CHAPTER I.—How the King of France cajoled the English after the Duke
of Burgundy’s Death, for fear they should have interrupted him in the
Conquest of the Territories belonging to the said Duke.—1477.
They who shall read these Memoirs hereafter, and have a better knowledge
of the affairs of this kingdom and its neighbouring States than I have,
may perhaps wonder that, from the Duke of Burgundy’s death to this time,
which is little less than a year, I have not said a word of the English,
nor of their suffering the king to seize upon those towns which were
near them, as Arras, Boulogne, Hesdin, Ardres and several other castles,
and to lie so many days before St. Omer. The reason of it was, because,
in cunning and artifice, our king was much superior to King Edward, who
was indeed a brave prince, and had won eight or nine battles in England,
in which he had been always present himself, and had fought constantly
on foot, which redounded much to his honour; but the two kings were
placed in different circumstances, and the English king depended not so
much upon his diligence or understanding, for upon the success of one
battle he was absolute master till another rebellion disturbed him. In
England, when any disputes arise, and occasion a war, the controversy is
generally decided in eight or ten days, when one party or other gains
the victory; but with us, on this side of the water, affairs are managed
quite otherwise. Our king is obliged, whilst he is carrying on any war,
to keep a watchful eye upon his neighbours, as well as over the rest of
his kingdom; and particularly to satisfy the King of England above all,
who must be quieted at any cost, and cajoled with ambassadors, promises,
and presents, lest he should attempt anything that might interrupt our
king’s designs. For our master was well aware that the nobility, commons,
and clergy of England, are always ready to enter upon a war with France,
being incited thereunto, not only upon the account of their old title
to its crown, but by the desire of gain, for it pleased God to permit
their predecessors to win several memorable battles in this kingdom,
and to continue in the possession of Normandy and Guienne for the space
of three hundred and fifty years[1], before Charles VII. gave them the
first blow[2]; during which time they carried over enormous booty into
England, not only in plunder, which they had taken in the several towns,
but in the richness and quality of their prisoners, who were many of them
great princes and lords, who paid them vast ransoms for their liberty; so
that every Englishman afterwards hoped to do the same thing, and return
home laden with spoils. But this fortune was not to be looked for in our
king’s days, for he would never have ventured the whole kingdom upon
the doubtful issue of a battle, nor have done anything so rashly as to
dismount himself, with all his nobility, to fight on foot, as the English
did at the battle of Agincourt[3]; and if he had been reduced to that
extremity, he would certainly have managed his affairs with more prudence
and caution, as may be presumed from the manner of his conduct when King
Edward was in France.
The king accordingly found himself under an absolute necessity to caress
and pacify the King of England, and the rest of his neighbours, whom
he perceived inclinable to peace, in hopes of receiving his money; and
therefore he paid a pension of fifty thousand crowns punctually in
London, and allowed it to be called tribute by the English. He also
distributed sixteen thousand more among the King of England’s officers
that were about his person, particularly to the Chancellor[4], the Master
of the Rolls[5] (who is now chancellor), the High Chamberlain, the Lord
Hastings (a man of honour and prudence, and of great authority with his
master, and deservedly, upon account of the faithful service he had done
him), Sir Thomas Montgomery, the Lord Howard (who afterwards espoused
King Richard’s interest, and was created Duke of Norfolk), the Lord
Cheney, master of the horse, Mr. Chalenger, and a certain marquis[6],
who was the Queen of England’s son, by her first husband. Besides these
great presents, he was also very generous to ambassadors; and all who
were sent to him from the English Court, though their messages were
never so harsh and displeasing, he dispatched with such fair words and
large presents, that they went away very well satisfied with him; and
though they were certainly assured (at least some of them), that what
he did was only to gain time to effect his designs, yet their private
interest prevailed with them to wink at it, highly to the detriment and
disadvantage of their public affairs.
To all the persons of quality above-mentioned, the king gave considerable
presents, besides their pensions. To the Lord Howard, besides his
pension, he gave, to my certain knowledge, in less than two years’
time, in money and plate, above twenty-four thousand crowns; and to
the Lord Hastings, who was King Edward’s chamberlain, he gave at one
time one thousand silver marks in plate; and all the receipts of every
Englishman of quality, except the Lord Hastings, are still to be seen in
the chamber of accounts at Paris. This Lord Hastings was at that time
High Chamberlain of England (an office of great reputation, and executed
singly by one man). It was with great difficulty and solicitation, that
he was made one of the king’s pensioners, and I was the cause of it: for
at the time when I was in the Duke of Burgundy’s service, I had brought
him over to his interest, and he allowed him a pension of a thousand
crowns a year.[7] Upon my telling our king what I had done, he employed
me to try what I could do to bring him over to his interest; for he had
been his particular enemy in the Duke of Burgundy’s time, after which he
became a favourer of the young Princess of Burgundy, and was once like to
have prevailed with the King of England to cross the seas again to assist
that princess. I began our amity by letters; the king granted him a
pension of two thousand crowns per annum, which was double what had been
paid him by the duke, and sent one of the stewards of his house, called
Peter Clairet[8], with it; giving him express orders to take his receipt,
that hereafter it might appear upon record, that the lord chamberlain,
chancellor, admiral, master of the horse, and several other great lords
of England, had been at the same time pensioners to the King of France.
This Peter Clairet was a very cunning man, and was privately admitted to
the lord chamberlain, at his house in London; and having delivered his
compliments from the king, he presented his two thousand crowns in gold
(for to foreign lords of great quality the king never gave any other
coin). The chamberlain having received the gold, Peter Clairet desired
his lordship would be pleased to give him a receipt for it; the lord
chamberlain scrupling to do it, he repeated his request, and entreated
him that he would give him only three lines under his hand, directed to
the king his master, lest his majesty should think he had embezzled it
himself, for he was of a very suspicious temper. The lord chamberlain
seeing he persisted (though his demand was but reasonable), replied,
“Master Clairet, what you desire is not unreasonable, but this present
proceeds from your master’s generosity, not from any request of mine; if
you have a mind I should receive it, you may put it into my sleeve, but
neither letter nor acquittance will you have from me; for it shall never
be said of me, that the High Chamberlain of England was pensioner to the
King of France, nor shall my receipt be ever produced in his chamber of
accounts.” Clairet urged the matter no farther, but left the money, and
returned his answer to the king, who was highly displeased at his not
bringing a receipt: but he commended and valued the lord chamberlain
above all the King of England’s ministers, ever after paid him his
pension constantly, and never asked for his receipt.
In this posture were affairs between the King of England and our
master: however, the King of England was earnestly solicited and urged
to assist the young princess, and he sent several embassies to our
master to remonstrate with him, and to press him either for a peace,
or a cessation of arms. For some of the privy council of England, and
of the Parliament (which is of the same nature as our three Estates),
were persons of wisdom and penetration, who came out of the country, and
were not pensioners of France like the rest, and these pressed hard,
that the King of England would interpose vigorously for the Princess of
Burgundy; urging, that we did but dissemble with them, and amuse them
with hopes of a marriage, as it very plainly appeared: for at the treaty
at Picquigny[9] the two kings had mutually sworn, that within the space
of a year, the King of England’s daughter should be sent for; but though
the King of France had permitted her to be styled the dauphiness, yet
the time was elapsed, and the lady had not been sent for. But all the
arguments his subjects made use of could not prevail with King Edward,
for several reasons. King Edward was a voluptuous prince, wholly addicted
to his pleasures and ease; and having been, in his former expeditions,
reduced to great straits and necessities, he had no mind to involve
himself in a new war on this side of the water: the fifty thousand
crowns, too, which were punctually paid him in the Tower, softened his
heart, and hindered him from concerning himself in this affair. Besides,
his ambassadors were always bribed, and entertained so nobly, that they
left the French court well satisfied, though the king’s answers were
always uncertain, in order to gain time; for they were always told that
in a few days the king would send ambassadors of his own, who would
satisfy their master in every point which had been left in doubt.
