernaciones, with their areas and
estimated population, may be given.
PROVINCES.
Area in Square Miles. Populations.
Buenos Aires City 72 1,125,693
" " Province 117,777 1,550,372
Santa Fé 50,916 751,298
Entre Rios 28,784 383,816
Corrientes 32,580 315,234
La Rioja 34,546 85,388
Catamarca 47,531 109,434
San Juan 33,715 110,035
Mendoza 56,502 201,467
Cordoba 62,160 540,866
San Luis 28,535 106,315
Santiago del Estero 39,764 193,211
Tucuman 8,926 295,213
Salta 62,184 143,629
Jujuy 18,997 59,317
TERRITORIES.
Misiones 11,282 41,814
Formosa 41,402 14,186
El Chaco 52,741 27,414
Pampa 56,320 70,388
Rio Negro 75,924 28,166
Nequen 42,345 29,793
Chubut 93,427 17,561
Santa Cruz 109,142 4,927
Tierra del Fuego 8,299 1,703
Los Andes 21,989 2,768
The Supreme Federal Court with its five judges administers justice
and is also the Court of Appeal. Trial by jury appears in the
Constitution but it is never practised. The administration of justice
has long been acknowledged to be in an unsatisfactory state and
attempts to improve it have not borne much fruit. Cases are known in
which Englishmen have been kept twelve months in prison awaiting
trial, and if this is the case with foreigners it may be supposed that
natives have much cause for complaint. In his last Message to Congress
(May, 1909) the President, while paying a tribute to "the patriotic
diligence of our magistrates," remarked that the ordinary Courts of
Justice of the capital still leave something to be desired as regards
rapidity of action, and he attributes the delay to the fact that the
population has outgrown the system, which, he said, "is too cramped to
cope with the demands on it, and I think there is urgent and imperious
need for reform if we desire to avert a permanent cause for complaint
and discredit." Undoubtedly the foreign man of business, whose capital
and enterprise is essential to the development of Argentina, will be
more deterred by defects in the administration of justice than any
other circumstance, for if there is the probability of pecuniary loss
in civil cases and discomfort and persecution for his subordinates in
the criminal Courts, the advantages of the country as a field for
capital must be seriously discounted. It is, however, in far-away,
scantily populated districts where the hard cases occur, but it is
generally acknowledged that there is considerable room for improvement
in the administration of justice.
The position in the world of a great State depends upon the courage
and endurance of its people, and these qualities are typified by the
efficiency which they demand in the army and navy. Argentina is
advancing on the road to greatness, and therefore her military
position is a matter of increasing importance. It may be hoped that
conditions are now no longer favourable to the unprofitable wars which
in the past have been perpetually waged between South American States,
for foreign capital has a steadying influence and the sense of
kinship between Latin Americans is becoming stronger. However, it must
be remembered that the fraternal spirit of the Greeks did not preserve
them from internecine wars, and Argentina, flanked by each of the
other two powerful South American Republics, cannot afford to neglect
her armaments. It may be that the wars _nullos habitura triumphos_ are
at an end; it is almost certain that they will be less frequent; but
there is now the question of foreign interference, and every Republic,
however small and weak, jealously guards its own independence and
wishes to be safe from the possibility of dictation from either the
United States or Japan. None of the Republics as yet are World States,
but South America is a World Power, though not a political entity, and
as time goes on it is safe to predict that Pan-Americanism will become
a powerful force. Accordingly, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil, at least,
are busily strengthening their defences.
Military service is compulsory upon all citizens, and, it may be
added, every person born in Argentina, whatever his parentage, is
liable. At the age of twenty the young recruit has to serve for two
years[61] and in some cases he prolongs his term for three years more.
