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RALEIGH
ENGLISH WORTHIES.
EDITED BY ANDREW LANG.
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London: LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
English Worthies
EDITED BY ANDREW LANG
RALEIGH
BY
EDMUND GOSSE, M.A.
CLARK LECTURER IN ENGLISH LITERATURE AT TRINITY COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE
LONDON
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1886
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PREFACE.
The existing Lives of Raleigh are very numerous. To this day the most
interesting of these, as a literary production, is that published in
1736 by William Oldys, afterwards Norroy King at Arms. This book was a
marvel of research, as well as of biographical skill, at the time of its
appearance, but can no longer compete with later lives as an authority.
By a curious chance, two writers who were each ignorant of the other
simultaneously collected information regarding Raleigh, and produced two
laborious and copious Lives of him, at the same moment, in 1868. Each of
these collections, respectively by Mr. Edward Edwards, whose death is
announced as these words are leaving the printers, and by the late Mr.
James Augustus St. John, added very largely to our knowledge of Raleigh;
but, of course, each of these writers was precluded from using the
discoveries of the other. The present Life is the first in which the
fresh matter brought forward by Mr. Edwards and by Mr. St. John has been
collated; Mr. Edwards, moreover, deserved well of all Raleigh students
by editing for the first time, in 1868, the correspondence of Raleigh. I
hope that I do not seem to disparage Mr. Edwards's book when I say that
in his arrangement and conjectural dating of undated documents I am very
frequently in disaccord with him. The present Life contains various
small data which are now for the first time published, and more than one
fact of considerable importance which I owe to the courtesy of Mr. John
Cordy Jeaffreson. I have, moreover, taken advantage up to date of the
_Reports_ of the Historical MSS. Commission, and of the two volumes of
_Lismore Papers_ this year published. In his prospectus to the latter
Dr. Grosart promises us still more about Raleigh in later issues. My
dates are new style.
The present sketch of Raleigh's life is the first attempt which has been
made to portray his personal career disengaged from the general history
of his time. To keep so full a life within bounds it has been necessary
to pass rapidly over events of signal importance in which he took but a
secondary part. I may point as an example to the defeat of the Spanish
Armada, a chapter in English history which has usually occupied a large
space in the chronicle of Raleigh and his times. Mrs. Creighton's
excellent little volume on the latter and wider theme may be recommended
to those who wish to see Raleigh painted not in a full-length portrait,
but in an historical composition of the reigns of Elizabeth and James I.
I have to thank Dr. Brushfield for the use of his valuable Raleigh
bibliography, now in the press, and for other kind help.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PAGE
I. YOUTH 1
II. AT COURT 17
III. IN DISGRACE 40
IV. GUIANA 65
V. CADIZ 88
VI. LAST DAYS OF ELIZABETH 111
VII. THE TRIAL AT WINCHESTER 132
VIII. IN THE TOWER 161
IX. THE SECOND VOYAGE TO GUIANA 189
X. THE END 204
INDEX 225
MAPS.
SOUTH OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND _To face p. 16_
GUIANA " 70
RALEIGH.
CHAPTER I.
YOUTH.
Walter Raleigh was born, so Camden and an anonymous astrologer combine
to assure us, in 1552. The place was Hayes Barton, a farmstead in the
parish of East Budleigh, in Devonshire, then belonging to his father; it
passed out of the family, and in 1584 Sir Walter attempted to buy it
back. 'For the natural disposition I have to the place, being born in
that house, I had rather seat myself there than anywhere else,' he wrote
to a Mr. Richard Duke, the then possessor, who refused to sell it.
Genealogists, from himself downwards, have found a rich treasure in
Raleigh's family tree, which winds its branches into those of some of
the best Devonshire houses, the Gilberts, the Carews, the Champernownes.
His father, the elder Walter Raleigh, in his third marriage became the
second husband of Katherine Gilbert, daughter of Sir Philip Champernoun
of Modbury. By Otto Gilbert, her first husband, she had been the mother
of two boys destined to be bold navigators and colonists, Humphrey and
Adrian Gilbert. It, is certainly the influence of his half-brother Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, of Compton, which is most strongly marked upon the
character of young Raleigh; while Adrian was one of his own earliest
converts to Virginian enterprise.
The earliest notice of Sir Walter Raleigh known to exist was found and
communicated to the _Transactions of the Devonshire Association_ by Dr.
