ORGANIZATION.

87. "German Ev. Luth. Conference of Tennessee."--Although the

Tennessee Synod has always been and is now only one of the smaller

American Lutheran synods, its history reveals much that is gratifying,

instructive, edifying, and interesting. The first report is entitled:

"Report of the transactions of the first conference of the German Ev.

Luth. pastors and deputies held in the State of Tennessee, in Solomon's

Church, Cove Creek, Green Co., on the 17th, 18th, and 19th of July,

1820." The conference was organized by Pastors Jacob Zink of Virginia,

Paul Henkel of Virginia, Adam Miller of Tennessee, Philip Henkel of

Tennessee, George Esterly of Tennessee, and David Henkel of North

Carolina (who was unable to attend the first meeting), and 19 deputies

of congregations in Tennessee. (_Bericht_ 1820, 3.) By 1827 the number

of pastors had increased to 14, by 1856 to 32, and by 1900 to 40. At

present the Tennessee Synod numbers about 130 congregations and 14,500

communicants. The name "Synod" appears for the first time in the English

Report of 1825, and is found in the constitution since 1827. In the

minutes of 1820 we read: "Firstly, it was deemed necessary and good that

all business and proceedings of this conference, or synod, shall be

conducted in the German language. All written reports of the proceedings

belonging to the whole shall also be published in the German language."

(4.) Synod also regarded it "as most necessary that we be as diligent as

possible to acquaint our children with all our doctrines of faith in our

German language, since in it we are able to instruct them in the easiest

way." (9.) A footnote makes the following comment: "The reason why we

desire a purely German-speaking conference: Experience has taught us

that where a conference is German-English, either the one or the other

party considers itself offended. When German is spoken, the English

brethren understand little, and very frequently nothing at all. When

English is spoken, many a German brother is unable to grasp the matter,

and accordingly unable to judge in questions of the greatest importance.

Besides, at the present time there are very few purely English pastors

who accept the doctrine of our Church and desire to preach it." (4.) The

same sentiments are voiced in the following statement of this report:

"False Lutherans prefer to seek entrance among the German church-people,

because they still contribute most to the support of the ministry. Some

Germans also of our day are of such a kind that if they are able to

preach a little English, no matter how broken and jargonlike it is

spoken, they are inflated with such senseless pride that they would no

longer preach a thing in their mother-tongue nor care the least for the

order of the Church, if it were not a question of bread and of keeping

the good will of some obdurate Germans. They preach because they take

pleasure in hearing themselves. Those who are really English and

understand their language do not care to hear such, except at times, and

then for their amusement only. The Germans therefore are under no

obligations to the good will of such sirs, when they serve them in their

language and according to their order." (31.) Originally, then, the

Tennessee Synod was determined to be and to remain a purely

German-speaking body.

88. Attitude toward the English Language.--That the interest

manifested by the Tennessee Synod in the German language was not due to

any unreasonable prejudice or hatred toward the English language as

such, appears from the fact that since 1821 the minutes of Synod were

printed both in English and German. Moreover, in the minutes of the

second convention, 1821, we read: "At the request of some of our

brethren of North Carolina it was resolved that there be annually a

synod held in North Carolina, or in an adjoining State in the English

language. The members of the German Tennessee Synod may also help to

compose this Synod. It shall be governed agreeably to the same

constitution as that of the German Tennessee Synod (the language

excepted). Those who compose this Synod may appoint the place and time

of the meeting, when and where they may deem it expedient." (Report

1821, 7.) The Report of 1822 records: "Resolved: Because this Synod is

German-speaking, and Mr. Blalock not understanding this language, he

cannot therefore have a seat and vote in this body. Yet, the Revs. Paul

and David Henkel are allowed as individual ministers to examine him, and

in case he is qualified, to ordain him. It is to be understood that Mr.

Blalock is to be ordained a minister of the Evangelical Lutheran Church;

but in case he should acquire a knowledge of the German language, which

he expects to do, he can then have a seat and vote in the German synod.