As soon as the King of England’s ambassadors were returned, about three
weeks or a month later, sometimes more, sometimes less (which in such
cases is a great matter), the king our master would send his envoys; but
always new persons, and such as had not been employed in any overture
with the English before, to the end that if anything had been promised
by their predecessors, but not afterwards performed, they might pretend
ignorance, and not be obliged to give an answer. The ambassadors,
therefore, who were sent into England, used their utmost endeavours to
persuade King Edward of the good inclinations of the King of France, so
that he might remain quiet, and not give the least assistance to the
Princess of Burgundy: for both the King and the Queen of England were so
desirous of the match with their daughter, that upon that account, not
to mention several other reasons, the king was willing to wink at these
proceedings, and take no notice of the remonstrances that were made to
him by some of his privy council, who represented to him how prejudicial
it would be to the interest of the whole nation. Besides, he was afraid
the marriage might be broken off, as it began already to be laughed at in
England, especially by such as were desirous of war.
But to clear up this matter a little more, the king our master never
designed to effect this marriage, by reason of the disproportion in their
years; for the young lady[10], who is now Queen of England, was much
older than the dauphin, who is now King of France.[11] So that a month
or two were spent in sending ambassadors from one court to another; and
these artifices were made use of purely to gain time, and hinder the
English from declaring war against our king: for certainly, had it not
been in hopes of this marriage, the King of England would never so tamely
have suffered our king to have taken so many towns, without endeavouring
to have defended them; and had he declared at the outset for the young
Princess of Burgundy, as our king was so fearful of bringing anything
to a hazard, he would not have encroached so far upon the dominions of
the House of Burgundy, nor have weakened it so much. My chief design in
narrating these transactions is, to show the method and conduct of all
human affairs, by the reading of which such persons as are employed in
the negotiation of great matters, may be instructed how to manage their
business; for though their judgment may be good, yet a little advice
sometimes does no harm. This I have been assured of, that if the Princess
of Burgundy could have been persuaded to marry Earl Rivers, the Queen
of England’s brother, they would have succoured her with a considerable
number of troops; but that marriage would have been very unequal, for he
was only an earl, and she the greatest heiress of her time.
Many overtures and bargains were made between the Kings of England and
France; among the rest the King of France offered, that if he would join
with him, and come over in person, and invade the Low Countries, which
belonged to the Princess of Burgundy, his majesty would consent that
the King of England should have all Flanders for his share, and hold it
without homage, and the province of Brabant besides, in which the King
of France would engage to reduce four of the chief towns at his own
expense, and afterwards deliver them up to the King of England. Besides,
he proffered (to lessen his charge in the war), to pay ten thousand of
the King of England’s troops for four months; and to lend him a large
train of artillery, horses, and carriages, for their conveyance, upon
condition the King of England would invade Flanders, whilst he made war
upon Burgundy in another place. The King of England’s answer was, that
the towns in Flanders were large and strong, and not easy to be kept
when they were taken, and that Brabant was the same; besides which,
the English had no great inclination to undertake such a war, upon
account of the commerce that was betwixt them and the Low Countries;
but since the king was so generously inclined, as to allow him a share
in his conquests, he desired he would give him some of the places he
had conquered already in Picardy, such as Boulogne, and others; upon
surrendering up of which, he would be ready to declare on his side, and
would send an army to his assistance if he would engage to pay it.
CH. II.—Of the Conclusion of the Marriage between the Princess of
Burgundy, and Maximilian Duke of Austria, and since Emperor.—1477.
After this manner (as I have said before), transactions were managed
between the two kings for no other purpose but to gain time, by which
means the Princess of Burgundy’s affairs began visibly to decay; for of
the few soldiers that remained after her father’s death, many revolted
from her to the king, especially after the Lord des Cordes had quitted
her service, and carried several others along with him. Some were forced
to leave her because their estates or abodes lay very near or within
the towns which had declared for the king; others left her in hopes of
preferment; for in that respect no prince was so noble and generous to
his servants as our master. Besides, commotions and factions discovered
themselves daily in the great towns, and particularly in Ghent, which
wanted to have everything its own way, as you have already heard. Several
husbands were proposed to the Princess of Burgundy, and every one was
of opinion there was a necessity of her marrying, to defend those
territories that she had left to her, or (by marrying the dauphin), to
recover what she had lost. Several were entirely for this match, and
she was as earnest for it as anybody, before the letters she had sent
by the Lord of Humbercourt and the chancellor to the king were betrayed
to the ambassadors from Ghent. Some opposed the match, and urged the
disproportion of their age, the dauphin being but nine years old, and
besides engaged to the King of England’s daughter; and these suggested
the son of the Duke of Cleves. Others recommended Maximilian, the
emperor’s son, who is at present King of the Romans.
The princess herself had conceived an extreme hatred against the king,
ever since he had basely given up her letters; for she looked upon him
as the occasion of the death of her two principal ministers of state,
and of the dishonour and shame that was put upon her, when the letters
were delivered to her publicly in her council, as you have heard before.
Besides, it was that which gave the Gantois confidence to banish so
many of her servants, and to remove her mother-in-law and the Lord
of Ravestain from about her, and put her maids of honour into such a
consternation, that not one of them durst open a letter without first
showing it to the Gantois, nor speak to their mistress in a low tone.
This made the princess carry herself very distantly to the Bishop of
Liege, who was of the House of Bourbon, and a great promoter of this
match with the Dauphin, which certainly would have been very honourable
and advantageous for the princess, had it not been for the extreme
youth of the dauphin; but the bishop was unable to effect his object,
so he removed to Liege, and that affair was laid wholly aside. Without
dispute, it would have been a very difficult matter to have managed that
negotiation to the satisfaction of both parties; and I am of opinion
that whoever had undertaken it, would have gained but little credit by
it in the end. However (as I have been informed), a council was held
about it, at which Madame de Hallewin[12], first lady of the bed-chamber
to the princess, was present; and being asked her opinion about the
dauphin, she replied, “That there was more need of a man than a boy;
that her mistress was capable of bearing a child, which was what her
dominions wanted more than anything else;” and this opinion prevailed.
Some condemned the lady for answering so plainly, others commended her,
alleging that what she spoke was purely in relation to marriage, and the
necessity of her lady’s dominions, so that now the only talk was, who
should be the person. I am verily persuaded, that if the king had been
inclined to have had her marry the Count of Angoulesme[13], who is now
living, she would have consented to it, so desirous was she to continue
her alliance with France. God, however, thought fit to appoint her
another husband, for reasons unknown perhaps to us, unless it were, that
it might occasion greater wars and confusions on both sides than could
possibly have happened, had she married the Count of Angoulesme, for by
this match the provinces of Flanders and Brabant sustained great miseries
and afflictions. The Duke of Cleves was at this time in Ghent with the
princess, making friends, and trying all arts to effect a marriage
between the princess and his son, but she had no inclination to it, for
the character of the young gentleman pleased neither her nor any person
about her court. At last a marriage was again proposed between her and
the emperor’s son, the present King of the Romans, of which there had
formerly been some overtures between the Emperor and Duke Charles, and
a match concluded between them. The emperor had in his custody a letter
written by the young lady, at her father’s command, under her own hand,
and a diamond ring of considerable value. The purport of the letter was
to acquaint his imperial majesty, that, in obedience to her father’s
commands, she promised to accomplish the marriage with his son the Duke
of Austria, in the same form and manner as her father the Duke of
Burgundy should think fit to prescribe.
The emperor sent certain ambassadors[14] to the princess, who was at
Ghent; but, upon their arrival at Brussels, letters were sent to them to
remain there, and that commissioners should be sent thither to receive
and answer their demands. This was only a contrivance of the Duke of
Cleves, who was extremely displeased at their coming, and endeavoured to
send them back again dissatisfied; but the ambassadors continued their
journey, for they had intelligence in the princess’s court, or, at least,
with the Duchess Dowager of Burgundy, who had been removed from the
princess, as you have heard before, upon occasion of the letter. This
lady, as I have been since informed, advised them to proceed with their
journey notwithstanding these letters, gave them instructions how they
were to behave themselves upon their arrival at Ghent, and assured them
that the young princess and the greatest part of her court were well
disposed towards them. Upon this information the ambassadors advanced,
and taking no notice of the orders which they had received, went directly
to Ghent, at which the Duke of Cleves was highly offended; but he knew
nothing as yet of the inclination of the ladies. It was resolved by the
council that the princess should give them audience, and, after they had
delivered their credentials, should let them know that they were very
welcome, that she would acquaint her council with their desires, and
order them to return her answer; but that she could not give any farther
answer about it.