Thus the Republic is certain of having a tolerably large amount of
disciplined material upon which to draw for an army. The peace
strength of the army consists of sixteen thousand or seventeen
thousand officers[62] and men, and is made up as follows: There are
eighteen batteries of artillery and two mountain batteries, two
battalions of chasseurs of the Andes, nine regiments of cavalry, two
regiments of gendarmes, five batteries of field artillery, three
mountain batteries, and five companies of engineers. For ten years
after the first enlistment the Argentine soldier belongs to the active
army, and is liable to frequent drill and must attend the annual
rifle meeting of his district. Then, for ten years, he passes into the
National Guard, and subsequently serves for another five years in the
Territorial Guard. In these two forces the drilling is, of course,
much less frequent. In war ten divisions of twelve thousand men would
be available, but there might be a difficulty in obtaining them in
full strength and satisfactory condition. Sir Thomas Holdich speaks of
sixty thousand infantry, twenty-five thousand cavalry, and twenty
thousand artillery. There is, however, little doubt that Argentina
possesses a good army, sufficient for the defence of even her very
vulnerable frontier. Upon the Argentine army, at least as regards the
cavalry[63] and artillery, favourable judgments have been passed. The
cavalry is, to a large extent, ready-made. In England two years of
incessant training is required to make an efficient cavalry trooper,
but the Gaucho is a horseman from his childhood; he and all his
ancestors have passed all their life with horses, and horsemanship is
part of his nature. Consequently, although Argentine soldiers, as a
rule, have very little service to their credit, they learn their trade
in an astonishingly short time. The troops are also well mounted--not
on the common Criollo horse, which is grass-fed, and, except under
Pampa conditions, not over-hardy. The artillery are armed with
75-millimetre Krupp guns; the infantry have Mauser rifles; the arms
and stores are in a high state of efficiency. The infantry some years
ago was condemned as untidy and undisciplined, and its officers as
ignorant of their duties, but Sir Thomas Holdich considers that there
is no ground for sweeping condemnation. It is, however, undoubtedly
much inferior to the cavalry, and pains are being taken to improve it.
Possibly the training of officers is too short, and there is reason to
believe that military service is not popular among Argentines of the
highest class. An excellent institution has been started in a technical
school for warrant officers (we should call them non-commissioned),
which has five hundred pupils, and has already provided 278 corporals to
various regiments. At the same time the pay and condition of the
sergeants have been improved. As the backbone of the army is the
non-commissioned man, these steps will doubtless be most effective. Sir
T. Holdich[64] remarks: "The fighting army of South America, generally
will, however, never be infantry in the future, unless it be mounted
infantry. In Argentina especially, where a horse can readily be found
for every man, and where every man knows how to ride, and where there is
a large population (diminishing, unfortunately, day by day) which
habitually exists on the very scantiest of a meat supply which needs no
special transport, caring nothing for those extras which make so large a
demand on English commissariat, efficient mounted infantry is almost
ready-made. The mobilisation of such a force would be as effective as
that of the Boers, and its discipline far superior."
The Argentines are proud of their army, and with reason, for its
history is more illustrious than that of any other Latin American
people. They twice conquered the English under some of our best (and
one of our worst) generals. The exploits of San Martin in Chile are
among the most glorious in the history of the continent. The Argentine
army also had a large share in the reduction of Paraguay, then the
strongest military power in South America, and there seems to be every
probability that it will maintain its reputation. It may, however, be
reasonably doubted whether it is equal in military efficiency to the
army of Chile, and it rests with wealthy and influential Argentines to
make the choice of Hercules, and, preferring the national good to
luxury and pleasure, encourage by their active example the military
traditions of the race.
The naval efficiency of Argentina is a matter of equal moment. Her
Atlantic sea-board extends for 1,000 miles and her southern ports are
increasing in size and number. In South America sea-power is of vital
importance; on the Pacific coast the ocean is the only highway, and on
the eastern coast also journeys from north to south must be almost
invariably made by sea. If Peru had possessed one or two more
efficient warships, she might have defeated Chile, and the Paraguayan
war was decided by the fact that the allies commanded the rivers.