But whilst he understands the English language only, he may with other

ministers, who walk agreeably to the doctrines and rules of the German

synod, organize an English-speaking synod, in conformity to a resolution

passed last year." (5.) In 1826 the resolution was adopted: "Whereas

there are sundry members belonging to this Synod who do not understand

the German language, and yet do not wish to form a separate body, it was

resolved that the Secretary, during this session, shall act as an

interpreter between the German and English brethren. It was further

resolved that at the next session, during the three first days, all the

business shall be transacted in the German language, _i.e._, if so much

time shall be requisite; after which the business shall be resumed in

the English language." (3.) The anxiety caused by the language-question

appears from the following letter of Philip Henkel, dated October 19,

1826: "After my return from Synod, I found our German

congregation-members very much dissatisfied because they believed that

we had violated the constitution, and I am afraid that a separation will

be the result. For the old Germans will never suffer the Tennessee Synod

to become a German-English-speaking body. We must certainly act

carefully in this matter, otherwise our Synod will be ruined. . . . They

said that they were willing to sacrifice the constitution, provided that

we remain an exclusively German-speaking body. I also am willing to

relinquish the constitution, provided that the Augsburg Confession is

made the constitution of this synod. We shall find that we shall not be

able to keep the Germans and English together, even when we conduct

synod at the same place three days in the German and three days in the

English language, for the Germans will have to suffer the burden. The

English will always want to attend; then they are coarsely treated by

the Germans; the English complain; thus the matter will be ruined. My

advice, therefore, is: Let us always hold a German-speaking synod, and

afterwards an English-speaking one. In this way we shall be able to

exist. For my part, I am willing to attend both. Every constitution

except the Augsburg Confession may then be set aside. If the Germans

refuse to maintain their language, we can't help it, and we are not at

fault if they perish. If you approve the plan of holding first an

exclusively German-speaking synod and then an exclusively

English-speaking synod, and also of abolishing every constitution except

the Augsburg Confession, advise me at your earliest convenience. I will

then write to the rest of the preachers, and appoint the time and place

for synod. This seems to be the only means of keeping our people united,

for at present they are apart, and who knows how we may bring them

together. After the constitution has been transgressed, everybody feels

free. But if the Augsburg Confession were the constitution, every member

would readily agree to it. These are my thoughts. Write soon. Philip

Henkel." (_L. u. W_. 60, 63.) In the minutes of 1827 we read: "14. Some

members of this congregation alleged the following charge against Mr.

Adam Miller, Jr.: that he neglected to officiate in the German language,

and thus deprived those of religious instructions and edification who do

not understand the English. The Synod was convinced of the justice of

the complaint, and considered it highly necessary that these brethren

should be served in the German language. Mr. Miller, in defense of his

conduct, said that he did not understand the German language accurately

and therefore could not officiate in it, and that hitherto he has not

had an opportunity of learning it. But he promised to acquire a more

accurate knowledge of this language, provided his congregations were

willing to spare him from their service for one year. He intends to

study this language with David Henkel. The members of his congregations

who were present agreed for him to do so, but requested to be visited a

few times by some of the other ministers during the time they should be

vacant. The Synod highly approved Mr. Miller's resolution, and wished

him to persevere in this laudable undertaking." (12.) The Synod of 1827

was confronted by conflicting petitions as to the language-question. The

following memorials were read: "1. A memorial from St. James's Church in

Greene County, Tenn., subscribed by 23 persons. They pray this Synod not

to alter the constitution. Further, that this body remain exclusively

German, and that some measures be taken to establish a separate English

Synod.... 4. In a letter in which the Rev. Adam Miller, Sr., states the

reasons of his absence, he prays this body to allow the English brethren

equal privileges, so that they may not be under the necessity of

establishing a separate Synod." (14.) The constitution, which was

proposed at this meeting and accepted in the following year, disposed of

this question as follows: "All debates shall first be held in the German

language, whereupon the same shall be resumed in the English; provided

there shall be both German and English members present. After the

debates on a subject shall have been ended, then the decision shall be

made." (R. 1827, 24; B. 1828, 28.) In the following years the English

language rapidly gained the ascendency, until finally the German

disappeared entirely. (R. 1831, 9; B. 1841, 8. 9.) Rev. Th. Brohm, after

visiting the Tennessee Synod, wrote in the _Lutheraner_ of January 2,

1855: "Though of German origin, the Tennessee Synod in the course of

time has lost its German element, and has become a purely English synod."