The ambassadors being admitted to a public audience, presented their
credentials, and then delivered their embassy, which was only to remind
her Highness that the marriage had been concluded formally between the
emperor and her father, by her own consent and approbation, as appeared
by the letter under her own hand, which they produced, and the diamond
ring which they said had been sent as a pledge of the said marriage.
Upon which the ambassadors insisted, that the young princess should
be pleased to consummate the marriage according to the engagement and
promise both of her father and herself; and then they conjured her to
declare before the whole assembly whether she had written the letter
or not, and whether she designed to make good her promise. The young
princess, without consulting any, replied that she had written the letter
and sent the ring in obedience to her father’s commands, and that she
freely owned the contents of it. The ambassadors thereupon expressed
their humble acknowledgments, and returned very joyful to their lodgings.
The Duke of Cleves was extremely dissatisfied with her answer, as being
contrary to what had been agreed on in council, and he upbraided the
young princess for having acted very indiscreetly in this affair. To
which she replied, “That it was not in her power to do any otherwise,
since it was a thing agreed on long before, and she could not gainsay
it.” On hearing her answer, and finding that many about the princess were
of the same opinion, he resolved to give over his own solicitations, and
retire in a few days into his own country. And thus was the marriage
concluded; and Duke Maximilian came to Cologne, where several of the
princess’s servants went to meet him, and carry him money, with which,
as I have been told, he was but very slenderly furnished; for his father
was the stingiest and most covetous prince, or person, of his time.[15]
The Duke of Austria was conducted to Ghent, with about seven or eight
hundred horse in his retinue, and this marriage was consummated[16],
which at first sight brought no great advantage to the subjects of the
young princess; for, instead of his supporting her, she was forced to
supply him with money. His armies were neither strong enough, nor in a
condition to face the king’s; besides which, the humour of the house of
Austria was not pleasing to the subjects of the house of Burgundy, who
had been bred up under wealthy princes, that had lucrative offices and
employments to dispose of; whose palaces were sumptuous, whose tables
were nobly served, whose dress was magnificent, and whose liveries were
pompous and splendid. But the Germans are of quite a contrary temper;
boorish in their manners, and rude in their way of living.
It seems to me, that upon good and solid advice, and not without the
particular grace of God, that law was made in France, whereby women
are excluded from the succession, and no daughter suffered to inherit
the crown, to prevent its falling into the hands of a foreign nation,
or prince; which the French would hardly endure, nor, indeed, would
any other nation; for there is no sovereignty whatever but at length
revolves upon the natives. This may be seen in France, where the English
had great possessions for forty years together, and at this present
time have nothing left of all their conquests but Calais and two little
castles[17], which cost them a great deal to keep; the rest they lost
much more easily than they conquered it; for they lost more in one day
than they had gained in a year. The same thing is observable in the
kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and other provinces, of which the French
had possession for many years together; in all which there is now no
monument of their power remaining but the sepulchres of their fathers.
And, if it were possible for a nation to admit a foreign prince whose
wisdom was great, and his retinue small and well-regulated, yet they
could hardly be prevailed upon to receive him with a great train, or
suffer that he should send for great numbers of his other subjects, upon
pretence of making war upon his neighbours; because animosities will
certainly arise among them, by reason of their diversity of manners and
disposition, and the violences the new-comers will commit; for they
cannot feel so much love and affection for the country as those who were
born in it; especially if they aspire and aim at offices or employments
which belong more properly to the natives. So that it is very requisite
for a wise prince, upon his coming into a foreign country, to adjust
all differences in his towns; and, if he be not master of this virtue
(which proceeds more immediately from God than anything else), the rest,
though called virtues, will be of no advantage to him: and, if he reigns
long, he and all his subjects will find themselves involved in troubles,
especially when he comes to be aged, and his ministers and servants have
no hopes of amendment in his condition.
This aforesaid marriage was performed with great pomp and solemnity, but
affairs were not placed by it in a much better posture; for they were
both very young. Duke Maximilian was a person of no great knowledge,
both in consequence of his youth, and of his being in a foreign country.
Besides, his education had been but indifferent, and not serviceable
for the management of great affairs; nor, if it had been better,
had he a sufficient body of troops ready to have attempted anything
considerable: so that his poor countries were involved in great troubles,
which have continued to this day, and are like to continue. For which
reasons, as I said before, it is a great misfortune to any country to
have to seek a foreign sovereign; and God has been very merciful to
France in establishing that law against the inheritance of the crown
by a daughter.[18] A private or insignificant family may be much
aggrandised by it; but a great kingdom, like ours, will always be greatly
inconvenienced, and incommoded. A few days after the consummation of
this marriage (if not at the very time of its negociation), the whole
country of Artois was lost. (It will be sufficient for me to narrate the
substance of events, and if I fail in terms, or the just computation
of times, I hope the reader will excuse me.) The king’s affairs went
on prosperously, without any manner of opposition, during the winter;
only now and then some overture or proposition was made, which came to
nothing; for both sides being high in their demands, the war could not
but continue. Duke Maximilian and the Princess of Burgundy had a son the
first year, namely, the Archduke Philip[19], who is now reigning: the
next year they had a daughter, called Margaret[20], who at present is our
queen; the third year they had a son, called Francis, after the name of
Francis[21] Duke of Bretagne, who was his godfather. The fourth year the
princess died of a fall from her horse, or a fever[22]; but it is certain
she had a fall, and some say she was pregnant. Her death was a great loss
to her subjects; for she was a person of great honour, affability, and
generosity to all people, and she was more beloved and respected by her
subjects than her husband, as being natural sovereign of their country.
She was tenderly attached to her husband, and of singular reputation for
modesty and virtue. Her death happened in the year 1482.[23]
In Hainault the king was possessed of two towns, Quesnoy le Comte and
Bouchain, both which he restored; at which several persons were highly
astonished, knowing his aversion to any peace, and how desirous he was
to take all, and leave the house of Burgundy nothing; and my opinion
is, if he could have done it undisturbedly, and destroyed or divided
those territories at his ease, he would not have failed to have done so.
But, as he told me afterwards himself, he surrendered those towns in
Hainault for two reasons; the first was, because he thought a prince had
more strength and importance in his own country, where he was anointed
and crowned, than he could have out of his dominions; and these towns
were not in his territory. The other was, because there had been solemn
oaths and great confederacies between the emperors and the kings of
France, not to invade or usurp upon one another’s dominions; and these
above-mentioned places belonging to the empire were restored in the year
1478.[24] Upon the same account Cambray was delivered up, or put into a
state of neutrality, the king being content to lose it; but the truth is,
the inhabitants had received him at first upon those terms.
CH. III.—How King Louis, by the Management of Charles d’Amboise his
Lieutenant, recovered many Towns in Burgundy, which the Prince of Orange
had persuaded to revolt from him.—1478.
The war was still carried on in Burgundy; but the king could not
accomplish his designs, because the Prince of Orange was chosen by
the Burgundians to be their lieutenant, and was secretly assisted by
the Germans, for the sake of his money, and not out of love to Duke
Maximilian; for there was not a man in the whole country that espoused
his interest, at least during the time I speak of. These Germans were
Swiss troops in search of adventure, and the Swiss are neither friends
nor well-wishers to the House of Austria. The Burgundians had little
assistance from them, although their pay was good; and no prince could
have paid them better than Duke Sigismond of Austria, Maximilian’s
uncle, whose territories lay near, especially the county of Ferrete,
which he had sold, not many years before, for ten thousand florins of
the Rhine, to Charles Duke of Burgundy, and had afterwards repossessed
himself of it, without returning the money: and he keeps it now by force.
Sigismond was never a person of great penetration, nor was he very just
and honourable in his dealings, and from such allies no great assistance
is to be expected. He was of the number of those princes I mentioned
before, who know nothing of their own affairs but what their ministers of
state are pleased to represent; and they are always rewarded for their
indolence and supineness in their old age, as Sigismond was in this case.
