that have been made to us, we are resolved to remedy these grievances,
which are so highly displeasing to us, in the most effectual manner:
we therefore most expressly enjoin and command you, by these presents,
that you instantly make public proclamation, by sound of trumpet, of
this our prohibition, for any knight, esquire, or others accustomed
to bear arms, of whatever rank they may be,--and we order them, on
pain of our severest anger, and on the loyalty they owe us, not to
arm themselves, nor to join any bodies that may have assembled in
arms within our kingdom without our especial authority, nor to obey
the summons of any one related to our person or not, on any occasion
whatever, unless they be particularly ordered by us to join them for
the good of our service.
'All whom you shall hear of having such intentions, you will command,
in our name, to desist, and peaceably to return to their dwellings, or
whither else they may please, without doing any harm to our subjects.
Should they refuse to obey your orders, and persist in their wicked
intentions, you will instantly take possession, in our name, of all
their castles, dwellings and possessions, causing an exact inventory to
be made out, of the real and annual value, which you will place in the
hands of safe persons to administer such estates, to render us an exact
account of their amount, and to relinquish them whenever we may see
good. You will also proceed against them as rebels; for we abandon them
to you to imprison and punish according as you shall judge expedient.
'You will likewise, should they have quitted their dwellings, pursue
them by every means in your power, shutting them out from all towns,
and depriving them of provisions, and harrassing them in every way
deserving of their disobedience, and to serve as an example to others.
'It is not, however, our intention that such of the princes of
our blood as are now near our person, and in our service, should
be prevented from ordering their vassals to come to them, or from
employing them for our welfare, as they shall specify in their summons;
but they must not, on their march, live on the country, or despoil
the inhabitants. Should any of them do the contrary, we command you to
proceed against them as against the aforesaid; and you will inflict on
them such punishments as their demerits require, without paying regard
to any letters of protection they may show to you.
'To enable you to execute these our orders, we give you full authority
to call upon and assemble all our vassals and subjects to your aid, and
as many as you shall think necessary for the occasion, and to lead them
to any parts of your bailiwick where you shall hear of any robberies
or other rebellious acts being done. And we strictly enjoin, by these
presents, all our vassals and subjects, on the faith and loyalty they
owe us, and under pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of
goods, to obey your orders, and to assist you heartily to accomplish
the above commands.
'That no one may pretend ignorance of them, you will cause these
presents to be proclaimed in all the different parts of your
bailiwick, or wherever else you shall judge proper. We also command
all our officers of justice, and others having authority under us,
and we entreat all our friends and wellwishers, to aid and support
you on this service, and diligently to keep up a good understanding
with you thereon, and to show you every favour, even allowing their
dwellings to be turned into prisons, should the exigency of any case
require it,--for we delegate to you full and complete authority,
notwithstanding any opposition or appeal made to the contrary. Given at
Paris the 6th day of June, in the year of Grace 1413, and of our reign
the 33d.'
Then signed by the king, on the report of his council,--at which were
present my lords of Berry, Burgundy, the constable, the chancellor of
Burgundy, Charles de Savoisy, Anthony de Craon, the lords de Viefville,
de Montberon, Cambrilach, d'Allegrez, and many others.--'P. Naucron.'
This edict was sent to the different bailiwicks and seneschalships in
the kingdom of France, and proclaimed in the usual places.
CHAP. XXI.
KING LADISLAUS OF NAPLES ENTERS ROME WITH A POWERFUL ARMY.--THE DEATH
OF SIR JAMES DE LA RIVIERE.--THE DISMISSION OF THE CHANCELLOR,--AND
OTHER MATTERS.
This year, Ladislaus king of Naples and Sicily, at the instigation of
some false and disloyal traitors, marched a very large army to Rome,
which he entered without resistance, and began to pillage the whole
of it,--at the same time making prisoners the most powerful and rich
citizens, who were forced to ransom themselves by paying heavy sums of
money.
Pope John and his cardinals, witnessing these transactions, took flight
in the utmost fear, and escaped from castle to castle, until they at
length reached Bologna, where the pope fixed his court. The greater
part of their estates were despoiled by this army of Ladislaus, who
for a long time reigned in Rome; and when, in consequence of certain
accommodations, he departed, he carried away many precious jewels from
the churches and palaces.