89. Born of Lutheran Loyalty.--The organization of the Tennessee Synod

came as a protest against the projected General Synod, and especially

against existing conditions in the Synod of North Carolina, to which the

Tennessee pastors belonged until their secession in 1820. March 14,

1820, Philip Henkel had written to his brother: "If I am spared, I shall

attend synod. . . . If the old ministers will not act agreeably to the

Augsburg Confession, we will erect a synod in Tennessee." The "old

ministers" were Stork, Shober, Jacob and Daniel Sherer, and other

pastors of the North Carolina Synod who advocated a union with the sects

and the connection with the General Synod, and sought to suppress such

testimony on behalf of Lutheran truth and consistency as the Henkels had

begun to bear publicly. Aversion to faithful confessional Lutheranism

was the real reason why the Synod of North Carolina in 1816 refused to

ordain the young, but able David Henkel, which, even at that time,

almost resulted in a withdrawal of the Henkels and their delegates. The

tension was greatly increased when the Synod of 1819 degraded David

Henkel to the rank of catechist, on the false charge that he had

preached transubstantiation and other papistic heresies and thereby

given offense to the "Reformed brethren." As a matter of fact, he had

proclaimed the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper. The North

Carolina Synod made the entry into their minutes. "He [David Henkel] is

therefore no preacher of the Lutheran Church of North Carolina and

adjacent States." (G., 696.) A source of additional ill will was the

autocratic procedure of the officers in arbitrarily convening the Synod

of 1819, five weeks before the constitutional time (whence known as the

"Untimely Synod"), and that without sending out notices sufficiently

early, and for a purpose most odious to the Henkels and their adherents,

_viz_., to elect a delegate (Shober was chosen) to the convention of

the Pennsylvania Synod at Baltimore in order to participate in the

framing of a tentative constitution for the projected General Synod.

Resenting the arrogance and unconstitutional action of the officers as

well as the obnoxious resolutions of the "Untimely Synod," those members

of the North Carolina Synod who had been either unwilling or unable

(having been notified too late) to take part in the deliberations of the

"Untimely Synod," five weeks later, at the time prescribed by the

constitution, held a synod of their own at Buffalo Creek, in Stork's

congregation, where the "Untimely Synod" had been held, under the oaks,

near the church, Stork having refused them the use of the church for

this purpose. "The Synod," Stork declared, "has been held; and there is

no need of holding it again." He ordered his elders not to open the

church, but finally permitted them to hold services there, with the

express proviso, however, that no business was to be transacted in it.

(B. 1820, 21.) Philip Henkel was elected president, and Bell and David

Henkel were ordained. (21.) In the following year, a few months after

the so-called "Quarreling Synod" ("Streitsynode"), where the majority of

the North Carolina Synod decided in favor of a union with the General

Synod, the minority, as related above, organized the Tennessee Synod.

(15.) In the minutes (Bericht) of 1820, the members of the new synod

justify their withdrawal and organization as a separate body by calling

attention especially to the following points: 1. The officers and some

of the members of the North Carolina Synod had proven by their words

and actions that they "could no longer be regarded as truly Evangelical

Lutheran pastors." (12. 15.) 2. The "Untimely Synod" had declared the

excommunication of a member of David Henkel's congregation to be

invalid, without investigating the matter in that congregation, thereby

infringing upon the rights of the congregation. (20.) 3. The same synod

had not rebuked its president, Rev. Stork, when he made the statement

that he could not believe the Lutheran doctrine that Christ as man was

in possession of all divine attributes, and that he would not believe it

if 500 Bibles should say so. 4. The Synod of 1820 had declared David

Henkel's ordination "under the oaks" invalid, and had published a sort

of letter of excommunication against him. (22.) 5. Synod had refused to

settle the mooted questions according to the Augsburg Confession and the

synodical constitution, but, instead, had demanded that the minority

should yield to the majority. "We, however, thought," says the Report,

"that the doctrine of the Augsburg Confession (concerning which we were

convinced that it could be proven by the doctrine of the Bible) should

have greater weight with us than the voice of a majority of men who are

opposed to the doctrine and ordinance of our Church." (23.) 6. Synod had

permitted the un-Lutheran remarks made at the convention and elsewhere

on Baptism, the Eucharist, Election, Conversion, and the certainty of

the state of grace, as well as on union with all religious parties, to

pass unreproved.--Stating the causes of the deplorable schism, David

Henkel wrote in 1827: "A most unhappy difference exists between this

body and the North Carolina Synod. Previous to the year 1820 some

members of the former and some of the latter constituted one Synod. In

this year the North Carolina Synod entered into the connection of a

General Synod with some other synods. This is a connection and

institution which heretofore did not exist in the Lutheran community,

and to which the Tennessee Synod object as an institution calculated to

subvert ecclesiastical liberty, and to prepare the way for innovations.