Brushfield in 1883. It is in a deed preserved in Sidmouth Church, by
which tithes of fish are leased by the manor of Sidmouth to 'Walter
Rawlegh the elder, Carow Ralegh, and Walter Ralegh the younger,' on
September 10, 1560. In 1578 the same persons passed over their interest
in the fish-titles in another deed, which contains their signatures. It
is amusing to find that the family had not decided how to spell its
name. The father writes 'Ralegh,' his elder son Carew writes 'Caro
Rawlyh,' while the subject of this memoir, in this his earliest known
signature, calls himself 'Rauleygh.'
His father was a Protestant when young Walter was born, but his mother
seems to have remained a Catholic. In the persecution under Mary, she,
as we learn from Foxe, went into Exeter to visit the heretics in gaol,
and in particular to see Agnes Prest before her burning. Mrs. Raleigh
began to exhort her to repentance, but the martyr turned the tables on
her visitor, and urged the gentlewoman to seek the blessed body of
Christ in heaven, not on earth, and this with so much sweet
persuasiveness that when Mrs. Raleigh 'came home to her husband she
declared to him that in her life she never heard any woman, of such
simplicity to see to, talk so godly and so earnestly; insomuch, that if
God were not with her she could not speak such things--"I was not able
to answer her, I, who can read, and she cannot."' It is easy to perceive
that this anecdote would not have been preserved if the incident had not
heralded the final secession of Raleigh's parents from the creed of
Philip II., and thus Agnes Prest was not without her share in forging
Raleigh's hatred of bigotry and of the Spaniard. Very little else is
known about Walter and Katherine Raleigh. They lived at their manorial
farm of Hayes Barton, and they were buried side by side, as their son
tells us, 'in Exeter church.'
The university career of Raleigh is vague to us in the highest degree.
The only certain fact is that he left Oxford in 1569. Anthony a Wood
says that he was three years there, and that he entered Oriel College as
a commoner in or about the year 1568. Fuller speaks of him as resident
at Christ Church also. Perhaps he went to Christ Church first as a boy
of fourteen, in 1566, and removed to Oriel at sixteen. Sir Philip
Sidney, Hakluyt, and Camden were all of them at Oxford during those
years, and we may conjecture that Raleigh's acquaintance with them began
there. Wood tells us that Raleigh, being 'strongly advanced by
academical learning at Oxford, under the care of an excellent tutor,
became the ornament of the juniors, and a proficient in oratory and
philosophy.' Bacon and Aubrey preserved each an anecdote of Raleigh's
university career, neither of them worth repeating here.
The exact date at which he left Oxford is uncertain. Camden, who was
Raleigh's age, and at the university at the same time, says
authoritatively in his _Annales_, that he was one of a hundred gentlemen
volunteers taken to the help of the Protestant princes by Henry
Champernowne, who was Raleigh's first-cousin, the son of his mother's
elder brother. We learn from De Thou that Champernowne's contingent
arrived at the Huguenot camp on October 5, 1569. This seems
circumstantial enough, but there exist statements of Raleigh's own which
tend to show that, if he was one of his cousin's volunteers, he yet
preceded him into France. In the _History of the World_ he speaks of
personally remembering the conduct of the Protestants, immediately after
the death of Conde, at the battle of Jarnac (March 13, 1569). Still more
positively Raleigh says, 'myself was an eye-witness' of the retreat at
Moncontour, on October 3, two days before the arrival of Champernoun. A
provoking obscurity conceals Walter Raleigh from us for the next six or
seven years. When Hakluyt printed his _Voyages_ in 1589 he mentioned
that he himself was five years in France. In a previous dedication he
had reminded Raleigh that the latter had made a longer stay in that
country than himself. Raleigh has therefore been conjectured to have
fought in France for six years, that is to say, until 1575.
During this long and important period we are almost without a glimpse of
him, nor is it anything but fancy which has depicted him as shut up by
Walsingham at the English embassy in Paris on the fatal evening of St.