Sir James de la Riviere, brother to the count de Dampmartin, was taken
prisoner with the duke of Bar, in the hôtel of the duke of Acquitaine,
and carried to the palace-prison, where it was reported, that from
indignation at this treatment, he had struck himself so roughly with a
pewter-pot on the head as to beat his brains out. His body was thence
carried in a cart to the market-place of Paris, and beheaded.
But the truth was otherwise; for sir Elion de Jacqueville, knight to
the duke of Burgundy, visiting him in prison, high words passed between
them, and he called him a false traitor. Sir James replied, that he
lied, for that he was none such,--when Jacqueville, enraged, struck him
so severe a blow on the head with a light battle-axe which he had in
his hand that he killed him. He then spread abroad this rumour of his
having put an end to his life himself by means of a pewter pot, which
was propagated by others through the town, and believed by very many.
Shortly after this event, Mesnil Berry, carver to the duke of
Acquitaine, and a native of Normandy, was led to the market-place,
and there beheaded. His head and that of sir James de la Riviere were
affixed to two lances, and their bodies hung by the shoulders on the
gibbet of Montfaucon.
On the Thursday in Whitsun-week, Thomelin de Brie, who had been page to
the king, was, with two others, taken from the prison of the Châtelet
to the market-place, and beheaded: their heads were fixed on three
spears, and their bodies hung at Montfaucon by the shoulders. These
executions took place at the request of the Parisians.
And because sir Reginald[20] de Corbie, a native of Beauvais, though an
old and discreet man, was not agreeable to them, he was dismissed from
his office of chancellor of France, and sir Eustache de Lactre[21], at
the solicitation of the duke of Burgundy, appointed to succeed him.
On Tuesday, the 20th of June, Philip count de Nevers espoused, at the
castle of Beaumont, the sister of the count d'Eu, in the presence of
the duchess of Bourbon, her mother, and the damsel of Dreux, who had
been principally instrumental in forming this marriage.
After the festivities of the wedding, the new-married couple were
conducted by the duchess of Bourbon and the damsel of Dreux to
Maizieres, on the Meuse, which belonged to the count de Nevers. The
count d'Eu, who had been of the party, soon after returned to his
county, where he collected a large body of men at arms, to the amount
of two thousand combatants, under the pretext of making war on the lord
de Croy, in revenge for an attack made upon him some time since, as has
been mentioned, by his eldest son sir John de Croy; but it was not so,
for he marched his army across the Seine at Pont-de-l'Arche, and thence
to Verneuil in Perche, where were assembled king Louis of Sicily, the
dukes of Orleans, Brittany, and Bourbon, the counts de Vertus and
d'Alençon, with many other great barons, lords, and knights, not only
on account of the imprisonment of the dukes of Bar and of Bavaria,
or of the other prisoners, but for the deliverance of the duke of
Acquitaine, who had informed them by letters, which had been confirmed
by the count de Vertus, that he himself, the king, and the queen were
kept as prisoners under the control of the Parisians, and that they
were not allowed any liberty, which was highly displeasing to them, and
disgraceful to royalty.
This had caused so large an assembly of these great lords, who, after
mature consideration, wrote letters to the king, to his great council,
and to the Parisians, desiring them to allow the duke of Acquitaine to
go whithersoever he pleased, and to set at liberty the dukes of Bar and
of Bavaria, and all other prisoners. Should they refuse to comply, they
declared war against the town of Paris, which they would destroy to the
utmost of their power, and all within it, except the king and such of
his royal blood as may have therein remained. With regard to those that
had been murdered, they said nothing of them; for as they were dead,
they could not have them back.
These letters were laid before the king in council, where it was
determined to send ambassadors to these lords to negotiate a peace, who
were kindly received by them.
On Saturday, the 1st day of July, after his trial had been concluded,
sir Peter des Essars, lately provost of Paris, and son to the late
Philippe des Essars, a citizen of that town, was beheaded in the
market-place, his head fixed on the market-house, and his body hung
at Montfaucon in the usual manner. His brother, sir Anthony, was in
great danger of being also executed; but through the activity of some
friends, a delay of his trial was procured, and he afterward obtained
his full liberty.
