cinque Llagas, or The fiue wounds. The May-flower was in fight with her
before night. I, in the Sampson, fetched her vp in the euening, and as I
commanded to giue her the broad side, as we terme it, while I stood very
heedefully prying to discouer her strength: and where I might giue counsel
to boord her in the night when the Admirall came vp to vs, and as I
remember at the very first shot she discharged at vs, I was shot in a litle
aboue the belly, whereby I was made vnseruiceable for a good while after,
without touching any other for that night. Yet by meanes of an honest
truehearted man which I had with me, one captaine Grant, nothing was
neglected: vntill midnight when the Admirall came vp, the May-flower, and
the Sampson neuer left by turnes to ply her with their great ordinance; but
then captaine Caue wished vs to stay till morning, at what time each one of
vs should giue her three bouts with our great ordinance, and so clap her
aboord: but indeed it was long lingered in the morning vntil 10 of the
clocke before wee attempted to boord her. The Admirall laid her a boord in
the mid ship: the May-flower comming vp in the quarter, as it should seeme,
to lie at the sterne of the Admirall on the larboord-side. The captaine of
the sayd May-flower was slaine at the first comming vp: whereby the ship
fell to the sterne of the out-licar of the Carack, which (being a piece of
timber) so wounded her foresaile, that they sayd they could come no more to
fight, I am sure they did not, but kept aloofe from vs. The Sampson went
aboord on the bow, but hauing not rome enough, our quarter lay on the
Exchanges bow, and our bowe on the Caracks bowe. The Exchange also at the
first comming had her captaine M. Caue shot into both the legs, the one
whereof he neuer recouered, so he for that present was not able to doe his
office, and in his absence he had not any that would vndertake to lead out
his company to enter vpon the enemie. My friend captaine Grant did lead my
men on the Caracks side, which being not manfully backed by the Exchanges
men, his forces being smal, made the enemie bolder than he would haue bene,
whereby I had sixe men presently slaine and many more hurt, which made them
that remained vnhurt to returne aboord, and would neuer more giue the
assault. I say not but some of the Exchanges men did very well, and many
more (no doubt) would haue done the like, if there had bene any principall
man to haue put them forward, and to haue brought all the company to the
fight, and not to haue run into corners themselues. But I must needs say,
that their ship was as well prouided for defence, as any that I haue seene.
And the Portugals peraduenture encouraged by our slacke working, plaied the
men and had Barricados made, where they might stand without any danger of
our shot. They plied vs also very much with fire, so that most of our men
were burnt in some place or other: and while our men were putting out of
the fire, they would euer be plying them with small shot or darts. This
vnusuall casting of fire did much dismay many of our men and made them draw
backe as they did. When we had not men to enter, we plied our great
ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted, for otherwise
we did them little harme, and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle
being close by her, we fired a mat on her beak head, which more and more
kindled, and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit, and from the mat
vp to the wood of the bow-sprit, and thence to the top saile yard, which
fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger, and to make shew of
parle. But they that had the charge before encouraged them, making shew,
that it might easily be put out, and that it was nothing. Whereupon againe
they stood stifly to their defence. Anone the fire grew so strong, that I
saw it beyond all helpe, although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then
we desired to be off from her, but had little hope to obtaine our desire;
neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well. Indeed I made
little other reckoning for the ship, my selfe, and diuers hurt men, then to
haue ended there with the Carak, but most of our people might haue saved
themselues in boats. And when my care was most, by Gods prouidence onely,
by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile, and the
ropes about the spritsaile-yarde of the Carack, whereby we were fast
intangled, we fell apart, with burning of some of our sailes which we had
then on boord. The Exchange also being farther from the fire, afterward was
more easily cleared, and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs
out of danger, the fire got into the fore-castle, where, I think, was store
of Beniamin, and such other like combustible matter, for it flamed and ran
ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner. The Portugals lept ouer-boord
in great numbers. Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat, with leaue to
vse his owne discretion in sauing of them. So he brought me aboord two
gentlemen, the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira, which (as
appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of
Huighen de Linschoten) was gouernour of Moçambique and Cefala, in the yeere
1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of
importance in the East Indies. And the shippe wherein he was comming home
was cast away a little to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza, and from
thence be traueiled ouer-land to Moçambique, and came as a passenger in
this Carack. The other was called Bras Carrero, and was captaine of a
Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique, and came likewise in this ship
for a passenger. Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat,
onely these two we clothed and brought into England. The rest which were
taken vp by the other ship boats, we set all on shore in the Ile of Flores,
except some two or three Negros, whereof one was borne in Moçambique, and
another in the East Indies. This fight was open off the Sound between Faial
and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward. The people which we saued told vs that
the cause why they would not yeeld, was, because this Carack was for the
king, and that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey
for that yeere in her, and that the captaine of her was in fauor with the
king, and at his returne into the Indies should haue bene Viceroy there.
