THE AMERICAN WAR.
It is now necessary to revert briefly to the state of the postal
communications with northern Europe, which, when the subject was last
mentioned in the ninth chapter of this work, were stated to depend on
the chances of a system of smuggling organized from the newly acquired
island of Heligoland. Within two years from that time (1807) the
contraband trade had increased along the whole coast of the North Sea
and the Baltic in an astonishing degree. Bourrienne, who was still at
Hamburg, and who did not love the continental system, on which his
master relied for striking his “mortal blow” at England, remarks with a
half-sympathetic amusement how very little difference that system made
in postal and commercial arrangements when once the smugglers had become
expert. “The continental system,” he observes, “had made the smuggler’s
trade a necessity, so that a great part of the population depended on it
for subsistence.” Moreover, not goods alone, but news also circulated
pretty freely from England in 1809, and correspondence addressed to
merchants in the German towns was posted by agents despatched from
Heligoland to Embden, Knipphausen, Varel, and other towns.
In truth, the great barricade proved little better than a trellis,
penetrable anywhere by those who possessed the necessary courage and
audacity. A good supply of those qualities was of course needed, for the
trade was risky; and yet the disposition of the country people, which
was strongly hostile to the French Customs officers, did much to rob it
of its dangers. So determined were the people to obtain the English
goods that they did not hesitate to take arms against the over-zealous
Customs agents; and at Brinksham, in July, 1809, when the officers had
seized no less than eighteen wagons loaded with English goods, the
peasantry rose in force, recaptured the wagons, and escorted the goods
to their destination.
To keep apart, on the one hand, a people so resolute to trade, and, on
the other, a nation whose prosperity, if not its existence, depended on
maintaining its commercial supremacy, something more was needed than a
paper decree and a staff of Customs officers. “The trade with
Oldenburgh,” writes Bourrienne, “was carried on as uninterruptedly as in
time of peace. English letters and newspapers arrived on the continent,
and those of the continent found their way into Great Britain, as if
France and England had been united by ties of the firmest friendship.”
Such was the testimony of the man who of all others was best qualified
to appreciate the enterprise and skill with which the operations of the
Post-Office were conducted in these troublous days. It may, no doubt, be
true that the credit of this success is to be divided between the
Post-Office and private persons; for the merchants, in their constant
communications with the smugglers, doubtless entrusted to them a
considerable number of letters which had not passed through the British
Post-Office. When all deductions are made, however, one cannot fairly
refuse to Mr. Freeling and his colleagues the praise due to success in a
perilous and difficult undertaking.
Circumstances which had already turned the peaceful officials of the
Post-Office into arbiters of battles, had now made them smugglers,
controllers of a series of operations as wild, as dangerous, and as
picturesque as any which have been conducted within the limits of
history. They took up their new parts with a happy adaptability, and
played them with a degree of skill and resource which must always be
remembered as constituting one of the greatest achievements in the past
history of the Post-Office. When to this success is added the credit of
having evolved out of the chaos of disorder and misrule which existed at
Falmouth when he entered on office, a Service which could boast of such
triumphs as those which have been described in this book, one is
inclined to credit Mr. Freeling with capacities for administration which
have not often been surpassed.
Only once after 1803 did any Packet surrender to the enemy without a
resistance which was obviously the utmost that she could offer. In that
single instance a captain of old service and of honourable record, both
won by himself and inherited from his father, was cashiered for
cowardice in the face of the enemy. Such incidents will happen
occasionally in every body of men trained to war; and, even if it could
be proved that the officer was rightly punished, there would be no
occasion to make much of a solitary exception. The justice of his
treatment was, however, very strongly questioned; and as all, or nearly
all, the official papers which contain the evidence have been lost, the
facts can never now be fully stated.
There was no other commander whose conduct was even, doubtful, and as
report followed report, each bringing the news of some fresh feat of
gallantry against great odds, the satisfaction and pride of My Lords and
Mr. Freeling mounted very high.
Early in November, 1813, the “Lapwing” sailed from Falmouth for
Barbados, under command of Captain Furze. The “Lapwing” had been
captured earlier in the year, and stripped of her guns. When she came to
be refitted at Falmouth, it happened, unfortunately, that the
store-keeper could not supply the long brass 9–pounders, “Post-Office
guns,” which the Atlantic Packets used as chasers, and which had done
them yeomen’s service in many a hard fight. Captain Furze would have
willingly given any other three guns in exchange for the “Post-Office
guns” which he lacked. However, he could obtain only one long 6–pounder
to serve as a chaser, and six 6–pounder carronades—a scanty weight of
metal with which to run the gauntlet of the most heavily armed
Privateers yet seen on the seas.
All went well until the voyage was nearly over; but on November 22nd,
when the coast of Barbados was in sight, the “Lapwing” was chased by an
American Privateer, the “Fox,” which brought her to action towards
evening about three miles from shore.
It was now that Captain Furze had reason to lament the want of his two
brass guns, by the aid of which he felt confident that he could have
crippled his enemy. At any rate, the lack of all effective means of
attacking her rigging before she closed took away his only chance of
success; for the result of an action alongside could not have been
doubtful to the least experienced sailor. The “Fox,” it is true, mounted
only five guns, but three of these were long 12–pounders, and two were
heavy carronades, while all five were mounted on circular platforms
amidships, so that they could be directed with ease on any point, thus
giving them a united power much greater than their weight. The
“Lapwing’s” guns, on the other hand, could be fired only through her
ports, which meant that in a close fight, only three could be in action
at one time. Moreover, the “Fox” carried a hundred and seven men, of
whom no less than seventy were in her tops armed with muskets, and these
marksmen kept up a constant fire throughout the action, doing great
execution. The “Lapwing,” out of a crew of thirty-two men and boys,
could spare but few from the handling of the ship and the service of the
guns.
However, in a fight so close to port, there was always the chance that
the sound of cannon might attract some friendly cruiser; and Captain
Furze answered the summoning gun with a broadside. The American
immediately ran down and closed. A desperate fight followed. After the
cannonade had lasted some considerable time, the American captain seized
a favourable opportunity, and hurled his boarders into the Packet. They
were bravely met with pike and musket, and in the end repulsed with
loss. A second time the stormers came swarming up the “Lapwing’s”
nettings, and again they were driven back. But by this second success
the small numbers of the Post-Office men were sensibly diminished, while
the musketry fire from the enemy’s tops made itself severely felt. Four
of Captain Furze’s men lay dead, eight more were in the hands of the
surgeon, and others were falling fast. Mr. Henry Senior, an ensign in
the 60th Regiment, who was on board as a passenger, was shot through the
thigh. A musket ball broke Captain Furze’s arm, and he had barely gone
below to have his hurt tended, when Mr. Hodge, the master, who had been
left in command on deck, was brought down, shot through both thighs. The
resistance had lasted three hours. Half the crew of the Packet were
disabled, and, near as the coast of Barbados was, there appeared no sign
of succour. Captain Furze reluctantly concluded that it was hopeless to
prolong the struggle, and he ordered the mails to be sunk, and the
colours to be struck.
Unfortunate as the result of this action was, Captain Furze received
considerable credit for the gallant resistance he had made, and there
can be no doubt that this credit was fully earned.
Very early in the new year the Falmouth Service sustained a heavy loss
by the capture of the “Townshend,” which had been so nobly defended by
Captain Cock hardly more than a year before. She was on her way to
Lisbon, when she fell in with the French frigate “La Clorinde,” an
ancient enemy of the Packets, which had certainly captured one at least
before, and had not improbably been detached to cruise in their track,
in the hope of intercepting despatches. That this was her object on the
present occasion admitted of little doubt, for when “La Clorinde”
overhauled the “Townshend,” she concealed her nationality, though no
resistance was offered, ran up Portuguese colours, and sent off a boat.
Some officers might have been deceived, but Captain Cock was too
experienced to be entrapped by so artless a device. He had caused the
mails to be brought on deck as soon as the chase began. The bags,
heavily shotted, lay beside an open port-hole, and a sailor was told off
to throw them overboard the moment the captain gave the signal. The boat
drew nearer, and Captain Cock, while it was yet at a safe distance,
hailed in Portuguese, which he spoke fluently. The halting accent of the
answer told him he had no Portuguese to deal with. He raised his hand.
The mails slid into the water; and before the angry Frenchman came on
board, despatches and commercial letters were safely delivered at the
bottom of the sea.