In these days, as the king was in good health, he went to the cathedral
of Paris to say his prayers and hear mass. When it was over, he visited
the holy relics: he departed and returned to his hôtel, accompanied
by the duke of Burgundy and the constable of France, and followed by
crowds of people who had assembled to see him.
On the morrow, the 6th of July, it was ordered in the king's council,
presided by the duke of Acquitaine, that John de Moreul, knight to
the duke of Burgundy, should be the bearer of letters and royal
summons to the two bailiwicks of Amiens and of Vermandois, and to all
the provostships within them. He was commanded to assemble all the
prelates, counsellors and magistrates of these districts, and then, in
full meeting, to read aloud these letters from the king, sealed with
his great seal, and dated this 6th day of July. Countersigned, 'John
Millet,' according to the resolution of council, at which had been
present the duke of Burgundy, the constable of France, the chancellor
of Acquitaine, the chancellor of Burgundy, and several others.
These letters contained, in substance, an exhortation that they would
remain steady and loyal in their duty to the king, and be ready to
serve him or the dauphin whenever and wherever they should be summoned
to march against the enemies of the kingdom and the public weal; that
they should place confidence in his knight, counsellor and chamberlain,
sir John de Moreul, according to the instructions given him under the
king's privy seal, which he was to show and give them to read.
When he had visited many towns and provostships in these bailiwicks,
he came on Monday, the 16th day of July, from Dourlens to Amiens,
and there, in the presence of the nobles, prelates, and principal
inhabitants of the great towns within the district, he read his letters
and instructions with a clear and loud voice, for he was a man of
great eloquence. He explained how much the peace and union of the
kingdom had been and was troubled; how the trials of those who had been
beheaded at Paris were carried on before a sufficient number of able
and honest men, as well knights as advocates of the parliament, and
other lords and discreet men, who had been nominated for this purpose
by the king; and how sir James de la Riviere, in despair, had killed
himself with a pewter pot in which he had had wine, as well as the
manner in which he had done it.
The charges which were brought against those who had been beheaded
occupied each sixty sheets of paper,--and he assured them, that good
and impartial justice had been administered to all who had been
executed, without favour or hatred having any concern in their just
sentences. He asserted, that the duke of Acquitaine had never written
such letters to the princes of the Orleans-party as they had published;
and he concluded,--'Know then, all ye present, that what I have just
been saying are notorious truths.'
After this, he asked whether they were loyal and obedient to the king,
and desired they would tell him their intentions. The nobles and
prelates, and the rest of the assembly, instantly replied, that they
had always been obedient to the king, and were ready to serve him,
believing that he had told them the truth. In confirmation of this, he
required letters from the provost, with which he returned to Paris.
In like manner were other knights sent, in the king's name, with
similar letters and instructions to the different bailiwicks and
seneschalships within the realm, who, being equally successful,
returned with letters of the same import.
While these things were passing, the English appeared off the coast
of Normandy with a large fleet of ships, and landed at the town of
Treport, where having plundered all they could find, and made some
prisoners, they set fire to it, and burnt the town and monastery, and
also some of the adjoining villages. When they had remained about
twenty-two hours on shore, they re-embarked and made sail for England
with their booty.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 20: Called 'Ernault' a little after, which agrees with
Moreri's Arnold.--See _ante_, p. 14, note.]
[Footnote 21: In Moreri's list, Henry de Marle succeeds Arnauld de
Corbie in 1413, and is succeeded by Eustache de _Laitre_ in 1418.]
CHAP. XXII.
THE AMBASSADORS FROM THE KING OF FRANCE RETURN WITH THOSE FROM THE
PRINCES TO PARIS.--THEY ARE JOINED BY OTHERS, WHO NEGOTIATE A FOURTH
PEACE AT PONTOISE.