This, together with the difference in regard to some of the fundamental

doctrines of the Christian religion, are the principal reasons of the

division." (R. 1827, 32.) In brief, the organization of the Tennessee

Synod was a solemn protest against synodical tyranny and

anticonfessional teaching then prevailing in the North Carolina Synod

and in all other Lutheran bodies in America. Accordingly, as compared

with her contemporaries, it remains the peculiar glory of the Tennessee

Synod that she was born of Lutheran loyalty.

90. Back to Luther! Back to the Lutheran Symbols!--Such, in substance

and effect, was the slogan sounded by the Tennessee Synod, for the first

time in the history of the Lutheran Church in America, after long years

of confessional disloyalty and of doctrinal and practical deterioration.

By dint of earnest and conscientious study of the Lutheran Symbols and

of Luther's writings, the Tennessee pastors, in particular the Henkels,

had attained to a clear knowledge of Lutheran truth and practise,

thereby, at the same time, becoming fully convinced that of all

teachings in Christendom the Lutheran doctrine alone is in full accord

with Holy Writ. March 13, 1823, Solomon Henkel wrote: "A week ago Mr.

York was here, bringing with him Luther's Works. They are bound in 13

folio volumes and cost $100. I purchased the books." To penetrate deeper

and deeper into the writings of Luther, to persuade others to do the

same, and to make this possible to them, such was the ardent desire and

earnest endeavor of the Tennessee pastors. Evidently with this purpose

in view, Paul Henkel had established a printery at New Market, Va.,

where books and tracts breathing a Lutheran spirit were published.

Synodical colporteurs diligently canvassed them among the congregations.

Sound Lutheran works, _e.g._, the Augsburg Confession, sermons by Luther

and Arndt, the article on Good Works from the Formula of Concord, were

from time to time, by resolution of Synod, appended to the synodical

reports. (1831, 11.) Nor was their zeal satisfied with fostering true

Lutheranism in their own midst. In order to acquaint the

English-speaking public with the truths and treasures of our Church,

they issued translations of standard Lutheran works. Besides an agenda

and a hymnal, the New Market printery published in 1829 an English

translation of Luther's Small Catechism with notes by David Henkel; in

1834, a translation of the Augsburg Confession with a preface by Karl

Henkel (in 1827 David Henkel had already been commissioned to prepare a

correct translation); in 1851, an English version of the entire Book of

Concord, of which a second and improved edition appeared in 1854; in

1852, "Luther on the Sacraments," being translations of some writings of

Luther by Jos. Salyards and Solomon D. Henkel, 423 pages octavo; in

1869, Luther's Epistle Sermons, an English edition of which had been

determined upon in 1855. (Rep. 1826, 7; 1830, 17; 1841, 15; 1855, 14.)

On March 1, 1824, a certain Sam Blankenbecker wrote to David Henkel:

"There are two sorts of Lutherans: the one sort believes there is no

doctrine right and pure but the Lutheran; the other thinks that also the

Methodists, Presbyterians, and Baptists are equally right and pure; and

such Lutherans are very hurtful to others." The Tennessee Synod belonged

to the first class. They were conscious Lutherans, who knew what they

were and what they stood for. The fact is that in those days Tennessee

was the only synod with a true Lutheran heart and an honest Lutheran

face.