The disappointed tricksters revenged themselves by scuttling the
“Townshend,” and Captain Cock had the grief of seeing the ship, which he
had fought so bravely, sunk ingloriously in mid-ocean. He and his crew
were taken on board “La Clorinde,” where for ten days they were allowed
a good deal of freedom, and enjoyed an excellent opportunity of studying
the internal discipline of a French ship of war. They were not
favourably impressed with what they saw; and the near prospect of a
French prison made them gloomy enough. It is easy, therefore, to imagine
their feelings when on the tenth day, an English 38–gun frigate, the
“Eurotas,” commanded by Captain Phillimore, hove in sight.
Captain Cock was convinced from what he had observed on the French ship
that however suitable she might be for capturing Packets, she was by no
means a match for any English frigate of her own size and class, and he
begged to be allowed to remain on deck to witness the action. This was
not permitted. He and his brave crew were conducted down into the hold,
where they remained listening with exultation to the roar of cannon and
the din of musketry. For a long time they had no means of discovering
which way fortune was inclining, until Captain Cock, wearied of pacing
up and down, threw himself back against the mizzen-mast, and felt it
tremble. He listened attentively, and a moment later he heard the crash
of its fall. He sprang up and placed his ear to the mainmast. In a very
short time that also began “to beat, tremble, and shake,” and ere long a
second crash announced its fall. With what impatient eagerness the
prisoners heard these evidences of their countrymen’s success may be
imagined. They could scarcely believe that “La Clorinde” was not
captured, and every moment they hoped to be released. But to their
intense disappointment the noise of battle died away, and no tidings
reached them.
At last Captain Cock was summoned on deck. He found the ship had
suffered terribly in the action, though her English antagonist could
claim little advantage over her in this respect, being likewise
dismasted, and lying a mile or two away. Night had fallen. The “Eurotas”
appeared in a blaze of light. Lanterns were hung all over her; blue
lights were being burnt, and from time to time a rocket shot up into the
sky. The French captain consulted Captain Cock as to the meaning of this
illumination. Were the lanterns signals of distress? Did Captain Cock
think the “Eurotas” was sinking, and, if so, could they offer any
assistance? Captain Cock had formed a shrewd guess as to why Captain
Phillimore wanted all this light, but he was discreet enough to hold his
tongue, and professed an entire inability to divine what was going on.
In the morning the mystery was cleared up; for the dawn revealed to the
astonished Frenchmen their crippled foe of the previous evening coming
up in the handsomest style at the rate of seven knots under jury masts,
which her crew had worked throughout the night in rigging up, while
another English cruiser, the “Dryad,” attracted by the rockets, was
standing down, and would evidently come into action before the
“Eurotas,” which during the night had drifted to a considerable
distance. “La Clorinde,” in her shattered state could make only two
knots, and was incapable of defending herself adequately against a
perfectly fresh antagonist. Captain Phillimore had thus the
mortification of seeing the work which he had begun taken out of his
hands, and all the great exertions of the night rendered fruitless.
Captain Cock, who by this fortunate turn of affairs regained his
liberty, did not live to fight more battles for the Post-Office. Worn
out by hardships, he died a few months later. Shortly before his death
he received from the Prince Regent of Portugal, who understood better
than his own government how to acknowledge faithful and devoted public
service, a gold medal of honour and the military Order of the Sword; but
Whitehall had no distinctions for officers of the Packet Service.
The circumstances of the action next to be narrated are very singular.
On the 12th March the “Duke of Marlborough,” under the command of
Captain John Bull in person, was off Cape Finisterre on her passage to
Lisbon. At one o’clock in the afternoon a strange brig was seen from the
masthead, laying-to with her head to the eastward. At three o’clock this
vessel hoisted her mainsail and bore down on the “Marlborough,” which
accordingly altered her course and made all sail to avoid an encounter.
At the same time Captain Bull made the private signal, and kept it
flying. The signal was not answered; and without further delay the crew
of the “Marlborough” were called to quarters, the boarding nettings were
got up, and stuffed with spare sails, hammocks, and mattresses; the
topsail-sheets were stoppered; and a spare topsail yard was slung across
the stern for a boarding boom. At four o’clock the brig hoisted a blue
ensign, yawed, and fired two guns to leeward, and shortly afterwards
hauled down the blue ensign, and hoisted another which Captain Bull and
his officers believed to be American, but which they could not
distinguish clearly. These details have an important bearing on the
event.
[Illustration:
To face p. 274.
PRIMROSE—MARLBOROUGH: COMMENCEMENT.]
Thereupon, since an action appeared to be inevitable, the
“Marlborough’s” private signal was hauled down, and her colours hoisted.
It was then growing dark, and Captain Bull made the private night
signal, consisting of two blue lights, one on each quarter. This signal
also remained unanswered; and as he was in the act of making it. Captain
Bull plainly saw in the gathering darkness a match put to a gun on the
forecastle of the approaching vessel, which was then full in view right
astern of the Packet.
By this time the round shot from the brig were going over the
“Marlborough.” Captain Bull cut away his boat so as to free the stern
guns, and fired each of them twice. He then hoisted a lantern at the
mizzenpeak, and waited for the enemy to come up. The strange vessel soon
came up abreast of the Packet and poured in her starboard broadside with
round and grape-shot at half pistol shot distance. The “Duke of
Marlborough” was not slow in replying; and the action was continued
hotly for an hour and a quarter, when the enemy bore down and attempted
to board the “Duke of Marlborough” on the starboard quarter. On coming
up, however, his bow struck the boarding boom, which Captain Bull’s
forethought had provided, and compelled him to sheer off. The Falmouth
men improved this advantage by firing their two brass guns and several
muskets right into their enemy; and, as the two vessels were almost
grazing each other at the time, they doubtless did, as they supposed,
great execution.
[Illustration:
To face p. 276.
PRIMROSE—MARLBOROUGH: CLOSE.]
The enemy thereupon hauled off to repair damages; and Captain Bull,
examining the injury which his own ship had received, found that a
32–pound shot had passed between wind and water, that there were already
three feet and a half of water in the hold, and that the leak was
increasing fast. The carpenter was sent below to endeavour to stop it,
and the pumps were being actively worked, when, at nine o’clock, the
enemy ran down and renewed the action at close quarters. The fire of her
heavy guns had by this time reduced the “Duke of Marlborough” to a mere
wreck. The running and standing rigging was cut and torn in every
direction; the Packet was almost unmanageable, and in a half-sinking
state. Her lantern was twice shot away; but a fresh one was prepared,
and for greater security lashed fast to the main-boom. No less than
eleven of Captain Bull’s men had been wounded; one of them had lost both
arms, and several others were seriously hurt. Lieutenant Andrews, of the
60th Regiment, a passenger on his way to Lisbon, was killed after
showing great bravery throughout the action. Notwithstanding these
losses, however, and the manifest superiority of the enemy, the
Cornishmen were quite prepared to fight it out; and when, after another
close contest of fifty minutes, resulting in no obvious advantage to
either side, the enemy hailed them, asking, “What ship is that?” Captain
Bull, not choosing to own his inferiority of force, replied, “His
Majesty’s brig ‘Vixen,’” demanded the name of the other, and must have
doubted his ears when he received the answer, “His Majesty’s brig
‘Primrose.’” There was a pause; then another hail was heard from the
“Primrose,” asking again with what ship she had been contending. To this
question, there being now no object in evasion, Captain Bull replied by
stating the name and service of his vessel; and was desired to make the
private signal, which he did. It was at once answered; and the captain
of the “Primrose” thereupon requested Captain Bull to come on board.
Being informed that the “Duke of Marlborough’s” boat had been cut away,
he sent his own; but Captain Bull allowed no one except the lieutenant
in command to come on deck until he had satisfied himself that the
vessel he had to do with was really an English cruiser. When he was
convinced of this he went on board the “Primrose”; and on returning to
his own vessel found that five 32–pound shot had gone through her side
close to the water’s edge; so that he was obliged to get immediate
assistance from the carpenters of his late antagonist.
That the “Duke of Marlborough” was much shattered in this action is not
surprising. What is really extraordinary is that she was not blown out
of the water at an early stage of the affair. The “Primrose” carried
sixteen 32–pound carronades, one 12–pound carronade on the forecastle,
and two long 6–pounders. Her crew consisted of one hundred and
twenty-five men. The “Marlborough” carried twelve guns, mostly
6–pounders, and none heavier than nine, with thirty-two men and boys.