Indeed, the whole history of South America affords the clearest proof
of the capital importance of sea-power. It is, therefore, necessary
that Argentina should have a navy; but in forming it there are serious
obstacles to be encountered. Her sons are not sea-faring men; they have
ever found the vast plains of the interior too tempting, and have
avoided the coasts. There are no fishing villages and no natural
nurseries of sailors. It seems strange that the Government, which is
only too ready to attempt to create industries, suitable or unsuitable,
has not attempted to bring into being a maritime population which would
serve for defence as well as opulence. There is, in fact, little
interest in any such matters on the part of the population, and the
President is now lamenting the disinclination to a sea-faring life, and
of recent years steps have been taken to obtain more satisfactory
results; but the total mercantile marine, as yet, amounts to barely
100,000 tons. There is, however, a College for training officers, and
also engineers and stokers for the mercantile marine, and there is a
Pilot School, and various measures show that the authorities are alive
to the importance of the question. In his last Message to Congress the
President said: "One of the principal reasons for granting privileges to
ships flying the Argentine flag is the employment of native crews, so
that the nation's sons may find a new path of life, and the navy a fresh
source from which to draw sailors in case of an emergency." The
Argentine sailor is a land-conscript, laboriously taught an unfamiliar
art, which he learns wonderfully well. It is quite possible to create an
efficient navy out of landsmen, but the lack of natural seamen will
always be a great handicap, which, doubtless, the Government will do its
best to remove. It will thus be gathered that Argentina, in spite of her
geographical position, is not by nature a sea Power, and indeed she
appears to devote attention to the navy only under external pressure. It
was apprehension of war with Chile during the boundary dispute that
induced the Government to buy the _Buenos Aires_ in 1896, the
_Garribaldi_ in 1897, and in 1898 the _San Martin_, the _Puerryedon_,
and the _Belgrano_. Again, the present naval programme is due to the
activity of the Brazilian naval preparations. The following table gives
the strength of the fleet:--
------+--------------------------+----------------+----------
Date. | Battleships. | Displacement | Speed in
| | in Tons. | Knots.
------+--------------------------+----------------+----------
1879 | _Almirante Brown_ | 4,267 | 14
1889 | _Independencia Libertad_ | 2,336 | 14
| | |
| Armoured Cruisers. | |
| | |
1894 | _Garribaldi_ | 6,840 | 20
" | _San Martin_ | 6,840 | 20
1896 | _Puerryedon_ | 7,000 | 20
" | _Belgrano_ | 7,000 | 20
| | |
| Protected Cruisers. | |
| | |
1889 | _25 de Maio_ | 3,200 | 22
1891 | _de Juilio_ | 3,500 | 22·5
1894 | _Buenos Aires_ | 4,500 | 24
------+--------------------------+----------------+----------
[Illustration: CRUISER, _SAN MARTIN_.]
In 1908 the naval officers numbered 493 and the petty officers and
seamen nearly 6,000. There has been constructed at Belgrano, about 27
miles from Bahia Blanca, a naval port which will admit of the docking
of vessels of 12,000 tons. In 1908 the cost of the army and fleet was
£1,849,300. But in the future Argentina, like most other countries,
will have to bear a heavier burden, for a scheme is being carried out
which, it is hoped, will be completed in five years and will cost
about seven million sterling. The new vessels will consist of three
battleships of 15,000 tons each, nine destroyers, and twenty-one
torpedo boats, as well as several vessels for harbour defence. In the
course of a few years, therefore, Argentina will have a fairly
powerful fleet. That there is any risk of a conflict between Brazil
and Argentina no one believes. In both countries the same opinion is
invariably expressed that as one country is building warships, it is
necessary for the other to follow suit, and that though there is some
jealousy there is little animosity and no material whatever for
quarrel or any probability of war. It may be added that Argentina, at
any rate, is well able to bear the extra burden, that it is for many
reasons desirable that the principal South American States should
possess some naval strength, and that an adequate fleet will add to
the weight and dignity of Argentina in the councils of South America.
For example, the decision of Argentina in the recent Peruvian-Bolivian
arbitration case might have been repudiated by Bolivia and the insult
to the Argentine Legation at La Paz might have been condoned, had
Argentina been weak; and thus it was proved once more that it is
strength and not weakness that preserves peace. In this case, of
course, the fleet does not enter into the question, as Bolivia, like
Bohemia, has no sea-coast, but the people of Argentina deserve every
credit for the efforts and sacrifices which they are making to secure
an efficient army and navy, and, in all probability, the money will be
handsomely repaid merely in the matter of preservation from costly
wars.
In foreign affairs the present policy of the Republic is creditable
as, on the whole, the past has been.