During these wars his ministers, who had the sole administration of
affairs, engaged him on what side they pleased; and for the most part he
entered into an alliance with the King of France against his own nephew,
and in the end would have given his hereditary territories (which were
very large) to a foreign family, and disappointed his own relations
(for though he had been twice married, he never had any issue); but at
last, about three years since[25], by the persuasion of another set of
ministers, he conveyed all his estates to his nephew Maximilian (at
present King of the Romans)[26], reserving only a pension of about a
third part of the revenue, without any authority or power; but, as I have
been informed, he has often repented of it since; and if the story be not
true, it is at least very probable. And such is the fate of princes who
live so carelessly, and like beasts; and who certainly are most highly to
be condemned, upon account of the great responsibility and duty that God
has laid upon them in this world. These errors and imprudent actions are
not so much to be laid to the charge of weak and stupid princes, as of
those who are endued with a sufficient share of sense and understanding,
and yet squander away all their time in pleasure and folly; such princes
have no claim on our compassion when any misfortune befals them. And,
on the other side, those who divide their time according to their age,
sometimes in council, and sometimes in festivities and diversions, are
much to be commended; and those subjects are happy who have such princes
to rule over them.
The war in Burgundy was carried on for some time by help of the little
assistance they received from the Germans: yet the king’s forces were too
powerful for them; for the Burgundians wanted money, and their garrisons
were corrupted. The Lord of Craon, who was the king’s lieutenant in those
parts, besieged Dole[27], the chief town in the county of Burgundy; which
he presumed he should quickly make himself master of, upon account of
the weakness of the garrison[28]: but his confidence proved much to his
disadvantage; for, being surprised by a sudden sally, he lost some few
of his men, and a great part of his cannon; which so highly raised the
king’s displeasure against him, that, being vexed at this unfortunate
action, he began to think of sending a new governor into the county of
Burgundy, not only upon account of this misfortune, but for the great and
excessive sums of money which had been exacted in those parts. However,
before the Lord of Craon laid down the command of the army, he engaged
and defeated a party of Germans and Burgundians[29], in which action
Monsieur de Chasteauguyon[30] (the greatest lord in Burgundy) was taken
prisoner; but besides that, nothing of importance was done that day. I
speak only by hear-say; though, if we may believe report, the Lord of
Craon behaved himself with a great deal of valour and intrepidity in that
engagement.
As I was saying, the king, for the reasons above-mentioned, resolved to
put a new governor into the county of Burgundy; but not to meddle with
the profits or advantages of the Lord of Craon’s places[31]; he only
deprived him of his guards, and left him but six men-at-arms, and a
dozen archers to attend him. The Lord of Craon was grown very unwieldy,
and retired well satisfied to his country seat, where he lived in great
ease and plenty. The king put into his post the Lord Charles of Amboise,
Lord of Chaumont, a valiant, discreet, and diligent officer, who at once
endeavoured to dissuade the Germans from assisting the Burgundians, and
to induce them to enter into the king’s service (not that he valued their
service, but in order to facilitate his conquest of the rest of that
country.) To this purpose the king sent to the Germans or Swiss (whom he
styled _Messieurs des Ligues_), and offered them very handsome terms:
first, a pension of twenty thousand francs, to be paid annually to their
four chief towns, Berne, Lucerne, Zurich, and I suppose Fribourg, with
their three cantons (or villages upon the mountains) Schwitz, which now
gives name to the whole country, Soleure and Unterwald: secondly, twenty
thousand francs per annum to particular persons, whose assistance he used
in his negotiations; and he also made himself one of their burgesses,
and their principal ally, and desired it might be declared in writing;
but they made some difficulty of consenting to that, because, from
time immemorial, the Duke of Savoy had been their principal ally; yet
at length they consented, and promised to furnish the king with a body
of six thousand men, to be employed continually in his service, upon
condition that he should pay to each man four Rhine florins and a half
every month; and that number of Swiss were retained in the king’s service
till his death.
A poor prince could not have managed this affair, which turned so much
to the king’s advantage at that time; though I am of opinion, in the end
it will be a prejudice to the Swiss; for they are now so used to money
(which was scarce with them before), especially gold, that it was like
to have raised a civil war among them. Otherwise, nothing was capable
of ruining or doing them any mischief; for their country is so poor and
mountainous, and the inhabitants of such a martial temper, that few or
none of the neighbouring princes could think it worth their while to
endeavour to conquer them. When these treaties were agreed on, and all
the Swiss in Burgundy had entered into the king’s service, the Burgundian
power was utterly broken and destroyed; and to bring matters to a
conclusion, the governor, Monsieur de Chaumont, after performing several
notable exploits, besieged Rochefort[32], a castle near Dole, commanded
by Monsieur de Vaudray, and took it by capitulation. He also besieged
Dole (where, as I said before, his predecessor had been repulsed), and
took it by storm. The newly enlisted Swiss designed to have got in and
defended it; but a body of Frank archers getting in amongst them (not
with any suspicion of their design, but merely from a desire of plunder),
when they were entered, all of them fell to pillaging, and the town was
burnt and destroyed.
Not long after he besieged Aussone[33], a very strong town; but he held
intelligence with the garrison, and wrote to the king for offices for his
friends before investing the town; which were readily granted. I was not
upon the spot myself, yet I was well informed of what was done; both by
the reports which were made to the king, and the letters which were sent
to him, and which I saw, as I was employed by the king to return answers
to many of them. Aussone had but a small garrison in it, and the chief
officers being in treaty with the governor, in five or six days the place
was surrendered; so that there remained nothing in all Burgundy for the
king to take possession of, but three or four castles upon the mountains,
to wit, Jou[34] and others; and he had the obedience of Besançon[35],
which is an imperial town, not at all, or very slightly, subject to the
county of Burgundy; but, being seated as it were in the middle of it,
paying a sort of obedience to the prince of that country. The governor
took possession of the town, and the inhabitants having paid him the
homage which they were accustomed to pay to the princes who formerly had
possession of Burgundy, he immediately quitted it. After this expeditious
manner was the whole province of Burgundy subdued; and the king watched
the business very closely, fearing the governor desired some place might
still hold out, in order to continue longer in his command, and not to be
moved into another country to serve the king upon some other expedition:
for Burgundy is a plentiful country, and he managed it as if it had been
his own inheritance, so that the Lord of Chaumont, as well as the Lord of
Craon, made his fortune there.
This province for some time continued in peace, under the administration
of the Lord of Chaumont; but afterwards several towns rebelled, as
Beaune[36], Semur[37], Verdun[38], and others. (I was then present,
having been sent thither by the king with the pensioners of his
household. This was the first time the pensioners had any officer to
command them, and since then they have never been without one.) Which
towns were reduced by the wisdom and conduct of our general, and
the indiscretion of the enemy. By this one may plainly see the vast
difference there is between men; which proceeds from the grace of God,
who gives wise ministers of state to that nation He designs to support,
and imparts to the prince that governs it wisdom to choose them; and
He has made, and does still make it appear, that in all things He will
maintain our monarchy, not only in the person of our late master, but
of our present king. Those who lost these places the second time were
strong enough to have defended them, had they assembled their forces
sufficiently soon, and thrown them into the towns: but they gave the
governor leisure to draw his troops together; which they ought not
to have done, for, having intelligence of his strength, and knowing
the country was entirely in his interest, they ought to have thrown
themselves into Beaune; which was a strong town, and more defensible than
the rest.
The very day on which the governor marched out to invest a little town
called Verdun, upon information of their weak condition, the Burgundians
entered it, in their march to Beaune. They were in all, both horse and
foot, six hundred choice men out of the county of Ferrete, commanded by
several good Burgundian officers, of whom Simon de Quingy was one. They
halted at a time when they might have got into Beaune; which, if they
had done, the place had been almost impregnable; but for want of good
counsel, they stayed a night too long, were besieged in Verdun, and taken
by storm: and after that, Beaune was reduced, and all the rest; the loss
of which towns the Burgundians could never recover. I was at this time
with the king’s pensioners (as I said before) in Burgundy; from whence
I was summoned by the king, upon an information he had received that I
had favoured certain of the citizens at Dijon about the quartering of
soldiers. This charge, with other little suspicions, was the cause why
he sent me away very suddenly to Florence.[39] I obeyed him, as in duty
bound, and, upon the receipt of his letters set out immediately for Italy.
CH. IV.—How the Lord of Argenton was sent to Florence during the Wars in
Burgundy, and how he received Homage of the Duke of Milan, in the King’s
Name, for the Duchy of Genoa.—1478.