She had also on board seven male passengers; but it is not stated that
any of these took part in the action, except Lieutenant Andrews, who was
unfortunately killed.
On the arrival of the “Duke of Marlborough” at Lisbon, the passengers,
feeling grateful to Captain Bull not only for his gallantry, but also
for his kind treatment of the ladies who were on board, presented him
with a sword, and distributed four hundred dollars among the crew.
The account of this action given by James (_Naval History_, Vol. VI.,
page 278, ed. 1837) is not written with the evident desire to be fair
which that historian usually evinced. The story as told by him suggests
that Captain Bull was solely, or at least chiefly to blame; and as the
Post-Office came to a totally different conclusion, while the Admiralty
itself censured Captain Phillott, and made no complaint concerning
Captain Bull, it cannot be presumptuous to question the accuracy of Mr.
James’ conclusion. In an earlier edition of his history it appears that
an account more favourable to Captain Bull appeared; but in the edition
of 1837 this account was revised; and the author states that when the
former one was written, he had not seen the minutes of the court-martial
on Captain Phillott. As reference is thus pointedly made to the
court-martial, it would have been more candid to notice the fact that
the finding of that court imputed negligence to Captain Phillott. The
sentence of the court, held at Plymouth on April 16th, 1814, was in the
following words: “The Court is of opinion that the circumstance of the
‘Duke of Marlborough’ being in moderate weather without any lower
studding sails, and with her royal masts down, appears to have left the
Prisoner, Captain Phillott, and the officers of the ‘Primrose,’ under an
impression that she was a merchant vessel; and the very small size of
the flag and pendant used by the Packet in making the private signal,
and the topgallant sail being close up to the masthead, may reasonably
account for not seeing the signal; and the night private signal made by
the Packet, viz., two false fires, appears not to have been seen on
board the ‘Primrose.’ But the Court is of opinion that when the Packet
was found to be an armed vessel, by firing a stern chase gun, it was the
duty of the Prisoner to have made the private signal. And the Court
laments that the then near approach of the vessel induced Captain
Phillott to prefer hailing the Packet; and this Court doth therefore
judge the said Captain Phillott to be admonished to be more circumspect
in future.” This is the whole sentence, the preamble only being omitted.
It will be observed that while the circumstances favourable to Captain
Phillott are duly brought forward, no word is said in condemnation of
Captain Bull. If anything had been elicited at the court-martial which
cast blame on the Packet, the Admiralty, which was never very favourably
disposed towards the Post-Office Service, would at once have forwarded a
copy of the pleadings to the Postmaster General, with a request that
Captain Bull might be punished. Nothing, however, was heard at the
Post-Office of the result of the court-martial until ten days had
passed, when Mr. Freeling wrote and asked for it. It was then sent to
him, with a short covering letter, which contained absolutely no comment
whatever.
Probably it is not necessary to go beyond these indisputable facts in
defence of Captain Bull; but a few comments upon the account given by
James may not be misplaced. His unfavourable verdict on the “Duke of
Marlborough” appears to be based on four circumstances: (1) that she had
no lower studding sails or royals set when the “Primrose” first sighted
her; (2) that no one on board the Packet, except the gunner, knew the
difference between a blue light and a false fire; (3) that whereas
Captain Phillott hailed once, and his second lieutenant (who had a loud
voice) twice, the hail was answered only by a broadside; (4) that the
flags used by the Packet were only half the established size. The first
of these points was carefully investigated by the Court of Inquiry at
Falmouth, which obtained from Captain Bull a written statement of his
reasons for having his royal masts on deck. The explanation was
perfectly natural and clear; and whereas it was admitted that Captain
Phillott, not knowing the circumstances, might have been misled, Captain
Bull pointed out that the square rig of the “Duke of Marlborough” ought
to have shown that she was no merchantman. The second point is of no
value. It is not probable that so experienced an officer as Captain Bull
was ignorant of any detail connected with the private signals which were
so important to the safety of his ship. Even Mr. James admits that the
gunner had proper knowledge on the subject. If the night signal had been
made in an improper manner, the court-martial would have adduced that
fact in support of Captain Phillott. A signal was certainly made on the
Packet, whether with blue lights or false fires. The officers of the
“Primrose” alleged that they did not see it. That could scarcely be the
case; since the vessels were so near at the time that Captain Bull, who
assisted in making the signal, distinctly saw the match put to a gun on
board the sloop of war. No hail was heard on board the Packet, until the
action had lasted more than two hours, as already described. It is
difficult to believe that the “Primrose” really hailed three times
before opening fire. There were upon the Packet many persons who had an
interest in avoiding an engagement; there was not one who had the
slightest motive for forcing one. Several passengers were on board; two
of them were accompanied by their wives. If these gentlemen had heard
English voices hailing them, can it be supposed that they would not have
interfered, and done all in their power to stop the fight? So far,
however, from showing the least dissatisfaction with Captain Bull’s
conduct, even when they learned with what vessel he had been contending,
they united in an address of gratitude to him, in which they used the
following terms: “No words which we can make use of can sufficiently
convey to you an idea of our admiration of your conduct and that of your
gallant crew....” They marked this admiration by presenting the captain
with a sword of honour. These were the persons chiefly injured by
negligence on the part of Captain Bull, if any such charge could be
sustained; and this is how they estimated his conduct, being in the best
possible position for judging of it. As for the fourth point, the ensign
and pendant were produced at the Court of Inquiry at Falmouth. The
pendant was thirty feet long; the ensign was nine feet four inches by
four feet six inches, and was larger than was usual in the Packet
Service.
[Illustration:
To face p. 282.
HINCHINBROOKE AND AMERICAN PRIVATEER.]
James remarks with some complacency that “the damages received by the
‘Marlborough,’ as admitted by Captain Bull and his officers, were of a
very serious nature.” No admission from anybody is needed to show that
when a vessel carrying sixteen 32–pounders and three other guns (James
does not count the 12–pounder at the forecastle) engages one armed with
twelve 6 and 9–pounders, the latter must suffer very heavily. It is
astonishing, and by no means creditable to the “Primrose,” that her
heavier metal did not end the action at a very early stage. James admits
that “owing to the manœuvres of the ‘Duke of Marlborough,’ the
‘Primrose’ found a difficulty in firing with any effect.” Very probably
she did: Captain Bull was an excellent seaman, and could not be expected
to heave to in order to present an easier mark to the gunners of the
“Primrose.” The fair judgment upon his proceedings on this occasion is
that he acted like a good sailor and a brave commander. This was
certainly the opinion of Mr. Freeling, and few people were more
competent to judge.
On May 1st, 1814, the “Hinchinbrooke,” to which Packet Captain James, so
often distinguished as master of the “Duke of Marlborough,” had been
promoted, was on her homeward passage from St. Thomas, and had reached
the neighbourhood of the Azores—a favourite cruising ground of the
American Privateers, and one on which their ravages were long unchecked
by the presence of any British man-of-war—when the look-out at the
masthead reported a suspicious-looking vessel to the eastward. The
strange sail drew rapidly nearer. At half-past four she hoisted American
colours, and was drawing on fast. She fired no gun, nor was any hail
heard; and as Captain James bade his men reserve their fire for closer
quarters, the two ships neared each other in grim silence for the best
part of an hour. At twenty minutes past five they lay within pistol shot
distance, and, as if at a preconcerted signal, the two broadsides roared
out in the same moment.
On this followed a tremendous cannonade. The American carried sixteen
heavy guns, the calibre of which could not be ascertained. They were,
however, certainly of greater weight than the “Hinchinbrooke’s”
9–pounder carronades, and at the short range at which they were
discharged, did great execution on the Packet’s hull and rigging. This
lasted for an hour; at the end of which time the Packet had suffered so
much that Captain James was scarcely able, if he had wished it, to avoid
the boarding attack which he saw the Americans were preparing. Indeed,
confident in the strength of his nettings, and in the quality of his
small handful of men, he may possibly have even welcomed the prospect of
a hand-to-hand fight, wherein his men, who were doubtless growing
restive under the long pounding of guns heavier than their own, might
work off their suppressed fury, and perhaps gain an encouraging success.