Bartholomew's. Another cousin of his, Gawen Champernoun, became the
son-in-law and follower of the Huguenot chief, Montgomery, whose murder
on June 26, 1574, may very possibly have put a term to Raleigh's
adventures as a Protestant soldier in France. The allusions to his early
experiences are rare and slight in the _History of the World_, but one
curious passage has often been quoted. In illustration of the way in
which Alexander the Great harassed Bessus, Raleigh mentions that, 'in
the third civil war of France,' he saw certain Catholics, who had
retired to mountain-caves in Languedoc, smoked out of their retreat by
the burning of bundles of straw at the cave's mouth. There has lately
been shown to be no probability in the conjecture, made by several of
his biographers, that he was one of the English volunteers in the Low
Countries who fought in their shirts and drawers at the battle of
Rimenant in August 1578.
On April 15, 1576, the poet Gascoigne, who was a _protege_, of Raleigh's
half-brother, issued his satire in blank verse, entitled _The Steel
Glass_, a little volume which holds an important place in the
development of our poetical literature. To this satire a copy of
eighteen congratulatory verses was prefixed by 'Walter Rawely of the
middle Temple.' These lines are perfunctory and are noticeable only for
their heading 'of the middle Temple.' Raleigh positively tells us that
he never studied law until he found himself a prisoner in the Tower, and
he was probably only a passing lodger in some portion of the Middle
Temple in 1576. On October 7, 1577, Gascoigne died prematurely and
deprived us of a picturesque pen which might have gossiped of Raleigh's
early career.
I am happy, through the courtesy of Mr. J. Cordy Jeaffreson, in being
able for the first time to prove that Walter Raleigh was admitted to the
Court as early as 1577. So much has been suspected, from his language to
Leicester in a later letter from Ireland, but there has hitherto been
no evidence of the fact. In examining the Middlesex records, Mr.
Jeaffreson has discovered that on the night of December 16, 1577, a
party of merry roisterers broke the peace at Hornsey. Their ringleaders
were a certain Richard Paunsford and his brother, who are described in
the recognisances taken next day before the magistrate Jasper Fisher as
the servants of 'Walter Rawley, of Islington, Esq.,' and two days later
as yeoman in the service of Walter Rawley, Esq., 'of the Court (_de
curia_).'
It is very important to find him thus early officially described as of
the Court. As Raleigh afterwards said, the education of his youth was a
training in the arts of a gentleman and a soldier. But it extended
further than this--it embraced an extraordinary knowledge of the sea,
and in particular of naval warfare. It is tantalising that we have but
the slenderest evidence of the mode in which this particular schooling
was obtained. The western ocean was, all through the youth of Raleigh,
the most fascinating and mysterious of the new fields which were being
thrown open to English enterprise. He was a babe when Tonson came back
with the first wonderful legend of the hidden treasure-house of the
Spaniard in the West Indies. He was at Oxford when England thrilled with
the news of Hawkins' tragical third voyage. He came back from France
just in time to share the general satisfaction at Drake's revenge for
San Juan de Ulloa. All through his early days the splendour and perilous
romance of the Spanish Indies hung before him, inflaming his fancy,
rousing his ambition. In his own family, Sir Humphrey Gilbert
represented a milder and more generous class of adventurers than Drake
and Hawkins, a race more set on discovery and colonisation than on mere
brutal rapine, the race of which Raleigh was ultimately to become the
most illustrious example. If we possessed minute accounts of the various
expeditions in which Gilbert took part, we should probably find that his
young half-brother was often his companion. As early as 1584 Barlow
addresses Raleigh as one personally conversant with the islands of the
Gulf of Mexico, and there was a volume, never printed and now lost,
written about the same time, entitled _Sir Walter Raleigh's Voyage to
the West Indies_. This expedition, no other allusion to which has
survived, must have taken place before he went to Ireland in 1580, and
may be conjecturally dated 1577.
The incidents of the next two years may be rapidly noted; they are all
of them involved in obscurity. It is known that Raleigh crossed the
Atlantic for a second time on board one of the ships of Gilbert's
ill-starred expedition to the St. Lawrence in the winter of 1578. In
February of the next year[1] he was again in London, and was committed
to the Fleet Prison for a 'fray' with another courtier. In September
1579, he was involved in Sir Philip Sidney's tennis-court quarrel with
Lord Oxford. In May of this same year he was stopped at Plymouth when in
the act of starting on a piratical expedition against Spanish America.