The design of my going into Italy was, to adjust a difference between
two illustrious families, very eminent in those days. One was the family
of the Medicis, the other of the Pacis[40]; which last being supported
by the Pope[41], and Ferrand King of Naples[42], endeavoured to cut off
Laurence de Medicis[43], and all his adherents. They failed in their
design upon Laurence de Medicis; but they slew his brother Julian[44] in
the great church in Florence[45]; and with him one Franquein Noli[46],
a servant of the house of Medicis, who threw himself before Julian in
hopes to have saved him. Laurence was severely wounded[47], but made
his retreat into the vestry of the church, whose doors were of copper,
and had been given to the church by his father.[48] A servant[49],
whom he had delivered out of prison only two days before, did him good
service, and received several wounds which were aimed at Laurence. This
assassination was committed at the time of high mass; and the moment
appointed for its execution was when the officiating priest should begin
the Sanctus. But it fell out otherwise than was designed; for, supposing
all sure, some of the conspirators[50] ran to the palace to kill the
senators who were there (which senate, consisting of about nine persons,
has the whole administration of the affairs of that city, and is changed
every three months); but they were ill supported, and having run upstairs
into the palace, somebody shut one of the doors behind them; so that when
they were got up, there were not above four or five of them, and those in
such a terrible consternation, that they knew not what to say or do.
The senators and their servants that attended them, perceiving the
astonishment of the conspirators, looked out of the windows, saw all
the town in confusion, and heard Signor James de Pacis[51] and his
accomplices crying out in the palace-yard, “_Liberta! Liberta! Popolo!
Popolo!_” thinking by this means to have stirred up the people to take
their part; but they were mightily mistaken, for the mob kept themselves
very quiet; upon which James de Pacis and his adherents, despairing of
success, betook themselves to flight. The governors and magistrates
of the city, who were then in the palace, finding how matters went,
immediately seized upon the five or six who had got up into the room,
with a design to murder them and so get command over the city, and
caused them to be hanged at the bars of the palace windows; and among
them was the Archbishop of Pisa.[52] The senators finding the people
unanimously declare for the House of Medicis, sent immediately to all
the passes upon the road, to stop and apprehend all persons that were
found flying, and to bring them before the senate. James de Pacis was
presently apprehended, and with him an officer[53] of the Pope’s, who had
the command of a brigade of men-at-arms under the Count Hieronymo[54],
who was concerned in the plot. Pacis and his accomplices were hanged from
the windows, but the Pope’s officer had the favour of being beheaded.
Several more were discovered in the town (and amongst them Francisco de
Pacis[55]), and all were hanged immediately; so that in the whole I
think there were about fourteen or fifteen persons of quality hanged,
besides servants who were killed in the town.[56]
Not long after this occurrence I arrived at Florence, in quality of an
agent for the king, having made no stay since I left Burgundy, unless
it were two or three days with the Duchess of Savoy, our king’s sister,
who received me very graciously.[57] From thence I proceeded to Milan,
where I continued two or three days likewise, to solicit supplies for the
Florentines, with whom at that time the Milanese were in alliance. The
Milanese granted them very freely, because it was their duty, as well as
the king’s request, and sent them immediately a reinforcement of three
hundred men-at-arms, and afterwards a greater number. In short, the Pope,
immediately upon hearing of this tumult in Florence, excommunicated the
Florentines[58], and caused his own army, in conjunction with that of the
King of Naples, to march against them. The Neapolitan army was numerous,
made a fine appearance, and had abundance of brave soldiers in it. They
first besieged Castellina[59], not far from Sienna, and took it, with
several other places; so that it was a great chance that the Florentines
were not utterly ruined, for they had enjoyed a long peace, and were
not conscious of their danger. Laurence de Medicis, who was the chief
man of that city, was but young[60], and managed by persons of his own
years; yet his judgment was of great authority among them. They had but
few officers, and their army was but small. The armies of the Pope and
King of Naples were commanded in chief by the Duke of Urbin[61], a wise
man and a brave commander; with him there were likewise the Lord Robert
d’Arimini[62] (who has since become a great man), the Lord Constantine
de Pesaro[63], and several other officers, with two of the king’s sons
(that is, the Duke of Calabria[64], and Don Frederick[65], both of them
still living), and many other persons of quality. They took all places
which they besieged, but not with the same expedition as we do in France,
for they were not so well skilled in the art of taking or defending a
town; but for encamping and supplying their army with provisions, and
providing all things necessary for a campaign, they understood that
better than we do. The king’s favourable inclination toward them was in
some measure serviceable to them; but not so much as I could have wished,
for I had no army with which to reinforce them beyond my own retinue.
I stayed in Florence and its territories a whole year, and was nobly
treated at their expense all the while, and with more civility at last
than at first[66]; but being recalled by the king, I returned home. At
Milan I received homage of John Galeas[67], Duke of Milan, for the duchy
of Genoa; which homage was performed to me for my master by the duke’s
mother, in her son’s name. After which I returned to my master, who
received me very graciously, and admitted me more freely to his affairs
than ever before, permitting me to lie with him, though I was unworthy of
that favour, and many persons were more deserving of such a familiarity
than myself. But he was so discreet and sagacious a prince, that no
minister of his could possibly miscarry in any negotiation in which
he was employed, provided he acted directly according to his master’s
instructions, and added nothing of his own.
CH. V.—Of the Lord of Argenton’s Return out of Italy into France, and of
the Battle of Guinegaste.—1479.
Upon my return from Italy I found the king our master somewhat aged,
and inclined to be sickly; yet not so much as to neglect his affairs,
which he managed himself, with great prudence. He was still engaged in
his wars in Picardy, upon which his heart was mightily set, and the
enemy would have been no less fond of that country, if they could have
got it into their possession. The Duke of Austria (at present King of
the Romans) having that year the Flemings at his command, invested
Therouenne[68]; upon which the Lord des Cordes, the king’s lieutenant
in Picardy, assembled all the forces that were in that province, and
in the frontier towns, together with eight thousand Frank archers, and
marched to relieve it. Upon news of his approach, the Duke of Austria
raised the siege, and, advancing to meet him, they came to an engagement
at a place called Guinegaste.[69] The duke had twenty thousand men or
more out of the country of Flanders, besides some few Germans and about
three hundred English, under the command of Sir Thomas Abrigan[70], an
English knight, who had been in the service of Charles Duke of Burgundy.
The king’s cavalry, who were much more numerous than the duke’s, broke
them immediately, and drove them and their commander, the lord Philip
of Ravestain, as far as Aire.[71] The duke took part in the battle with
his infantry.[72] In the king’s army there were about eleven hundred
men-at-arms of his standing forces. They did not all follow the chase,
but the Lord des Cordes, who commanded in chief, pursued, and Monsieur
de Torcy with him; but though they behaved themselves very bravely, yet
it is not the duty of any commanding officer to follow the pursuit. Some
of the van-guard and rear-guard retreated, under pretence of defending
their own towns; others fled downright. The duke’s infantry kept their
ground, though they were vigorously attacked; but they had with them on
foot fully two hundred gentlemen, all good officers and brave men, to
lead them; and among these were the Count de Romont, a son of the house
of Savoy, the Count of Nassau[73], and several others, who are still
living. The bravery and conduct of these gentlemen kept the whole body
together, which was very marvellous, after they had witnessed the defeat
of their cavalry. The king’s Frank archers fell to plundering the duke’s
waggons, and all that attended them, such as sutlers and others; which
being observed, some of the duke’s forces attacked them, and cut off a
great number of them. On the duke’s side the slaughter was greater, and
more prisoners were taken than on the king’s side, but he remained master
of the field of battle; and I am of opinion, that if he had marched
back immediately to Therouenne, he would not have met with the least
opposition either there or at Arras: yet he durst not venture to make the
attempt, which proved highly to his disadvantage; but in such cases no
one knows always what measures are best to be taken; and indeed the duke
had some reason to fear. I speak of this battle only by hearsay, for I
was not present at it; but to continue my discourse, I found it necessary
to mention it.
I was with the king when he received the news of this defeat; he was
extremely concerned at it, for he had not been used to lose, but had been
so successful in all his enterprises, that it seemed as if everything
turned out according to his pleasure. Indeed, to speak truth, his
judgment and penetration in state affairs contributed very much to his
success: for he would never risk anything, and always endeavoured to
avoid a battle; nor was this fought by any positive orders from him. His
armies were always so numerous, that few princes were able to cope with
him, and he had a larger train of artillery than any of his predecessors.