The assault was quickly upon them, delivered in great numbers, and with
all the impetuosity which the Americans evinced in these attacks. Had
the nettings been one whit less lofty, or less firmly secured, the
Privateersmen must have gained a footing on the Packet’s deck. As it
was, impassable though the nettings were, the small band of picked men
led by Captain James to repulse them suffered heavily, one being slain
outright, while three others, who could very ill be spared, received
disabling wounds.
Relieved for the moment from the apprehension of boarders, Captain James
could turn his attention to the state of his ship, which by this time
had received serious injury. The Privateer had drawn off again to a
little distance, and her heavy shot were crashing into the
“Hinchinbrooke’s” sides in a manner which justified anxiety. Already
several shot had passed between wind and water. The carpenter was one of
the men badly wounded in repelling the boarders; and as the ship was
reported to be making water fast, Captain James sent the master below,
ill as he could spare him from the deck, with instructions to search for
the leaks and endeavour to stop them.
The master found that the ship was in danger of sinking; and, what was
almost worse, that the water had already entered the magazine and was
spoiling the powder. There was no time to be lost. He returned on deck
and asked for a party of men to help him in removing it to the after
cabin. It was a difficult matter for Captain James to find these men. In
the interval of the master’s absence from deck five more men had been
hit, and the number available for fighting the ship was now lamentably
small. Two or three sailors were, however, told off for the purpose,
while the Americans, observing that several men had left the deck,
seized the moment, and cast their boarders a second time upon the sides
of the “Hinchinbrooke” with more fury than before, covered by a
tremendous fire of great guns and of small arms from her tops. Reduced
in numbers as they were, the Falmouth men succeeded in beating back this
second assault as they did the first, and then, quite suddenly, came
Captain James’ chance.
Throughout the action up to this point the Privateer had chosen her
position as she pleased, being a much faster vessel than the Packet. But
this very quality of speed now served her ill, for, when the ships
separated, on the failure of the boarders, the American shot ahead.
Instantly Captain James saw his opportunity, and, without a moment’s
loss of time he luffed under his opponent’s stern, and raked her in
succession with each of his three larboard guns, loaded with a treble
charge. What execution he did by this manœuvre he could not judge, but
it was probably deadly, for it shook off his enemy’s hold. Very shortly
after it occurred the Cornishmen had the satisfaction of seeing her haul
her wind to the northward, and she gave them no more trouble.
Thus ended this brave and well-fought action, conducted against heavy
odds with a courage beyond all praise. The exact force of the Privateer
was not ascertained. She carried sixteen guns, which may probably have
been 12–pounders, and was “full of men.” It is scarcely likely that her
crew numbered less than a hundred and twenty men; and, accepting that
not excessive estimate, it must be allowed that for Captain James, with
his eight 9–pounders and thirty-two men, to fight so strong a vessel for
three hours, and to beat her in the end, was creditable to the last
degree.
Captain Furze, who defended the “Lapwing” so gallantly at the end of
1813, was incapacitated by his severe wound from serving during the
early part of the following year. On his recovery he was appointed to
the “Chesterfield,” and towards Christmas sailed once more out of
Falmouth with mails for Surinam.
The voyage passed without incident until January 4th, when the
“Chesterfield” had entered the cruising ground of the American
Privateers. Early in the morning when Madeira was well in sight, a
strange schooner was spied from the masthead, and ere long it was
manifest that she was chasing the Packet, and gaining on her fast.
The morning wore away before Captain Furze had convinced himself that
escape was impossible, but being at last fully satisfied of the
necessity of fighting, he took in his studding sails and awaited the
attack. The schooner, as she came nearer, was seen to be a formidable
antagonist, mounting sixteen guns, and having her decks literally
crowded with men. She was flying American colours, which fact of itself
was enough to show the Packetsmen that if they were to save their vessel
and their liberty, it would be no child’s play that they had to face.
The unfortunate result of Captain Furze’s former action in the “Lapwing”
was attributed, as will be remembered, to the fact that he had been
obliged to sail from Falmouth without the two long brass 9–pounders
which the Atlantic Packets used as chasers, and with which he believed
he could have kept the enemy at a respectful distance. On the present
occasion he had his guns; but, as if some destiny were resolved to
equalize the conditions of the two fights, the slide of one of the
9–pounders broke at the second discharge, and the gun was thenceforth
useless. The remaining one was served with redoubled vigour, but it was
not enough to keep off a determined enemy, and about one o’clock the
action was in full progress.
At half-past one the enemy came close up under the larboard quarter of
the “Chesterfield,” with the evident intention of boarding; whereupon
Captain Furze put the helm hard a-starboard, and gave him the larboard
broadside. The guns were skilfully pointed, and must have done great
damage, for the American sheered off in some confusion, and resumed her
cannonade at pistol shot distance, pouring in also a fire of musketry,
which, from whatever reason, did less execution on the Packet than was
usual on such occasions. One man was killed about two o’clock, and
shortly afterwards two others were severely wounded. But these
casualties, which were the only ones throughout the action, were not in
proportion to the number of the enemy’s sharpshooters, and were
insufficient to discourage the Packetsmen.
A more serious misfortune was that a round shot dismounted one of the
“Chesterfield’s” guns, thus reducing her broadside to two guns. By dint
of great exertions, however, two guns were brought over from the
starboard side (the Packets were always pierced for more guns than they
carried), and the lost ground was quickly recovered. Indeed, the fire of
the Cornish gunners was so steady and continuous that the Americans seem
to have had no further opportunity of attempting to board, and confined
themselves to endeavouring to cripple their plucky little opponent. At
this game the Cornishmen were as good as their enemies; and after the
action had lasted for three hours. Captain Furze had the gratification
of seeing that the fire of the Privateer was gradually lessening. About
four o’clock she hoisted her squaresail, and made off, apparently much
damaged; though had she persisted a little longer, she might possibly
have been rewarded by success, for the “Chesterfield” was left in a
sorry plight. Her mainmast was very badly wounded, not a single brace or
bowline left intact. Her sails were hanging torn in every direction, and
the number of shot lodged in her hull testified plainly enough to the
severity of the struggle. However, the ship was still quite seaworthy,
and after such repairs as the stores on board enabled Captain Furze to
make, she resumed her voyage, and reached Surinam without further
mishap.
In the course of this year, 1814, some fresh disturbances among the
seamen at Falmouth revealed the fact that the lesson taught by the
removal of the Packets to Plymouth in 1810 had already been in part
forgotten.
On the 12th July, when the “Speedy” Packet had completed her complement
of men, had taken her mails on board, and was about to slip her
moorings, a number of her crew refused to join the vessel, and, headed
by the gunner, went to the agent’s office and demanded their discharge.
Being asked for their reasons, they had nothing better to say than that
they did not like the voyage, and that if they were to go upon it they
must have more pay. The agent, willing to concede whatever was possible,
paid them a month’s wages in advance, whereupon they became more riotous
and intractable than before. Seeing that they were quickly passing out
of his control, being in fact in a state of excitement which made them
for the time quite inaccessible to reason, the agent sent a message to
the captain of the Guardship; and in an hour two strong parties were
scouring every alley and public-house in the town in search of the
malingering seamen of the “Speedy,” but could find no trace of them. Nor
was this surprising, for the deserters were all Falmouth men, and the
old town contained hiding-places which more careful searchers than the
press-gangs might have failed to discover.
Meanwhile, Captain Sutherland, who commanded the “Speedy,” had engaged
other men at unusually high rates of pay, to take the place of the
missing ones. But these new men were resolved not to fall short of the
high example set before their eyes, and they too decamped as soon as
they had secured a payment in advance.
It was impossible to allow the mails to suffer delay from conduct such
as this, and in order to demonstrate that the Service could go on very
well without the Falmouth sailors, the “Speedy” was sent round to
Plymouth, where she completed her crew without difficulty. This reminder
of the ease with which the prosperity of Falmouth, dependent as it was
chiefly on the Packets, could be destroyed by their removal, had a very
sobering effect. The sense of insecurity which outbreaks of this kind
created in the minds of the authorities was, however, a grave misfortune
for Falmouth, contributing, as it doubtless did, to the formation of the
scheme which a few years later placed the Service under Admiralty
control, and ultimately removed it from Falmouth altogether.