He had work to do in opposing Spain nearer home, and he first comes
clearly before us in connection with the Catholic invasion of Ireland in
the close of 1579. It was on July 17, 1579, that the Catholic
expedition from Ferrol landed at Dingle. Fearing to stay there, it
passed four miles westward to Smerwick Bay, and there built a fortress
called Fort del Ore, on a sandy isthmus, thinking in case of need easily
to slip away to the ocean. The murder of an English officer, who was
stabbed in his bed while the guest of the brother of the Earl of
Desmond, was recommended by Sandars the legate as a sweet sacrifice in
the sight of God, and ruthlessly committed. The result was what Sandars
had foreseen; the Geraldines, hopelessly compromised, threw up the
fiction of loyalty to Elizabeth. Sir Nicholas Malby defeated the rebels
in the Limerick woods in September, but in return the Geraldines burned
Youghal and drove the Deputy within the walls of Cork, where he died of
chagrin. The temporary command fell on an old friend of Raleigh's, Sir
Warham Sentleger, who wrote in December 1579 a letter of earnest appeal
which broke up the apathy of the English Government. Among other steps
hurriedly taken to uphold the Queen's power in Ireland, young Walter
Raleigh was sent where his half-brother, Humphrey Gilbert, had so much
distinguished himself ten years before.
The biographer breathes more freely when he holds at last the earliest
letter which remains in the handwriting of his hero. All else may be
erroneous or conjectural, but here at least, for a moment, he presses
his fingers upon the very pulse of the machine. On February 22, 1580,
Raleigh wrote from Cork to Burghley, giving him an account of his
voyage. It appears that he wrote on the day of his arrival, and if that
be the case, he left London, and passed down the Thames, in command of
a troop of one hundred foot soldiers, on January 15, 1580. By the same
computation, they reached the Isle of Wight on the 21st, and stayed
there to be transferred into ships of Her Majesty's fleet, not starting
again until February 5. On his reaching Cork, Raleigh found that his men
and he were only to be paid from the day of their arrival in Ireland,
and he wrote off at once to Burghley to secure, if possible, the
arrears. His arrival was a welcome reinforcement to Sentleger, who was
holding Cork in the greatest peril, with only forty Englishmen. It must
be recollected that this force under Raleigh was but a fragment of what
English squadrons were busily bringing through this month of January
into every port of Ireland. Elizabeth had, at last, awakened in earnest
to her danger.
Raleigh, in all probability, took no part in the marchings and
skirmishings of the English armies until the summer. His 'reckoning,' or
duty-pay, as a captain in the field, begins on July 13, 1580, and
perhaps, until that date, his services consisted in defending Cork under
Sentleger. In August he was joined with the latter, who was now
Provost-marshal of Munster, in a commission to try Sir James, the
younger brother of the Earl of Desmond, who had been captured by the
Sheriff of Cork. No mercy could be expected by so prominent a Geraldine;
he was hanged, drawn and quartered, and the fragments of his body were
hung in chains over the gates of Cork. Meanwhile, on August 12, Lord
Grey de Wilton arrived in Dublin to relieve Pelham of sovereign command
in Ireland. Grey, though he learned to dislike Raleigh, was probably
more cognisant of his powers than Pelham, who may never have heard of
him. Grey had been the patron of the poet Gascoigne, and one of the most
prominent men in the group with whom we have already seen that Raleigh
was identified in his early youth.
From the moment of Grey's arrival in Ireland, the name of Raleigh ceased
to be obscure. Sir William Pelham retired on September 7, and Lord Grey,
who had brought the newly famous poet, Edmund Spenser, with him as his
secretary, marched into Munster. With his exploits we have nothing to
do, save to notice that it must have been in the camp at Rakele, if not
on the battle-field of Glenmalure, that Raleigh began his momentous
friendship with Spenser, whose _Shepherd's Calender_ had inaugurated a
new epoch in English poetry just a month before Raleigh's departure for
Ireland. It is scarcely too fanciful to believe that this tiny anonymous
volume of delicious song may have lightened the weariness of that winter
voyage of 1580, which was to prove so momentous in the career of 'the
Shepherd of the Ocean.' Lodovick Bryskett, Fulke Greville, Barnabee
Googe, and Geoffrey Fenton were minor songsters of the copious
Elizabethan age who were now in Munster as agents or soldiers, and we
may suppose that the tedious guerilla warfare, in the woods had its
hours of literary recreation for Raleigh.