His method was to assemble his troops on a sudden, and attack those
places that were ill provided and slenderly fortified; and when he had
taken them, he immediately put into them such a strong garrison, with
so much artillery, that it was almost impossible to retake them; and if
there were any officer in the town able and willing to betray it for
money, he was sure to have the king for a customer, and needed not to be
afraid to demand an extravagant sum; for, however exorbitant, his majesty
would certainly have paid it rather than venture a battle, or undertake
a siege. He was mightily alarmed at the first news of this battle,
supposing he had lost all, and that they durst not tell him the whole
truth; for he was aware that, had it been an absolute defeat, all that
he had got from the house of Burgundy in those marches and elsewhere,
would certainly have been lost, or at least placed in very great danger.
However, as soon as he was informed of the whole truth, he was better
satisfied, but gave orders that, for the future, no battle should be
fought without his knowledge and consent; and so he was reconciled to the
Lord des Cordes.
From this very hour the king resolved to make a treaty of peace with
the Duke of Austria, but to manage the whole negotiation purely to his
own advantage; and so to curb the duke by means of his own subjects
(who, he knew, were desirous to clip the wings of his authority), that
it should never again be in his power to disturb or injure him. He was
likewise very desirous to make some new regulations in the affairs of
his own kingdom, particularly in regard to delays in processes of law,
in order thereby to control the court of parliament; not to diminish
their number or authority; but there were many things which occasioned
his hatred against them. He was also desirous to establish in his kingdom
one general custom as to weights and measures; and that all the laws
should be written in French, in one book, so as to prevent the frauds
and prevarications of the lawyers, which are greater in France than in
any other nation in Europe, as the nobility have often experienced to
their cost. And, doubtless, had God graciously permitted him to live
five or six years longer, without being too much affected by disease, he
would have done much good to his kingdom; and it was but reasonable he
should do so, for he had oppressed and tyrannised over his subjects more
than all his predecessors. But no man’s authority or remonstrance could
persuade him; it must have come of his own accord, as certainly it would,
if God had not afflicted him with sickness: wherefore it is best to do
good while we have time and God gives us health.
The treaty which the king designed to make with the Duke of Austria,
his duchess, and their dominions, was, by the mediation of the Gantois,
to make a match between his son the Dauphin (who is now our king) and
the daughter of the duke and duchess, in consideration of which they
should give him the counties of Burgundy, Auxerrois, Maconnois, and
Charolois; and in exchange he would restore to them the province of
Artois, retaining only the city of Arras[74], in the same posture of
defence as he had put it in; for the town was of no importance since the
new fortifications had been added to the city. Before Arras fell into
the king’s hands, the town was much stronger than the city, with a large
ditch and thick walls between them; but now the city was in a much better
posture of defence, and was held of the king by the bishop of the place;
contrary to the practice of the Dukes of Burgundy (at least for above a
hundred years), who had always made whom they pleased bishop, and put in
a governor of the city besides: but the king, to increase his authority,
proceeded in a quite different manner, caused the town walls to be
demolished, and new ones to be raised about the city, which before (as I
said) was weaker than the town, with great ditches betwixt them; so that
in effect the king gave nothing by the treaty; for he that was master of
the city could command the town when he pleased. There was not the least
mention made of the duchy of Burgundy, the county of Boulogne, the towns
upon the Somme, or the chastellanies of Peronne, Roye, and Mondidier.
The Gantois were extremely pleased with these proposals, and behaved
themselves very disrespectfully to the Duke and Duchess of Austria;
and some of the other great towns in Flanders and Brabant were equally
importunate, particularly Brussels; which was very remarkable, for Dukes
Philip and Charles of Burgundy had always resided there, and the Duke and
Duchess of Austria had their residence there at that very time. But the
long ease and pleasures that they had enjoyed under the above-mentioned
princes, made them so far forget both God and their sovereign, that at
last they brought down misfortunes upon their heads, and occasioned their
own ruin, as you shall see.
CH. VI.—How King Louis was surprised with a Malady that for some time
took away the Use of both his Senses and Tongue; how he recovered and
relapsed several Times, and how he kept himself in his Castle at Plessis
les Tours.—1479.
In the year 1479, in the month of March, a truce was concluded between
the two princes; and the king was very solicitous for a peace,
especially in the quarter I have mentioned, provided that it proved very
advantageous for his affairs. He began now to decline in age, and to be
subject to infirmity; and as he was sitting at dinner one day at Forges,
near Chinon, he was seized on a sudden with a fit that took away his
speech. Those who were about him took him from the table, placed him near
the fire, and shut up the windows; and though he endeavoured to get to
them for the benefit of the air, yet some of them, imagining it for the
best, kept him away. It was in March, 1480, when this fit seized upon
him after this manner, which deprived him of his speech, understanding,
and memory. As soon as you arrived, my Lord of Vienne, who were then his
physician, you ordered him a clyster, and caused the windows to be opened
to give him fresh air, and he came to himself immediately, recovered his
speech and his senses in some measure, and mounting on horseback, he
returned to Forges, for he was taken with this fit in a small village
about a quarter of a league off, whither he had gone to hear mass. He
was diligently attended, and made signs for everything he wanted; among
other things, he desired the official of Tours to come and take his
confession, and made signs that I should be sent for, for I was gone to
Argenton, which is about ten leagues off.
Upon my return I found him at table, and with him Master Adam Fumée[75]
(physician to the late King Charles, and at present Master of the
Requests), and Master Claude[76], another physician. He made signs that
I should lie in his chamber; he understood little that was said to
him, and could form no words; but he felt no manner of pain. I waited
on him fifteen days[77] at table, and attended on his person like a
valet-de-chambre, which I took for a great honour, and it gave me great
reputation. At the end of two or three days he began to recover his
speech and his senses; and he fancied no one understood him so clearly as
myself, and therefore would have me always to attend him. He confessed
himself to the official in my presence, for otherwise they could not
have understood each other. There was no great matter in his confession,
for he had confessed a few days before; because whenever the kings of
France touch for the king’s evil, they confess themselves beforehand,
and he never missed touching once every week, and if other princes do
not the same, I think they are highly to blame, for there are always
great numbers of sick people to be touched. As soon as he was a little
recovered, he began to inquire who they were who held him by force from
going to the window; and being told their names, he banished them from
court, took away their employments from some of them, and never would see
them again. From some, as the Lord de Segre[78], and Gilbert de Grassay,
Lord of Champeroux[79], he took away nothing, but banished them from his
presence.
Many wondered at this caprice, condemned his conduct, and affirmed they
had done what, in their opinion, they thought for the best; and they
spoke the truth; but the imaginations of princes are different, and all
those who undertake to account for them are not able to understand them.
He was afraid of nothing so much as of the loss of his regal authority,
which was then very great indeed; and he would not suffer his commands to
be disobeyed in the most trivial point. On the other hand, he remembered
that his father, King Charles, in the illness of which he died, believed
that his courtiers intended to poison him, at the request of his son;
and this made so deep an impression upon him, that he refused to eat,
and by the advice of his physicians, and of his chief favourites, it was
concluded he should be forced to eat; and so, after great deliberation,
they forced soup down his throat, upon which violence he died. King
Louis, who had always condemned that proceeding, took it very angrily
that they should use any violence with him; and yet he pretended to
be more angry than he was, for the great matter that moved him was an
apprehension that they would attempt to govern him in everything else,
and pretend he was unfit for the administration of public affairs, by
reason of the imbecility and unsoundness of his senses.
After he had thus severely handled the persons above-mentioned, he made
inquiry into what had been done in council, and what orders had been made
during the ten or twelve days he had been sick; of which matters the
Bishop of Alby[80], his brother the Governor of Burgundy[81], the Marshal
de Gié[82], and the Lord du Lude, had the principal charge, as they were
with him when he fell ill, and all lodged under his room, in two little
chambers. He also insisted on seeing all letters and despatches which had
arrived, and those also which arrived every hour; they showed him the
most important, and I read them to him. He would pretend to understand
them, take them into his own hand, and make as if he were reading them to
himself, when in truth he did not understand one syllable of them. Yet
he would offer now and then a word, and make signs what answers should
be given; but little business was despatched during his illness, till we
could see what would be the event; for he was a master with whom it was
necessary to deal straightforwardly. This indisposition continued about a
fortnight; at the end of which he recovered his speech and senses pretty
well; but he remained very weak, and in great fear of a relapse, for
naturally he was not inclined to put confidence in his physicians.