It is scarcely possible within the limits of a work such as this to
describe all the gallant fights of the Falmouth vessels in the period
under consideration. The conditions of naval warfare in those days were
simple, the incidents of one sea fight resembled another, and the
recital of them is apt to become wearisome, unless kept within narrow
limits. There is one fortunate little action which may, however, be
described before the subject is closed; a fight which is less remarkable
for the desperate or bloody character of the fighting than for the
breezy confidence with which the Falmouth commander took his ship into
action, and the skill or good luck which brought him through it with
absolute success.
The “Walsingham,” under the temporary command of Mr. William Nicholls,
was on her way to Barbados, and about a hundred miles distant from that
island, when a sail was seen from the masthead standing towards the
Packet. It was not long before the strange vessel was made out to be a
schooner under easy sail, having her fore-topsail close reefed. In those
seas any vessel of such a class was far more likely to be a privateer
than a peaceful trader; and Mr. Nicholls, who was well aware of this,
turned the hands to quarters and cleared the ship for action while the
stranger was still hull down on the horizon.
A short time made it plain that the “Walsingham” was the inferior
sailer, and that the other vessel was overhauling her fast, keeping her
wind until she got upon the Packet’s quarter, about two miles away, when
she fired a gun, and hoisted a blue English ensign. This was a favourite
trick with Privateers, the only object being to gain time and the choice
of positions; but Mr. Nicholls had not sailed those waters from his
boyhood without having learnt to distinguish the lines and rig of an
American ship from an English one, and he calmly proceeded with his
preparations, paying not the smallest attention to the blue ensign.
Seeing this, the enemy set her main-topsail and squaresail, let three
reefs out of her fore-topsail, and bore up in chase. When she had gained
a little more ground, Mr. Nicholls, who was busily engaged in getting
the 9–pounder guns aft, suspended his labours for a few minutes in order
to see the private signal properly made. It was kept up ten minutes, but
no reply appeared. By that time the enemy was coming up very fast. Mr.
Nicholls took in his studding sails and awaited the approach of the
Privateer.
He had not long to wait. The enemy was scarcely more than a mile away.
The Cornishmen could see her decks completely covered with men; while
from her sides projected twelve guns of unusual length, which Mr.
Nicholls subsequently concluded to have been long 9–pounders.
The Privateersmen gave three cheers as they came into action, but
reserved their fire; and from the circumstance that a large party of men
was collected on the forecastle, Mr. Nicholls judged that the Americans
intended to board at the very outset, and so, by their superior numbers,
finish the action at one blow. He therefore began to play upon the
advancing vessel with his stern chasers, in the hope of checking her
onset; but though the range was already so short that the fire of the
Cornish gunners must have done some execution among the dense masses of
men on their adversary’s decks, yet the Privateer did not alter her
course, but kept on with a deadly persistency until considerably within
musket shot, when, yawing suddenly, she poured in a raking broadside of
round and grape from her starboard guns, accompanied by a rattling
musketry fire.
By this impetuous assault the Americans had doubtless hoped to disable
the “Walsingham,” or, at least, in the confusion, to gain an opportunity
of boarding. But the event was otherwise. There was no confusion, and
very little damage; whilst on the other hand, the onrush of the
Privateer brought her within pistol shot of the Packet’s larboard guns.
This was an effective distance. The guns were crammed to the muzzles
with double-headed shot, grape, and canister; and a well-directed fire
swept over the enemy’s decks, doing mischief enough to discourage his
inclination to close with the “Walsingham,” and to cause him to sheer
off to a safer distance.
The Cornishmen, inspirited by their advantage, served their guns
eagerly; and for about half-an-hour the action went on very warmly, both
vessels receiving much damage, while five men on board the Packet were
wounded by musket balls. Mr. Nicholls, however, had the satisfaction of
seeing that the fire from the Privateer was gradually lessening; and he
thereupon called on his men to redouble their efforts. All the guns in
action were double-shotted by his orders, most carefully levelled at the
rigging of the enemy, and discharged simultaneously. As soon as the
smoke cleared away it was seen that their broadside had been splendidly
successful, for it had brought down the enemy’s maingaff, cut his
foresail through in the after leach, shot away his squaresail, and
rendered his fore-topsail nearly useless.
The Falmouth men, seeing prize money before their eyes, attempted to
close. But every brace on board had been shot away, and before the
“Walsingham” could be got under management, the Americans had succeeded
in reeving main halliards, got their mainsail up, and were sailing away
from the Packet at such a speed that pursuit was useless. Mr. Nicholls
and his crew were disappointed at the loss of a vessel which they
believed they could have captured with ease.
In the early summer of 1814 the hired Packet, “Little Catherine,”
Captain Vivian, was captured by a French frigate, “Le Sultan.” The
Packet was scuttled, her officers and crew were taken on board the
frigate. There they remained, as Captain Vivian himself used to tell the
story, amused spectators of the unsailorly conduct of the French crew,
who were, in fact, not seamen at all, but landsmen swept together, in
the course of Napoleon’s desperate efforts to create a powerful fleet,
from every fortress in the country. The captain was a brave old officer,
recalled from a long and honourable retirement by the necessities of the
moment, and age had largely unfitted him for command. Upon the vessel
thus manned a furious storm broke. The landsmen could do nothing with
the ship. Half of them lay about in the scuppers, sea-sick and helpless;
the rest were as incompetent as untrained men must be at sea.
In this emergency the French commander appealed to Captain Vivian,
asking him to undertake with his own men the navigation of the ship, on
the pledge of handing her back when the weather moderated. This offer
Captain Vivian accepted, and kept most honourably; restraining his men
when they pressed him almost to mutiny for permission to overpower their
sea-sick enemies; and in the end handing back the vessel as he had
received her. It had been part of the understanding that in exchange for
his services he was to have the first prize captured by the French
frigate. This happened to be the Packet “Duke of Montrose,” which was
accordingly handed over to Captain Vivian, who embarked in her with all
his crew, and returned safely to Falmouth. It is pleasant to dwell on
the honourable temper in which this understanding was kept on both
sides.
The American War, which had called forth so much gallantry among the
Falmouth Packets, was now nearly over. The date was fixed for the
cessation of hostilities, but before it arrived one more glorious memory
was added to the records of the Packet Service.
Nearly eight years had passed since Mr. (at this time Captain) Rogers,
in the “Windsor Castle,” repulsed and captured the French Privateer,
“Jeune Richard.” It was this Packet, now commanded by Captain R. V.
Sutton, which, four days before the close of the war, encountered the
American Privateer “Roger.” The weather was very hazy; and neither ship
saw the other until they were scarcely more than a mile apart. The enemy
hoisted English colours; but Captain Sutton, on making the private
signal, found that it remained unanswered, and accordingly prepared for
action.
At 7.15 P.M. the American was coming up fast, and the Falmouth men
opened fire with their stern guns. The enemy replied with such guns as
could be brought to bear, and very shortly ranged up alongside the
“Windsor Castle,” lying now on one now on the other quarter, and
maintaining steadily a very galling and destructive fire. This lasted
for more than two hours; but shortly after 9.30 P.M. the fire from the
“Roger” slackened, and she dropped astern. Captain Sutton availed
himself of the opportunity to repair the rigging, which was much cut, so
far as possible. Only one man was hit in this first action, namely the
master, Mr. Foster, whose knee was smashed by a musket ball.
The attack was not renewed for some hours, but throughout the night the
“Roger” ranged up frequently within musket shot, keeping the crew
constantly at their quarters, and permitting no interval for rest. At
daylight she hoisted American colours, on seeing which the Packetsmen
opened fire, and a warm contest ensued for about half-an-hour, at the
end of which time the “Roger” hauled off to repair damages. The damages
of the “Windsor Castle” were by this time such as it was not possible to
repair in the intervals of an action. Her eight 9–pounders were ill
pitted against the metal carried by the enemy, which consisted of ten
12–pounder carronades, two long sixes, one long 18–pounder on a
traverse, and one five and a half inch brass howitzer.
At half-past eight the “Roger” made sail again, and laid herself once
more alongside the “Windsor Castle.” It was obviously a final effort.
The little crew of Packetsmen, who had been at their quarters for
fourteen hours continuously, were greatly fatigued, but responded with
the utmost spirit, and Mr. Foster, though suffering great pain from his
wounded knee, returned on deck and did his duty with the rest. Three men
were wounded about this time, and as the surgeon, Mr. Krabbé, was below
attending to their wounds an 18–pound shot entered the cabin where they
lay, and caused a splinter which wounded him dangerously, breaking
several of his ribs.