On Wednesday, the 12th day of July, the ambassadors whom the king
and the dukes of Acquitaine, Berry, and Burgundy, had sent to the
princes of the blood, namely, the bishop of Tournay, the grand master
of Rhodes, the lords d'Offemont and de la Viefville, master Peter de
Marigny, and some others, returned from their embassy. The answer
they had brought having been soon after considered in council, the
king ordered the dukes of Berry and Burgundy to go with the aforesaid
ambassadors to Pontoise, when the king of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans
and of Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon and d'Eu came to Vernon, and
thence sent their ambassadors to Pontoise, to explain to the dukes of
Berry and Burgundy, and the other ambassadors, the causes of their
griefs, and the great miseries that must ensue should the war take
place that was on the point of breaking out.
One of their ambassadors harangued well in clear and good French on
the above subjects: the substance of what he said was as follows. 'To
explain what has been intrusted to us by our lords, namely, the king
of Sicily, the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon
and d'Eu, to you, my very redoubted lords of Berry and Burgundy, and
to the gentlemen of the great council of the king and of my lord of
Acquitaine, now in their company, since it becomes me to speak the
words of peace, trusting in Him who is the sole Author of peace, and
in the good will of my hearers, I shall take my text from the 33d
Psalm, 'Oculi mei semper ad Dominum;' that is to say, My eyes are
always turned to the Lord; and continue my discourse from what the wise
Plato says, among other notable things, that all princes or others
intrusted with the affairs of government should obey the commands of
their sovereign in all they shall do for the public welfare, laying
aside every private consideration for their own advantage, and regard
themselves as part of a whole, the smallest member of which being
wounded, the effect is felt by the head or chief lord.
'I consider, therefore, the kingdom of France as a body, of which our
sovereign lord the king is the head, and his subjects the members.
But in what degree shall I place my lords the princes who have sent
us hither, or you, my lords, who hear me? for we know of no other
head but our sovereign lord.--I can neither liken you to the head nor
to the aforementioned members, on account of your rank; but I think
I may compare you to the members nearest to the head, for among them
may be counted the eyes, which are of the greatest use to it. I shall
consequently compare you to the eyes, and for three singularly good
reasons.
'First, the eyes ought to be well placed and formed alike; for should
one be placed differently from the other, half closed or awry, the
whole person is disgraced and acquires the name of Blind or Squinter.
Now, it seems to me, that as my lords who have sent us, and you, my
lords, who hear me, have persons handsomely made, you ought to be of
one mind, and tending towards good; for you have eyes of a clear
understanding, and of real affection, 'Oculi sapientis in capite ejus.'
'Secondly, the eyes are the most striking parts of the human body, and
have a full view over every part of it, as the prophet Ezekiel says, in
his 33d chapter, 'Speculatorem dedi te domui Israel.' Just so are our
princes of the blood, for from their singular and strong affection to
their sovereign lord and his kingdom, they constantly watch over and
guard him.
'Thirdly, from the nobleness of the eye, which is of a circular form,
and of such sensibility that when any other member of the body is hurt,
or struck with grief, it weeps, as the prophet Jeremiah says in the
19th chapter, 'Plorans, plorabit, et educet oculus meus lachrimam quia
captus est grex Domini.' In like manner Valerius Maximus relates, in
his 8th book, that when Marcellus the tyrant saw his city despoiled
by the enemy, who had taken it by storm, he could not refrain from
weeping, which was becoming a real eye. Certainly it ought to bewail
the pain of its members, as Codrus, duke of Athens, did, who caused
himself to be slain to gain a victory over his enemies, as is related
by Julius Frontinus, and this same Valerius Maximus in his 8th book.
And because all our lords are and ought to be of the same stamp, I have
compared them thereto by saying, 'Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.'
'As for me, being the spokesman of those who have been charged to come
hither by our lords, we do not think of comparing ourselves to eyes,
but solely to the very humble servants of the eye, being no greater
parts of the members than the nail on the little finger, ready at the
calls of our superiors; and from their commands have we been led to
speak of such high concerns, which was matter of great grievance to us;
but it is for the sake of peace, and in obedience to the eye, 'Oculi
mei semper ad Dominum;' for in all times, every one should obey his
lord, more especially when he is in adversity,--as Tully says in his
treatise on Friendship,--Come to thy friend in prosperity, when he
calls thee; but when he shall be in adversity, wait not to be called.