91. Despised and Ostracized.--Their return to Luther and the Lutheran

Symbols brought the Henkels and the Tennessee Synod into direct

opposition to, and sharp conflict with, all other Lutheran synods of

that day. For, though still bearing, and priding themselves on, the

Lutheran name, they all had long ago begun to abandon the confessions

and distinctive doctrines of the Church which the cherished and coveted

name of Luther stood for. Their leaders had become indifferentists,

unionists, and Reformed and Methodistic enthusiasts. Over against this

lack of Lutheran faithfulness and apostasy from the Confessions the

Henkels gave no uncertain testimony. Being Lutherans in their hearts as

well as in their heads, they boldly confessed the truths, and most

energetically championed the cause of genuine Lutheranism. And they

squared their actions with their words and convictions. Consistent also

in their practise, they refused to fellowship and recognize the

errorists everywhere, even when found in Lutheran synods. No wonder,

then, that the Henkels and their uncompromising attitude met with no

sympathy on the part of the Lutheran synods then found in America. And,

being, as they were, a standing protest against the apostasy of these

synods, it was but natural, carnally, that the Tenneesee [tr. note: sic]

confessors were avoided, ignored, despised, hated, maligned, and

ostracized by their opponents. Tennessee was decried and stigmatized as

the "Quarreling Conference" ("Streitkonferenz"). The "Henkelites," it

was said, had been convicted of error at the "Quarreling Synod"; there

they had not been able to prove their doctrine; they were false

Lutherans; some of them had been excluded from Synod, therefore they had

no authority to officiate as ministers; their synod was not a lawful

synod; its transactions were invalid, etc. (1820, 22.30; 1824, App. 3;

1827, 43 f.) All endeavors on the part of the Tennessee Synod to bring

about an understanding and a unification in the truth were spurned by

the other synods "with silent contempt," says David Henkel. (1827, 6.

25.) In the Maryland Synod the prediction was heard: "This Tennessee

Synod will go to pieces finally." The Address of the General Synod of

1823 states: "Our Church, which was originally embraced in two

independent synods [Ministeriums of Pennsylvania and New York], has

spread over so extensive a portion of the United States that at present

we have _five_ synods [North Carolina, Ohio, Maryland and Virginia,

Pennsylvania, and New York Synods], and shall shortly have several

more." (3. 9. 14.) The General Synod, then, refused to recognize

Tennessee as a Lutheran synod in America. In a letter, dated January 23,

1826, and addressed to Solomon Henkel, H. Muhlenberg remarked that the

Tennessee Synod "had as yet not been recognized as a synod by the other

Lutheran synods." In 1839 the General Synod censured both the Franckean

and Tennessee Synods as the two extremes "causing disturbances and

divisions in our churches" and standing in the way of a union of the

Lutheran Church in America--a resolution which was rescinded in 1864.

Thus universal contempt and proscription was the reward which Tennessee

received for her endeavors to lead the Lutheran Church out of the mire

of sectarian aberrations back to Luther and the Lutheran Symbols. Rev.

Brohm, after his visit with the Tennessee Synod, wrote in the

_Lutheraner_ of June 5, 1855: "In order to heal, if in any way possible,

the deplorable breach, the Tennessee Synod, in the course of seven

years, made repeated attempts to persuade her opponents [in the North

Carolina Synod] to discuss the mooted doctrines, offering them

conditions most just and most acceptable . . . . But with exasperating

indifference all these offers were stubbornly despised and rejected.

Tennessee directed various questions also to the Pennsylvania Synod in

order to learn their views on the pending doctrinal controversies. But

this body, too, did not even deign to answer. The Tennessee Synod,

however, though rebuffed on all sides and stigmatized as a fanatical

sect, quietly went its way, without suffering itself to be confused or

led astray. Unanimity and love reigned among its members. The number of

congregations which united with them and desired pastors from them

constantly increased, so that the Synod was not able to satisfy all

requests. The synodical resolutions offer ample evidence of the lively

interest and diligence of their pastors to appropriate more and more

fully the riches of the Reformation, and to make their congregations

partakers thereof." (11, 166.) The first request for a minister came

from Cape Girardeau, Mo. The minutes record: "At the earnest request and

desire of a number of German inhabitants in Cape Girardeau ("Cape

Cheredo"), Mo., through H. Johannes Schmidt and Georg Klemmer, who

earnestly pray that they might be visited, it was resolved that H. Jacob

Zink should make a journey thither, as soon as possible, to preach the

Gospel to them and to perform all other official acts that may be

required. For this laudable undertaking we wish him the rich blessing of

the Lord." (B. 1820, 10.)

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