On deck Captain Sutton continued to defend his ship with a courage
deserving of high praise. The two vessels lay within pistol shot of each
other; and so long as it was possible to manœuvre Captain Sutton
defeated all efforts on the part of his opponent to take up a raking
position, or to board. At 9.45 A.M., however, the “Roger” bore down with
the evident intention of boarding; and, on endeavouring to handle his
ship, Captain Sutton found her quite unmanageable, and lying like a log
upon the water. Not one brace or bowline was left to the yards or sails;
almost the whole of the running and standing rigging was shot away;
while the after-yards swinging round brought the ship by the lee. This
gave the Americans the opportunity to board on the larboard quarter; and
as the boarding netting in that part of the ship was cut to pieces,
there was no obstacle to their attack. At this moment Mr. Foster was
again severely wounded, and obliged to quit the deck. The fire of
musketry from the “Roger” redoubled, and Captain Sutton felt that he had
no alternative but to sink the mails, and to surrender. The last of the
heavy portmanteaux was sunk before the colours were struck; and when
Captain Sutton laid down his sword it could not be said that he had not
done his duty to the last.
Captain Sutton, with his master, mate, carpenter, and a boy, were sent
back to England on a merchant vessel. The remainder of the crew were
sent in their own vessel to Norfolk, where the “Roger” was owned. The
following extract from _The Norfolk Herald_ of the 28th April, 1815,
throws some light on their subsequent treatment.
“The following statement of an affair which took place in this harbour
on Wednesday evening last, we have prepared from the evidence given
before the inquest which was held on the bodies of the two unfortunate
men who were killed. We have been more minute in stating the facts than
the importance of the case should seem to demand; but we deem the detail
necessary to prevent misrepresentations which might obtain credence, to
the prejudice of that magnanimity and justice which the United States,
in all their intercourse with England, have ever strictly adhered to.
The crew of the ‘Windsor Castle,’ brought in by the Privateer ‘Roger,’
were on Wednesday last put on board a small schooner, and sent down to
Craney Island in charge of Mr. Westbrook, an officer of the ‘Roger,’
with a guard of eight United States’ soldiers. Owing to a low tide the
schooner anchored some distance from the island, and the prisoners had
to be debarked in a row-boat. Mr. Westbrook took thirteen of the
Englishmen, with four of the guard to row the boat, leaving eleven
others in charge of four soldiers on board the schooner. Before his
return to the schooner, the prisoners on board rose upon the guard, and
endeavoured to disarm and throw them overboard, in which, owing to the
suddenness of the assault, they had nearly succeeded. Mr. Westbrook got
alongside the schooner while the soldiers were yet struggling with the
superior numbers of their assailants, but they still held their arms.
Desirous to quell the mutinous proceedings of the Englishmen he
expostulated, entreated, and threatened, but to no purpose; and it was
evident from their expressions that they were determined on taking
possession of the schooner and making their escape in her. He then
leaped on board and attempted to rescue one of the soldiers, when the
fellow who held him, quitting his hold, seized the tiller and aimed a
blow at Mr. Westbrook, who warded it off and ordered the released
soldier to fire at him, which he did, and killed him. At the same time
another soldier, having disengaged himself, shot his opponent dead. The
mutineers, having the other two soldiers confined, exclaimed, ‘Now is
the time, boys! don’t give them time to load again,’ and were rushing
forward to seize Mr. Westbrook, when he drew a pair of pistols and
commanded the mutineers in a firm and determined tone to go below,
declaring that he would shoot the first man who refused. This decisive
conduct had the desired effect; they all immediately descended into the
hold, where they were put in close confinement. The conduct of Mr.
Westbrook was truly praiseworthy. His intrepidity certainly saved the
lives of the soldiers, and prevented the conspirators from carrying off
the schooner, an act which, it is said, they premeditated. The two
unhappy wretches who threw away their lives in this affair are
represented by the mate of the ‘Windsor Castle’ to have been habitually
turbulent and mutinous.... The verdict of the jury of inquest entirely
acquitted the two soldiers of any blame in taking their lives.”
It may be added that Captain Sutton gave a very different character to
the two sailors who perished in this bold attempt to escape, and that
the Postmaster General, regarding their conduct as natural and
praiseworthy, pensioned their relatives as if the men had been killed in
action.
* * * * *
With this fight the battle-roll of the Post-Office Service ends. A few
weeks later the guns were laid away in store, the pikes and cutlasses
were sold. The crews were reduced to the numbers of a peace
establishment, and the gunners were idle. The Packets came and went
unnoticed by the Privateers. The fighting days were over, and from then
until now Falmouth has never looked upon the once familiar sight of a
vessel creeping in beneath Pendennis Castle with her sides shattered by
round shot.
It was a momentous change; the opening of a long peace after more than a
century of almost ceaseless warfare. The first result at Falmouth was
curious enough. A civil department had controlled the Packets as long as
there was fighting to be done; when there was no longer any, a fighting
department took them over.
The war had not been at an end more than three years when the Admiralty
claimed the Packet Service as a training ground for seamen, and a means
of providing for half-pay officers, whose applications for employment
were in the highest degree embarrassing. The Post-Office protested, and
fought to retain the service which had become distinguished under its
control, but all in vain. By degrees the Admiralty expelled the ancient
governors of the Packets, changed the regulations, altered the type of
ship, and in the end Falmouth knew the Postal officers no more.
The details of these changes, if of any public interest, lie outside the
scope of this work, which has aimed only at describing the Packet
Service in its prime.
Three full generations have passed away since the last fight mentioned
in these pages was fought, and in that long period nearly every detail,
even of the bravest among them all, has been forgotten. At Falmouth,
where there is still a considerable interest in the ancient service of
the Post-Office, no one has collected the facts or given any labour to
preserve them from perishing. One by one, as the survivors of the
Service died, their memories died with them. Captain Cock has passed out
of recollection in the town of his adoption as completely as if he had
never lived. Nobody remembers Captain James. The “Morgiana” and the
“Montague” are forgotten as absolutely as if no remarkable events had
been connected with their names. A few stories are known, half-a-dozen
officers are named, but of precise information there is little indeed to
be found where it might have been sought most confidently. The present
writer, after wandering about the neighbourhood all day in search of
recollections, found himself at last towards evening in the pleasant
churchyard of Mylor. The ground slopes rapidly down to the beautiful
harbour, the blue water and the white sails of a passing boat were
clearly visible through the openings of the trees. Sitting on a low wall
in the sunshine was the sexton of the church, an old man blind and bowed
with age, who had crept out, supported on two sticks, to taste the
evening freshness in a spot where every detail of the scene was clear
before his mental sight, and whence he could hear the water lapping on
the shore below.
Sitting here the old man pointed out that many of the graves lying round
were those of Packet officers; and turning his memory back towards those
days of which few people, he complained, cared to talk, he brought forth
many an anecdote of the Packets, told with an old man’s relish in the
times which are gone by. At last, warming to his subject, he plunged
into the story of the “Antelope,” telling with spirit and enthusiasm how
Pasco, the boatswain, had lashed the Packet to the Privateer, and
boarding bravely, had won a noble victory. Not far away, across the
harbour, was the little hamlet where Pasco lived. The sexton had known
his children; and, when a child himself, had even seen the golden call
which, as told in the third chapter of this work, was presented by the
Postmaster General to the hero of the fight. It was a pity, the old man
thought, that Pasco was forgotten. But all the others were forgotten
too; many a statue had been put up in honour of people not so brave.
In this way the old man rambled on till the weariness of age overtook
him, and he could draw forth no more recollections. He stayed there
sitting in the sun until the child who led him returned to guide him
home—a not unfitting symbol of the decay which has fallen on the Service
for which his enthusiasm was reserved, and on the reputations of the
officers who made it great.
INDEX.
“Adelphi” captured, 87.
Admiralty, Packet Service taken over by, 303.
Admiralty Courts, 24.
Agents, Packet, their duties, 29;
malpractices of, 29–32.
Altona, 160, 161, 163, 171.
American ships, largely manned by British seamen, 224, 225.
“Anaconda,” 243.
“Antelope,” fight between, and the privateer “Atalanta,” 44–49, 305;
her crew rewarded, 50, 51;
capture of, 60.