As soon as he was a little recovered, he released Cardinal Balue[83],
whom he had kept a prisoner for fourteen[84] years, though the Pope and
other princes had many times interceded for his liberation; of which
crime he was absolved afterwards by an express bull from his Holiness,
which the king had earnestly requested. When he was first seized with
his illness, those who were about him took him for dead, and orders
were issued for remitting an excessive and cruel tax, which, at the
instigation of the Lord des Cordes (his lieutenant in Picardy), he
had lately laid upon his subjects, for raising ten thousand foot as a
standing force, and two thousand five hundred pioneers, who were to
be called the “Gens du Champ;” to which force he added one thousand
five hundred men at arms, of his old standing forces, who were to fight
on foot upon occasion, among the rest; besides which he caused a vast
number of tents and pavilions to be made, and wagons to inclose all, in
imitation of the army of the Duke of Burgundy; and this camp cost him
fifteen hundred thousand francs a year.[85] When it was ready he went to
review it, in a large plain near Pont de l’Arche in Normandy. In this
camp there were the six thousand Swiss I mentioned before, and this
number he never saw but this once. From thence he returned to Tours,
where he was taken with a new fit, and lost his speech again, and for two
hours everybody thought him dead; he lay upon a straw-bed in a gallery,
with several people about him: the Lord du Bouchage and I devoutly
recommended him to St. Claude, and all that were present concurred with
our prayers; and immediately he recovered his speech, and walked up and
down the house, but he was very weak and feeble; and this second fit took
him in 1481. He still went into the country as formerly, and particularly
with me to Argenton[86], where he continued a month, and was very ill;
from thence he went to Thouars, where he was also very sick; and he then
undertook a journey to St. Claude, to whom we had recommended him, as you
have already heard. At his departure from Thouars he sent me into Savoy,
to oppose the Lords de la Chambre[87], Miolans[88], and Bresse (though
he was privately their friend), for having seized upon the person of the
Lord de Luy[89] in Dauphiny, whom he had recommended to be governor to
his nephew, Duke Philibert. He sent a considerable body of troops[90]
after me, whom I led to Maçon against Monsieur de Bresse; however, he and
I were agreed underhand. Having taken the Lord de la Chambre[91] in bed
with the Duke of Savoy at Turin, in Piedmont, he gave me notice of it,
and I caused our soldiers to retire; for he brought the Duke of Savoy to
Grenoble, where the Marshal of Burgundy, the Marquis de Rothelin, and
myself, went to receive and compliment his highness. The king sent for me
to meet him at Beaujeu, in Beaujolois. I was amazed to find him so thin
and weak, and wondered how he had strength enough to bear the fatigue
of travelling, as he did; but his great spirit carried him through all
difficulties.
At Beaujeu he received advice that the Duchess of Austria was dead of
a fall from her horse. She had been set upon a hot-headed young nag,
that threw her down against a piece of timber, which was the occasion
of her death. Others said she died of a fever, not of her fall; but be
it as it may, she died not many days after, to the great detriment of
her friends and subjects; for after her death they never had peace or
prosperity. The people of Ghent and other towns had a greater love and
respect for her than her husband, as she was their natural sovereign.
This misfortune happened in the year 1482.[92] The king told me the
news with a great deal of joy and satisfaction; being extremely pleased
that the two children[93] were under the tutelage of the Gantois, who
(he knew) were inclined to any mischief that might weaken the power of
the house of Burgundy; and now he thought this was the time to attempt
something, because the Duke of Austria was young, with his father still
living, involved in war on every side, a stranger, and his forces very
weak, because of the covetous temper of his father the emperor.
From that time the king began to deal with the Gantois by means of his
agent the Lord des Cordes, about the marriage of his son the dauphin with
the Lady Margaret, the duke’s daughter, who is at present our queen. The
Lord des Cordes applied himself in this affair to one William Ryn[94],
pensionary of the town (a cunning, subtle man), and to Coppenol[95], the
town-clerk, who was a hosier, and a person of great reputation among the
people, who, in times of trouble, are soonest wrought upon by such folk.
The king returned to Tours, and kept himself so close, that very few
were admitted to see him; for he was grown marvellously jealous of all
his courtiers, and afraid they would either depose him, or deprive him
of some part of his authority.[96] He removed from about him all his old
servants, especially if they had any extraordinary familiarity with him;
but he took nothing from them, and only commanded them to retire to their
posts or country seats: but this lasted not long, for he died soon after.
He did many odd things, which made some believe his senses were impaired;
but they knew not his character. As to his suspicion, all princes are
prone to it; especially those who are wise, and who have many enemies,
and have offended many people, as our master had done. Besides, he knew
he was not beloved by the nobility of the kingdom, nor by many of the
commons; for he had taxed them more than any of his predecessors, though
he now had some thoughts of easing their burdens, as I said before; but
he should have begun sooner. King Charles VII. was the first prince who
(by the assistance of several wise and good knights, who had served him
in the expulsion of the English out of Normandy and Guienne) gained
that point of laying taxes upon the country at his pleasure, without
the consent of the three Estates of the kingdom; but then his occasions
were great, as it was indispensable to secure his new conquests, and to
disperse the free companies who were pillaging the kingdom. Upon which
the great lords of France consented to what the king proposed, upon
promise of certain pensions in lieu of the taxes which were to be levied
upon them.
Had this king lived long, and kept with him those who were then of
his council, without dispute he would by this time have enlarged his
dominions very considerably; but, considering what has already occurred,
and what is likely to follow upon it, he has laid a great load both upon
his own soul, and the souls of his successors, and has given his kingdom
a cruel wound, which will bleed a long time; namely, by establishing a
terrible band of paid soldiers, in imitation of the princes of Italy.
King Charles at his death had laid taxes upon all things in his kingdom,
amounting to one million eight hundred thousand francs, and maintained
about one thousand seven hundred men at arms, constantly in pay, and in
the nature of guards, to preserve the peace, and secure the provinces of
the kingdom; by which means, for a long while before his death, there
was no free quarter, nor riding up and down the country, which was a
great ease to the people. At the death of our master, he raised annually
four million seven hundred thousand francs; and had about four or five
thousand men at arms, and above twenty-five thousand foot soldiers; so
that it is no wonder if he entertained such jealousies and fears of his
subjects, and fancied he was not beloved by them. Yet he made one very
great mistake: he had no confidence in those who had been brought up and
received their preferments under him; of whom he might have found many
that would have died before they would have forsaken him in anything.
In the first place, nobody was admitted into the Plessis du Parc (which
was the place where he resided) but his domestic servants and his
archers, who were in number four hundred, some of whom kept constant
guard at the gate, while others patrolled continually about to prevent
its being surprised. No lord nor person of quality was permitted to
lodge in the castle, nor to enter with any of his retinue; nor, indeed,
were any of them admitted but the Lord de Beaujeu, the present Duke of
Bourbon, who was his son-in-law. Round about the castle of Plessis he
caused a lattice of iron bars to be set up, and spikes of iron to be
planted in the wall, with several points projecting along the ditch,
wherever there was a possibility for any person to enter. Besides which,
he caused four watch-houses to be made of thick iron and pierced with
holes, out of which his archers might shoot at their pleasure; and these
were a very clever invention and cost above twenty thousand francs; in
them he placed twenty of his crossbow men, who were upon guard night
and day, with orders to fire upon any man that ventured to come near,
before the opening of the gate in the morning. He also persuaded himself
that his subjects would be apt to divest him of his power, and take
the administration of affairs upon themselves, when they saw their
opportunity; and, indeed, there were some persons about the court that
consulted together how they might get into the Plessis, and despatch
affairs according to their own wishes; but they durst not attempt it,
and they acted wisely, for the king had provided against every attack.