The Government has shown itself honourably desirous of resorting to
arbitration for the settlement of its disputes and of encouraging the
other Republics to do the same. In all external relations a dignified
and conciliatory attitude is maintained and every effort is made to
encourage foreigners to visit the country and settle, and the
statesmen of the Republic are zealous to maintain the Republic in a
reputation worthy of her great prospects in the eyes of other nations.
It is in domestic politics that the outlook is unsatisfactory, and
here it must be acknowledged that although Argentina, owing to her
wealth and the energetic character of her inhabitants, does not appear
to the world in the same deplorable light as several South American
Republics almost habitually exhibit themselves, she is nevertheless
an extremely ill-governed country. The subject of South American
politics is a commonplace with all writers; the hot-blooded Creole,
who for centuries had been subject to a paternal government, was
altogether unfitted for Parliamentary institutions.
It has been seen that Argentina, on the whole, shows a considerably
better state of affairs in the nineteenth century than most of its
neighbours, and had she not fallen under the malign influence of
Rosas, the Plate District might have been the one bright spot in Latin
America. But all the faults of inexperience, ignorance, and passion
marred the political history, and the complaint ever is that the
government is carried on in the interests of the official few at the
expense of the hard-working many.
The politics are almost entirely personal, and the parties have little
discipline; the leaders are full of vague ideas of progress and the
megalomania common in the politicians of a new country, and this lack
of experience and capability appears very clearly in the finance.
Congress is not really competent to consider the budget, and it is
usually hurried through in a most unceremonious manner, and the vast
increase of expenditure alarms the thoughtful men of the Republic. A
recent work[65] on the general financial conditions says: "The
increase of national expenditure is a constant, we might almost say
fatal, fact, which reproduces itself year by year in the Argentine
administration."
It is true that a young country ought not to be criticised on the same
principles as ancient, long-established States. It is necessary for
the former rapidly to develop its resources and lay foundations upon
which future generations may build, and such a process entails great
public expense. But there is a conviction that economy and good
administration are urgently needed, and that the future is being
unduly mortgaged. Resentment at the growth of public burdens is very
keen, and political strikes are becoming common. The temptation to
squander public funds is almost irresistible, and as elsewhere,
economy is unpopular and has utterly inadequate safeguards.
There is reason to fear that little actual improvement is likely in the
near future, for the whole system is on an unsound basis--the view that
political power is not an honourable privilege but a perquisite. The
general national attitude towards this subject is worse in many
countries than in Argentina, but an eminent French economist[66] points
out the capital vice of South American politics: "Leurs hommes les plus
énergiques, au lieu de chercher la richesse dans l'exploitation des
agents naturels, l'ont cherché dans l'exploitation du pouvoir. Ils n'ont
pas pour force motrice la concurrence économique, mais la concurrence
politique. Ils considérent que le moyen le plus prompt et le plus facile
de s'enricher est d'être les maîtres du gouvernment."
There is some analogy between the position of Argentina and the
United States. In both countries business careers have offered such
attractions that the best and strongest men have devoted themselves to
the amassing of wealth, and politics have fallen into inferior hands.
This is better than the case in many States where those who desire
wealth look first of all to a political career, but the United States
has of late realised that politics is a pursuit which demands high
intelligence and character, and thus the national welfare has been
appreciably advanced. In Argentina the race for wealth has been too
absorbing to allow devotion of the best energies to politics, but as
time goes on professions will become more sharply distinguished and a
leisured and, it may be hoped, public-spirited class will grow up,
and Argentina may gain a reputation not only for stability but also
for good administration.
FOOTNOTES:
[60] He will be succeeded almost immediately by Dr. Roque Saenz Peña.
[61] But in practice the period does not usually exceed one year, and
many are released after three months.
[62] The President, in his last Message, speaks of thirty thousand,
but he is referring to a special occasion--the celebration of the
Centenary.
[63] "Owing to the conditions of his country life, the Argentine is
transformed readily into a good cavalry soldier, and in general he
soon learns to shoot, because he has been accustomed to train his eye
to the calculation of distances" (F. Seeber, "Argentina," &c., p. 88).
[64] "The Countries of the King's Award," p. 104.
[65] "L'Argentine au XX^e Siècle," p. 300.
[66] Yves Guyot, "L'Éspagne," pp. 188-9.