Anthony, Captain, 178–183, 196.
“Arab” captured, 52.
Armaments of the West India Packets reduced, 37;
scheme for increasing them, 72.
“Atalanta” privateer, 44.
“Attentive,” H.M.S., 135, 142, 143.
Auckland, Lord, 85, 118, 120;
inquires into suspicious captures of Packets, 88–93, 97, 99, 102.
Balloon postal service suggested, 118.
Berlin decrees, as affecting the postal service, 157–159.
Bideford, 16.
Blewitt, Captain, 241, 242.
“Bona,” 227, 228.
Bonell, Captain, 21.
Boulderson, Captain, 208.
Bounties to wounded sailors, 20.
Bourrienne, M. de, quoted, 148, 152, 153, 264, 265.
Bridge, Captain, succeeds in landing his mails, 113–117.
British subjects, seizure and imprisonment of, on French territory,
147–151;
some attempts to escape, 151–155.
Bull, Captain James, 72.
Bull, Captain John, 203, 204, 205, 208, 209;
his early misfortunes, 124–126;
his reputation made, 127;
capture of his ship, 128–130, 196;
his fight with the “Primrose,” 274–283.
Bullion, amount carried by the Packets, 10;
how transported to London, 11.
Bullock, Mr., and the “Prince Adolphus,” 77–79.
Caddy, Captain, 243.
Calais Packets, 13.
Calder, Sir Robert, 210, 211.
Captains, Packet, their incomes, 9;
instructions issued to, in time of war, 38, 51;
absenteeism among, 57–59;
system of fines for absenteeism, 121.
Carne, John, 152.
“Carteret” captured, 86.
Chamberlain, Mr., 173;
his escape from Lisbon, 175.
Chamberlayne, Mr. Henry, 112, 113.
“Champion,” 111.
“Chesterfield,” capture of, 86;
beats off an American privateer, 287–290.
_Chronological History of the West Indies_ (Southey), cited, 76.
Cock, Captain James, 227 _et seq._, 270–274.
Conference between the merchants and the Postmaster General, 73, 74.
Continental System, Napoleon’s, 147 _et seq._;
Post-Office attempts to evade it, 155, 156, 160–163, 172, 264–266;
the Berlin decrees, 157–159;
causes of its failure, 159, 160, 264, 265.
Contractors, the, for the Packets, 15, 16, 18.
Cooper, Captain John, 20.
“Cornwallis,” her fight with the Spanish privateers, 178–181;
and with the lugger, 182, 183.
Corunna, Packet communication with, 14, 18.
“Countess of Leicester,” 73.
Court of Inquiry into captures of Packets, 99, 100.
Cunninghame, Captain James, 247;
his description of his fight with the “Saratoga,” 248–252;
his services rewarded, 253.
Curtis, Mr. Edward, 45–47.
Cuxhaven, despatch of mails to, 110;
mail service at, during the great frost, 111 _et seq._;
the port closed, 155.
Deake, Captain, 59, 98.
Deane, Captain, 168, 169.
Decree ordering seizure of British subjects on French territory,
147–151.
Demerara, privateers repulsed from, 237–239.
Denmark, English mails seized in, 165–168.
“Despatch” Packet illegally seized, 39, 40.
Dominica, French expedition against, 134, 135;
its repulse by Captain Dyneley, 136–143.
“Dominica,” H.M. sloop, handed over to the French by her crew, 133.
“Dryad,” 273.
“Duke of Clarence” captured, 89.
“Duke of Marlborough,” 124, 127, 208;
capture of, 128–130;
fights with privateers, 184–186, 202–205;
her fight with H.M. brig “Primrose,” 274–283.
“Duke of Montrose,” 135 _et seq._;
her fight with a privateer, 240, 241;
how captured and regained, 297.
“Duke of York” captured, 83;
surrender of, 98, 99;
result of the Inspector’s inquiry, 100–102.
Dundas, Mr. Henry, 91.
Dyneley, Captain, 135;
repulses the French expedition against Dominica, 136–143;
his last fight, 144–146.
“Earl Gower,” how captured, 98.
“Earl of Leicester” piracy case, 26–28.
East, Mr., 149, 150.
Elphinstone, Captain, 242.
Espriella, Don Manuel, his impressions of a Falmouth inn, 7.
“Eurotas,” 271, 273.
“Expedition” captured, 53.
“Express,” 243, 244.
Falmouth, before its selection as the Packet headquarters, 3;
growth and prosperity of, 4, 5;
effect of the railway on, 12;
why selected for a Packet station, 14–16;
natural advantages of the port and harbour, 16, 17;
a nest of smugglers, 29;
the mutiny at, 197 _et seq._;
magistrates in sympathy with the mutineers, 211, 214, 215;
removal of the Packets from, 216, 217;
and their return, 220.
Fares paid by passengers, 10.
Flynn, Captain, 151.
Fowey as a Packet station, 219.
Freeling, Mr. Francis, 85, 93, 112, 120, 246, 253.
Frost, the great, of 1798, 110 _et seq._
Furze, Captain, 267–270, 287–290.
Giltinan, James, 177.
Gothenburg as a Packet station, 155, 171.
Gower, Lord, 85.
“Grantham,” 125;
capture and re-capture of, 72.
Gwin, Daniel, 18.
“Halifax” captured, 87.
Hamburg, mails smuggled into, 155;
occupied by the French, 157;
Mr. Nicholas’ agreement with the P.O. officials at, 162, 163.
Hammond, Captain, and the Danish grain-ships, 26–28.
Hartney, Captain, 239.
Heligoland as a mail depôt, 111, 155;
capture of, 172.
Helvoetsluis, the port closed, 109;
seizure and imprisonment of British subjects at, 148–151.
“Hinchinbrooke” wrecked, 245.
“Hinchinbrooke” beats off an American privateer, 283–287.
Holland, closing of her ports, 109.
Holyhead Packets, 14, 41, 106, 107.
Husum as a Packet station, 155, 156.
Inspector of Packets, and the suspicious captures, 92, 93;
his inquiries into the private trading abuses, 97, 100–102.
James, Mr., 184–186, 202, 203, 283–287.
“Jane,” capture and re-capture of, 89.
Jones, Captain John, 21.
Kempthorne, Captain, 44, 60, 61.
“King George” captured, 54, 122–124;
action fought by, 62, 63.
Kirkness, Captain, 236–239.
“Lady Emily” wrecked, 245.
“Lady Harriet” captured, 87.
“Lady Mary Pelham,” 235, 236, 254, 255;
the conduct of her lawyer-captain, 261, 262.
“Lady Nepean,” 168, 169.
“Lapwing,” 267;
her fight with a privateer, 268–270.
Leston, Mr., 149.
Letters, the practice of duplicating, 53.
Lisbon Packets, private trading permitted on, 104, 197;
its prohibition, 201.
“Little Catherine,” 296.
Mails, the insecurity of, 53, 68, 70, 117;
demand of the merchants for increased security of, 70, 71, 75;
delays in forwarding, 73, 110, 159;
smuggling them into Germany, 155, 156, 160–163, 174, 264–266;
seizure of, by the Danes at Tonningen, 165–168.
Maitland, Sir Thomas, 127.
“Marquis of Kildare” captured, 89, 90.
Merchants, West India, 18;
their influence on the Post-Office, 36, 37;
complain of the insecurity of mails, 68, 246;
their memorial to the Postmaster General, 70, 71;
their conference with him, 75, 76.
Milford Packets, 14, 106, 107;
the arming of, 41, 42.
“Montagu,” 239, 255, 256;
her fight with the “Globe” privateer, 258–263.
Moorsom, Captain, 225, 226.
“Morgiana,” her fight with the “Saratoga” privateer, 247–252.
Mudge, Captain, 132.
Mutineers pressed, 209;
their demands, 210;
meeting of, _ib._;
magistrates in sympathy with, 211;
their delegates pressed, 212, 213;
return to their ships, 215;
fate of the delegates, 220,221.
Mutiny of the crew of the “Speedy,” 290, 291.
Mutiny of Packetsmen, causes leading up to, 197 _et seq._
_Naval History_ (James), cited, 49, 50, 52, 80, 278;
its account of Captain Bull’s case examined, 280–283.
News, foreign, Packet boats as vehicles of, 6, 36, 37.
Nicholas, Mr., 161–163.