I apply this to all landholders who are not the immediate ministers of
a king, or of the Lord, according to the apostle St Peter, who says in
his second chapter, 'Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for
the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king as supreme,' &c. And again,
'Be obedient in the fear of our Lord, not only to the good and just but
to the ignorant.' Thus may every one repeat the text I have chosen,
'Oculi mei semper ad Dominum.'
'Notwithstanding my lords who have sent us hither having the eyes of
clear understanding, and affected with a true love to their sovereign
as the head of the whole body of this Christian kingdom, are fearful
that what Isaiah says in his 8th chapter may be applied to them;
'Speculatores ejus cæci omnes;' and that they may be said to resemble
the hog who devours the fruit that falls from the tree, without ever
looking up to the tree whence it falls. Nevertheless, they having
considered the events that have lately taken place in Paris, are full
of grief lest the whole body of the kingdom should consequently suffer
such destruction as, from its continuation, may be mortal to it, which
God, out of his gracious mercy, avert!
'In the first place, they have heard of the arrests and executions of
the servants of the king, queen and duke of Acquitaine, to whom alone
belongs the cognizance of any offences committed by them, and to none
others. They have also been informed that the same conduct has been
followed in regard to the ladies and damsels of the queen and the
duchess of Acquitaine, which things, from honour to the queen their
mistress, as well as for the respect due to the female sex and to
modesty, ought not to have been done.
'The laws declare and command, under heavy penalties, that modest women
shall not be publicly handled; and the honour of their families would
seem to assure them of not being so treated, for which they make loud
lamentations.
'Notwithstanding that the cognizance of any crime committed by a prince
of the royal blood belongs solely to the king, the duke of Bar has been
imprisoned, who is cousin-german to the king our lord, which causes
much sorrow to our lords, more particularly to the king and queen of
Sicily (who is his niece), who loudly cry out for his deliverance, as
well as for that of duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen. They
are more hurt at the form and manner in which they were arrested; for,
according to what has been told them, they were seized by those who
were not king's officers, nor had any authority for so doing from
him, but merely by a mob of common people, who forcibly broke down the
doors of the king's and the duke of Acquitaine's apartments, saying to
the latter many rude and impudent things, which, as is reported, have
greatly displeased him; and they are particularly anxious to know why
such disgraceful acts were done, as they are ignorant what could have
caused them.
'Could any just reasons be alledged, they would not be so much
astonished as they now are. But to continue: it has been told them that
my lord is even deprived of his liberty, and that he cannot leave his
hôtel, or at least that he is not suffered to go out of Paris; and that
no one of his kindred, or of any high rank, are suffered to converse
with him, but only those who guard him, as is done to common prisoners
in many cases. This is matter of as serious grief to him and to my
said lords, thus to be deprived of the conversation and sight of their
sovereign lord on earth, as it would be to be debarred the vision of
God in another life.
'Item, they complain, that since these events letters have been sent
by the town of Paris to the aforesaid lords, and to others, and also
to the chief towns in the kingdom, to declare that these arrests,
imprisonments and executions, have taken place with the approbation
of the duke of Acquitaine. They therefore lament such letters being
sent, for none but the princes of the blood ought to be made acquainted
with the acts of government, or with such charges as are made against
different lords. There was, beside, no pretence for these letters,
for no one had ever interfered with the government of the duke of
Acquitaine; and it should seem to have been done solely with a view to
inflame and instigate the people to some acts prejudicial to the king,
to my lord of Acquitaine, his whole family, and even against these
lords now present.
'They also complain, that through the importunity of these same
Parisians, orders have been sent to their barons, knights, esquires
and vassals, not to obey any summons they may receive from them, but
to remain at home until the constable, or some other of the lords
within Paris, shall send for them; and at this grievance they feel very
indignant, for they have never done any thing, or had intentions of so
acting, as to deserve to be deprived of the service of their vassals;
and when the king should have occasion for them, they should have
served in their company, &c.
'Item, they likewise complain of many expressions, and other orders, by
which several officers take possession of castles and forts, and place
in them new governors, dismissing very able captains, noble and valiant
knights, who have loyally served their whole life without reproach, and
still intend to serve the king.