The fortress on the peninsula of Dingle was now occupied by a fresh body
of Catholic invaders, mainly Italians, and Smerwick Bay again attracted
general interest. Grey, as Deputy, and Ormond, as governor of Munster,
united their forces and marched towards this extremity of Kerry;
Raleigh, with his infantry, joined them at Rakele; and we may take
September 30, 1580, which is the date when his first 'reckoning'
closes, as that on which he took some fresh kind of service under Lord
Grey. Hooker, who was an eye-witness, supplies us with some very
interesting glimpses of Raleigh in his _Supply of the Irish Chronicles_,
a supplement to Holinshed. We learn from him that when Lord Grey broke
into the camp at Rakele, Raleigh stayed behind, having observed that the
kerns had the habit of swooping down upon any deserted encampment to rob
and murder the camp followers. This expectation was fulfilled; the
hungry Irish poured into Rakele as soon as the Deputy's back was turned.
Raleigh had the satisfaction of capturing a large body of these poor
creatures. One of them carried a great bundle of withies, and Raleigh
asked him what they were for. 'To have hung up the English churls with,'
was the bold reply. 'Well,' said Raleigh, 'but now they shall serve for
an Irish kern,' and commanded him 'to be immediately tucked up in one of
his own neck-bands.' The rest were served in a similar way, and then the
young Englishman rode on after the army.
Towards the end of October they came in sight of Smerwick Bay, and of
the fort on the sandy isthmus in which the Italians and Spaniards were
lying in the hope of slipping back to Spain. The Legate had no sanguine
aspirations left; every roof that could harbour the Geraldines had been
destroyed in the English forays; Desmond was hiding, like a wild beast,
in the Wood. By all the principles of modern warfare, the time had come
for mercy and conciliation, and one man in Ireland, Ormond, thought as
much. But Lord Grey was a soldier of the old disposition, an implacable
enemy to Popery, what we now call a 'Puritan' of the most fierce and
frigid type. There is no evidence to show that the gentle Englishmen who
accompanied him, some of the best and loveliest spirits of the age,
shrank from sharing his fanaticism. There was massacre to be gone
through, but neither Edmund Spenser, nor Fulke Greville, nor Walter
Raleigh dreamed of withdrawing his sanction. The story has been told and
retold. For simple horror it is surpassed, in the Irish history of the
time, only by the earlier exploit which depopulated the island of
Rathlin. In the perfectly legitimate opening of the siege of Fort del
Ore, Raleigh held a very prominent commission, and we see that his
talents were rapidly being recognised, from the fact that for the first
three days he was entrusted with the principal command. It would appear
that on the fourth day, when the Italians waved their white flag and
screamed 'Misericordia! misericordia!' it was not Raleigh, but Zouch,
who was commanding in the trenches. The parley the Catholics demanded
was refused, and they were told they need not hope for mercy. Next day,
which was November 9, 1580, the fort yielded helplessly. Raleigh and
Mackworth received Grey's orders to enter and 'fall straight to
execution.'
It was thought proper to give Catholic Europe a warning not to meddle
with Catholic Ireland. In the words of the official report immediately
sent home to Walsingham, as soon as the fort was yielded, 'all the Irish
men and women were hanged, and 600 and upwards of Italians, Spaniards,
Biscayans and others put to the sword. The Colonel, Captain, Secretary,
Campmaster, and others of the best sort, saved to the number of 20
persons.' Of these last, two had their arms and legs broken before
being hanged on a gallows on the wall of the fort. The bodies of the six
hundred were stripped and laid out on the sands--'as gallant goodly
personages,' Lord Grey reported, 'as ever were beheld.' The Deputy took
all the responsibility and expected no blame; he received none. In reply
to his report, Elizabeth assured him a month later that 'this late
enterprise had been performed by him greatly to her liking.' It is
useless to expatiate on a code of morals that seems to us positively
Japanese. To Lord Grey and the rest the rebellious kerns and their
Southern allies were enemies of God and the Queen, beyond the scope of
mercy in this world or the next, and no more to be spared or paltered
with than malignant vermin. In his inexperience, Raleigh, to be soon
ripened by knowledge of life and man, agreed with this view, but,
happily for Ireland and England too, there were others who declined to
sink, as Mr. Froude says, 'to the level of the Catholic continental
tyrannies.' At Ormond's instigation the Queen sent over in April 1581 a
general pardon.