Nicholls, Mr. William, 292–295.
Nodin, M., 51, 52.
_Norfolk Herald_ quoted, 300–302.
North Sea (Harwich) Packets. _See_ Packets, North Sea.
Norway, Captain, his character and career, 255, 256, 262, 263.
Packet Service, Post-Office, its chronicles neglected, 2, 239, 303,
304;
established at Falmouth, 3, 4;
as the vehicle of foreign news, 6, 36, 37;
number of seamen employed by, 8;
minor Packet stations, 13, 14;
reasons for the choice of Falmouth, 14–16;
the contractors, 15, 16, 18;
the Corunna Packets, 18;
West India and other Packets established, 19;
pensions and bounties awarded in, 20, 21;
a fighting service, 21;
lax administration in, 22 _et seq._;
piracy as practised by the ships of, 22–28;
malpractices of the controlling agents, 29–32;
corruption at headquarters, 32;
the beginning of the reforms, 35;
armament and type of ships altered, 36–39;
instructions to captains in time of war, 38, 51;
superior officers and the absentee system, 57–60, 84, 121;
the working of the new system, 60–62;
the demands of the merchants for increased security of mails, 70, 71,
75;
amount of annual deficit, 71;
suspicious captures of Packets, 88–93;
the private trading system, 93–95;
scandals rumoured in connection with this, 96–98;
result of inquiry into these, 99–104;
partial prohibition of private trading, 104;
the North Sea service during the great frost, 110–119;
success of the firmer administration, 120, 121, 222, 223;
seizure of its employés at Helvoetsluis, 149;
how the Continental System was evaded, 155, 156, 160–163, 172,
264–266;
the Berlin decrees as affecting, 157–159;
reduced to impotence by Napoleon’s policy, 176, 177;
mutiny at Falmouth, and its causes, 197 _et seq._;
removed to Plymouth, 216;
return to Falmouth, 220;
taken over by the Admiralty, 303.
Packets, Falmouth, their routes, 8, 19, 178;
tonnage and type of, 15;
reforms in the armament and type of, 36–39;
captures of, by French ships, 52 _passim_;
scheme for increasing their armaments, 71, 72;
time spent in building, 84, 85;
suspicious captures of, 88 et seq.;
captures of, by American ships, 226, 232, 241, 251, 270, 300.
Packets, North Sea, 13, 14;
the arming of, 40;
type and armament of, 108;
ports of Holland closed against, 109;
their stations at the outbreak of war, _ib._, 109;
during the great frost of 1798, 110 _et seq._
Packets, West India, armaments reduced and type altered, 37, 38;
number employed, 83;
private trading on, 93–95;
abuses in connection with this, 96–104;
private trading prohibited on, 104. _See_ Packet Service _and_
Packets, Falmouth.
Parker, John, 210, 213, 218, 219;
letter to the attorney, 220, 221.
Pasco, Boatswain, 47, 48, 49, 305.
Pascoe, Richard, 210, 213, 218, 219;
letter to the attorney, 220,221.
Passengers, number of, carried by the Packets, 9;
fares paid by, 10.
Patterson, Captain, 132.
Pender, Mr., 58.
Pension fund established, 121.
Petre, Captain James, 193, 194, 195.
Phillimore, Captain, 271, 273.
Piracy practised by Packet officers, 22–25;
the case of Captain Hammond, 26–28;
prevented by decreasing armaments, 37, 38.
Plague at Malta, 245, 246.
Plymouth, 16;
Packet station removed to, 216, 217;
the disadvantages of, 217, 218.
“Portland,” two actions fought by, 63–67;
capture of, 74.
Portugal, Napoleon’s demands from, 173;
her ports closed against British ships, 174;
seizure of British subjects in, 175.
Postmaster General, the office held jointly by two ministers, 4_n_;
on bounties to wounded sailors, 20;
and the Quaker merchants, 41, 42;
rewards the crew of the “Antelope,” 50, 51;
on absentee captains, 57;
conference with the West India merchants, 73, 74;
on the surrender of the “Duke of York,” 102.
Post-Office headquarters, lax administration in, 32;
influence of the merchants upon, 36, 37. _See_ Packet Service.
Post-Office Packet Service. _See_ Packet Service.
Press-gangs, Packetsmen seized by, 201.
“Prince Adolphus,” 207, 208;
capture and redemption of, 77–79.
“Prince Edward” captured, 73.
“Prince Ernest” captured, 74;
her fight with a privateer, 193–196.
“Prince of Orange,” 113–117.
“Princess Amelia” captured, 89, 225, 226.
“Princess Augusta” burned, 53.
“Princess Charlotte” captured, 89.
“Princess Elizabeth” captured, 70.
“Princess of Wales” captured, 77.
“Princess Royal,” her fight with a privateer, 79–82;
captured, 88.
Privateers, American, formidable character of, 224;
Packets captured by, 226, 232, 251, 270, 300.
Privateers, French, 43, 44, 69;
Packets captured by, 61 _passim_;
armaments of, 71, 74;
number captured by British ships, 76;
formidable antagonists, 130–132.
Quaker merchants and the arming of their ships, 41, 42.
“Queen Charlotte,” 236–239.
Quick, Captain John, 243, 244.
Railways, results of the growth of, 12.
Rapp, Count, quoted, 159, 160.
Records of the Packet Service neglected, 2, 239, 303, 304.
Riots among the Packetsmen at Falmouth, 209, 210.
“Roebuck” captured, 74.
Rogers, Commodore, 241, 242.
Rogers, Mr. William, 187–192.
“Rossie,” 225, 226.
Routes of the Falmouth Packets, 8, 19, 178.
Russell’s wagons, 11.
“Sandwich” captured, 70.
“Saratoga,” 252.
Saverland, Mr., 205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 254, 255.
Scheveningen, 150.
Schultz, Mr., 166, 167.
Seamen, number of, employed in the Packet Service, 8;
their wages, 104, 200, 206, 207, 210.
Servante, Captain, 84;
quoted, 74, 75.
Skinner, Captain John, 79, 80, 81, 88.
Slade, Captain, 208, 209.
Smuggling, in the Packet Service, 28, 29;
on the Continent during the war, 264–266.
Spain, mail communication with, 14, 15, 16.
“Speedy,” mutiny of her crew, 290, 291.
Stevens, Captain, 254;
how he escaped a privateer, 235, 236.
Surgeons, Packet, 192, 193.
Sutton, Captain, 297–300.
“Swallow” captured, 70, 74.
Taylor, Mr. N., 63–67.
Thornton, Mr., 158.
“Thynne” captured, 61.
“Tom,” 227, 228.
Tonningen, seizure of mails at, 165.
“Townshend,” private goods found on, 198, 199;
her fight with the two Americans, 227–233;
beats off a privateer, 233, 234;
capture of, 270.
Trading, private, on the Packets, 9, 93–95;
rumours of abuses in, 96, 98;
results of inquiry into these, 99–104;
prohibited on the West India Packets, 104;
consequent discontent among the sailors, _ib._;
evasions of the prohibition, 198–200;
rigorous confiscations of goods by Custom-House officers, 208.
Vivian, Captain, navigates a French frigate, 296.
Wages of the Packetsmen, 104, 200;
their memorial regarding, 206, 207;
increase of, demanded by mutineers, 210.
Wagstaff, Mr., 150.
“Walsingham” beats off an American privateer, 292–295.
“Wasp,” H.M.S., 142, 143.
West India merchants. _See_ Merchants.
West India Packets. _See_ Packets, West India.
“Westmoreland” captured, 87.
White, Captain, 242.
“Windsor Castle,” captures a privateer, 187–191;
her fight with the “Roger” privateer, 297–300;
her crew attempt to escape, 300–302.
Yescombe, Captain, 62;
his experiences as a prisoner in France, 54, 55;
his last fight, 122–124.
ERRATA.
Page 47, line 6 from bottom, _for_ “developed,” _read_ “devolved.”
Page 74, last line, _for_ “did take,” _read_ “did not take.”
Page 114, line 1, _for_ “King George,” _read_ “Prince of Orange.”
Page 212, last line, _for_ “City Marshall,” _read_ “City Marshal.”
GLASGOW: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND CO.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s note:
1. Corrected errors listed in the Errata.
2. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling.
3. Retained anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as
printed.
4. Footnotes have been re-indexed using numbers.