He often changed his bed-chamber attendants, and all the rest of his
servants, alleging that nothing was more agreeable to nature than
novelty. For conversation he kept only one or two with him, and those of
inferior condition, and of no great reputation; who, if they had been
wise, would have clearly seen that as soon as he was dead, the best they
could expect would be to be turned out of all their employments; and
so it happened. Those persons never acquainted him with anything that
was sent or written to him, unless it concerned the preservation of the
State, or the defence of the kingdom; for he concerned not himself for
anything, but to live quietly and peaceably with all men. He gave his
physician[97] ten thousand crowns a month, and within the space of five
months he received of his majesty above fifty-four thousand. He also gave
large estates to the church; but this gift was never ratified, for the
church was thought to have too much already.
_A Treaty between Louis XI. of France, and Maximilian Duke of
Austria, as well for himself as his Children, made at Arras,
December 23. 1482._
1. There shall be a perpetual peace, union, and alliance
between the king, dauphin, and kingdom, their countries,
territories, and subjects on the one part; and Duke Maximilian
of Austria, Duke Philip, and the Lady Margaret of Austria, his
children, their countries, territories, and subjects, on the
other; laying aside all rancour and enmity towards one another,
and any or all manner of injuries, either in word or deed.
2. For the more firm establishing of the peace, a treaty of
marriage is agreed to between the dauphin, the king’s son
and heir-apparent to the crown, and the Lady Margaret of
Austria, only daughter of the said duke, and of the late Mary
of Burgundy, only daughter of Duke Charles of Burgundy, to be
solemnised when the said lady shall be of fit age.
3. As soon as the peace is proclaimed, the said lady shall
forthwith be conducted to Arras, and be put into the hands of
Monsieur de Beaujeu, or another prince of the blood authorised
by the king for that purpose; and the king shall take care
to bring her up as his eldest daughter, the wife of the said
dauphin.
4. Upon the delivery of the said lady, Monsieur de Beaujeu
shall swear solemnly, in the presence of the princes and lords
who shall conduct her, in the king’s name, that the dauphin,
when she comes of age, shall take her in marriage, and proceed
to the consummation of the same.
5. The like oath Monsieur de Beaujeu shall take in the name of
the dauphin, being authorised thereunto by the king, upon the
account of his youth.
6. In consideration of this marriage, the Duke of Austria and
the states of his country, agree in their own names, and in
that of Duke Philip, that the countries of Artois, Burgundy,
the lands and signories of Maconnois, Auxerrois, Salins,
Bar-sur-Seine, and Noyers, shall be given in dower with her
to the dauphin, to be enjoyed by them, their heirs by that
marriage, whether male or female, for ever; but in failure
thereof, to return to Duke Philip and his heirs. And seeing
these countries, and the greatest part of the province of
Artois, are at present in the king’s possession, it is agreed
they shall be the dowry and inheritance of the said lady, to
be enjoyed by the dauphin her intended husband, and her heirs.
But in case those countries should come into any other hands
than those of the dauphin and the issue of this marriage, the
king, dauphin, and their successors, kings of France, may in
that case retain the said counties of Artois and Burgundy, with
the other signories, till the king’s pretensions to Lisle,
Douay, and Orchies are determined. And in case they are not
adjudged to return to him, he and his successors shall pretend
no right to them; but the earls and countesses of Flanders
shall enjoy them as formerly. Moreover, as soon as the said
lady shall arrive at Arras, she shall be there received and
declared Countess of Artois and Burgundy, and lady of the other
territories.
7. From thenceforward the said county of Artois, except the
castle and bailiwick of St. Omer, shall be governed according
to its ancient rights and privileges, as well the cities as the
open country, by and in the name of the dauphin her future
husband; and the domain and revenue, with the administration of
justice, and other privileges, shall appertain to him.
8. The same thing shall be done in respect to the county of
Burgundy and the other signories.
9. The king, at the request of the said duke and states,
shall restore Arras to its ancient government, under the
administration of the dauphin, by appointing officers for that
purpose; the king is content that the dauphin shall do so.
10. As to the town, castle, and bailiwick of St. Omer (which
is in the province of Artois), it is comprehended with the
said county of Artois in the dower of the said Lady Margaret,
and so shall be forthwith delivered into the possession of the
dauphin, upon the completing and consummation of the marriage
with her.
11. The guarding and government of the said town, castle, and
bailiwick from henceforward is to be put into the hands of the
inhabitants, in order to be given up to the dauphin upon the
consummation of his marriage; and they shall make solemn oath
before the king or his commissioners, that during the minority
of the lady they will not deliver them up to the Duke of
Austria, Duke Philip, or their agents.
12. The like oath shall be taken by them to the Duke of
Austria, that they shall not deliver them up to the king,
dauphin, or their agents, during the minority, and till the
consummation of the marriage.
13. For the better support of the town, the domain thereof,
&c., shall be applied towards it during the minority; neither
shall the town and bailiwick pay the tax called the Ordinary
Aid of Artois.
14. As to the appointing of officers, such as bailiff, &c., the
duke, as father of the lady, shall have the nomination during
the said time, and the dauphin, as her intended husband, the
institution: but if the said lady should happen to die before
the consummation of the marriage, the inhabitants shall restore
the town, with its appendages, to the Duke of Austria, and Duke
Philip, his son, or successors.
15. The privileges of the town shall be maintained, and justice
administered in the same manner as formerly; and the estates of
the place shall take care to provide for the guard of it.
16. As to the neighbouring forts and castles, the lords of them
shall bind themselves not to injure, but to assist them in
defence of the same.
17. If a war should break out between the king and the duke,
they shall not intermeddle, or receive a garrison from either.
18. It shall be free for the inhabitants of all conditions to
go and traffic, or otherwise, into France, or the dominions
of the Duke of Austria, and other neighbouring kingdoms and
countries.
19. Upon the surrendering of the town to the dauphin and the
Lady Margaret, upon their marriage, those princes shall make
oath to maintain it, as a member of the county of Artois,
and the county of Artois, in all its privileges, as their
predecessors the counts and countesses of Artois have done,
without innovation in the government there.
20. The king resigns the provision made for the town by the
late Duchess of Austria, and the duke her husband, for the
discharge of the debts and rents due from it.
21. The king and the dauphin oblige themselves to pay the debts
contracted by the duchess, the Duke of Burgundy her father, and
their other predecessors, by mortgaging the revenues of the
said county.
22. The yearly pensions assigned by the duchess, Duke Charles,
&c., upon the domain of the said counties and signories of
Burgundy and Artois, shall be continued.
23. In consideration of this lady’s dowry, the king and dauphin
renounce all claims and pretensions upon the duchies, counties,
goods, moveables and immoveables whatsoever, remaining after
the death of the duchess, the lady’s mother.
24. In case, upon the account of death, or otherwise, the
said marriage should not be consummated, the dowers, and the
said counties and signories shall be restored to the Duke
of Austria; but at the same time with a salvo to the king’s
pretensions to the towns and chastellanies of Lisle, Douay, and
Orchies.
25. If, after the consummation of the marriage, the dauphin
should die (whether he leaves children or not by the said
lady), she shall enjoy the counties of Artois and Burgundy
as her portion, and withal fifty thousand livres of Tournay
yearly as dower, assigned to her in Champagne, Berry, and
Touraine.
26. If she should happen to die before the Dauphin, the
children shall succeed in those territories that are her
portion; and in case there are no children, they shall revert
to the next heirs.
27. Neither the King nor Dauphin shall, during the minority
of Duke Philip, claim to have the government of the said
countries of Brabant, Flanders, &c., but shall leave them in
the condition they are now in.
28. If Duke Philip should die under age, and the said lady
becomes his heir, the King and Dauphin shall agree that the
government of the said countries shall continue upon the same
footing.
29. In case Duke Philip die without issue of his body, and that
his dominions fall to his sister and her heirs, who shall also
be heirs to the crown of France, the King and the Dauphin shall
engage that the said countries shall be maintained in all their
ancient rights and privileges.
30. The King’s sovereignty over the country of Flanders is
acknowledged by the Duke and the States, and Duke Philip, when
he comes of age, shall do homage for the same in the usual form.
31. The King confirms all the ancient and modern privileges
of the three members of Flanders, and particularly the towns
and corporations of the country of Flanders, the towns and
chatellanies of Lisle, Douay, and St. Omer.
32. The inhabitants of Antwerp shall also have their privileges
maintained.