Severe as Lord Grey was, he seemed too lenient to Raleigh. In January
1581, the young captain left Cork and made the perilous journey to
Dublin to expostulate with the Deputy, and to urge him to treat with
greater stringency various Munster chieftains who were blowing the
embers of the rebellion into fresh flame. Among these malcontents the
worst was a certain David Barry, son of Lord Barry, himself a prisoner
in Dublin Castle. David Barry had placed the family stronghold, Barry
Court, at the disposal of the Geraldines. Raleigh obtained permission to
seize and hold this property, and returned from Dublin to carry out his
duty. On his way back, as he was approaching Barry's country, with his
men straggling behind him, the Seneschal of Imokelly, the strongest and
craftiest of the remaining Geraldines, laid an ambush to seize him at
the ford of Corabby. Raleigh not only escaped himself, but returned in
the face of a force which was to his as twenty to one, in order to
rescue a comrade whose horse had thrown him in the river. With a
quarter-staff in one hand and a pistol in the other, he held the
Seneschal and his kerns at bay, and brought his little body of troops
through the ambush without the loss of one man. In the dreary monotony
of the war, this brilliant act of courage, of which Raleigh himself in a
letter gives a very modest account, touched the popular heart, and did
as much as anything to make him famous.
The existing documents which illustrate Raleigh's life in Ireland during
1581, and they are somewhat numerous, give the student a much higher
notion of his brilliant aptitude for business and of his active courage
than of his amiability. His vivacity and ingenuity were sources of
irritation to him, as the vigour of an active man may vex him in wading
across loose sands. There was no stability and apparently no hope or aim
in the policy of the English leaders, and Raleigh showed no mock-modesty
in his criticism of that policy. Ormond had been on friendly terms with
him, but as early as February 25 a quarrel was ready to break out.
Ormond wished to hold Barry Court, which was the key to the important
road between Cork and Youghal, as his own; while Raleigh was no less
clamorous in claiming it. In the summer, not satisfied with complaining
of Ormond to Grey, he denounced Grey to Leicester. In the meantime he
had succeeded in ousting Ormond, who was recalled to England, and in
getting himself made, if not nominally, practically Governor of Munster.
He proceeded to Lismore, then the English capital of the province, and
made that town the centre of those incessant sallies and forays which
Hooker describes. One of these skirmishes, closing in the defeat of Lord
Barry at Cleve, showed consummate military ability, and deserves almost
to rank as a battle.
In August, Raleigh's temporary governorship of Munster ended. He was too
young and too little known a man permanently to hold such a post. Zouch
took his place at Lismore, and Raleigh, returning to Cork, was made
Governor of that city. It was at this time, or possibly a little earlier
in the year, that Raleigh made his romantic attack upon Castle
Bally-in-Harsh, the seat of Lord Roche. On the very same evening that
Raleigh received a hint from head-quarters that the capture of this
strongly fortified place was desirable, he set out with ninety men on
the adventure. His troop arrived at Harsh very early in the morning, but
not so early but that the townspeople, to the number of five hundred,
had collected to oppose his little force. He soon put them to flight,
and then, by a nimble trick, contrived to enter the castle itself, to
seize Lord and Lady Roche at their breakfast-table, to slip out with
them and through the town unmolested, and to regain Cork next day with
the loss of only a single man. The whole affair was a piece of military
sleight of hand, brilliantly designed, incomparably well carried out.
The summer and autumn were passed in scouring the woods and ravines of
Munster from Tipperary to Kilkenny. Miserable work he found it, and
glad he must have been when a summons from London put an end to his
military service in Ireland. In two years he had won a great reputation.
Elizabeth, it may well be, desired to see him, and talk with him on what
he called 'the business of this lost land.' In December 1581 he returned
to England.
One point more may be mentioned. In a letter dated May 1, 1581, Raleigh
offers to rebuild the ruined fortress of Barry Court at his own expense.
This shows that he must by this time have come into a certain amount of
property, for his Irish pay as a captain was, he says, so poor that but
for honour he 'would disdain it as much as to keep sheep.' This fact
disposes of the notion that Raleigh arrived at the Court of Elizabeth in
the guise of a handsome penniless adventurer. Perhaps he had by this
time inherited his share of the paternal estates.[2]
[Illustration: SOUTH OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND.]