And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor
without, and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise: moreouer she had
the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique, and the company
of her, together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a
little to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza. Yet through
sicknesse which they caught at Angola, where they watered, they say, they
had not now aboue 150 white men, but Negros a great many. They likewise
affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her, but we found
them to differ in most of their talke. All this day and all the night she
burned, but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels
blew her abroad, so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the
water. Some of them say, that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios, and
some, that she was lesse: but she was much vndermastered, and vndersailed,
yet she went well for a ship that was so foule. The shot which wee made at
her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts
which we had, and sixe or 7 shot at a bout, one with another, some 49 shot:
the time we lay aboord might be two houres. The shot which we discharged
aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sacars. And thus much may suffice
concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack.
The last of Iune after long traversing of the seas we had sight of another
mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the
great S. Philip the Admiral of Spaine, but the next day being the first of
Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack, which after
some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld; but they standing
stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same. Wherefore seeing no good
could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take
in the boording. But by reason that wee which were the chiefe captaines
were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict, and because
of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions, our valiant
and resolute determinations were crossed: and to conclude a long discourse
in few words, the Carack escaped our hands. After this attending about
Coruo and Flores for some West Indian purchase, and being disappointed of
our expectation, and victuals growing short, we returned for England, where
I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August.
* * * * *
The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape
Sprat, without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie. 1593.
The Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men, the owner
whereof was the worshipful M. Richard Staper, being bound for Liuorno,
Zante and Patras in Morea, being laden with marchandize to the value of 11
or 12 thousand pounds sterling, set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of
August 1593, and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great
quantine of wheate, and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of
Wight, the 6. day of October, the winde being faire: and the 16 of the same
moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent, where on the next morning
we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs, to which we gaue
chase with very much winde, the sayle being a Spaniard, which wee found in
fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue her and giue her ouer.
Two dayes after this we had sight of mount Chiego, which is the first
high-land which we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the
Straight of Gibraltar, where we had very foule weather and the winde scant
two dayes together. Here we lay off to the sea. The Master, whose name was
George Goodley, being a young man, and one which neuer tooke charge before
for those parts, was very proud of that charge which he was litle able to
discharge, neither would take any counsel of any of his company, but did as
he thought best himselfe, and in the end of the two dayes of foule weather
cast about, and the winde being faire, bare in with the straights mouth.
The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther off the land than he
was, bare sayle all that night, and an houre and an halfe before day had
ranne our shippe ypon the ground on the coast of Barbarie without the
straight foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel. Whereupon being all
not a litle astonied, the Master said vnto vs, I pray you forgiue me; for
this is my fault and no mans else. The company asked him whether they
should cut off the main mast: no said the Master, we will hoyse out our
boate. But one of our men comming speedily vp, said, Sirs, the ship is full
of water, well sayd the Master, then cut the mayne-mast ouer boord: which
thing we did with all speede. But the afterpart suddenly split a sunder in
such sort that no man was able to stand vpon it, but all fled vpon the
foremast vp into the shrouds thereof; and hung there for a time: but seeing
nothing but present death approch (being so suddenly taken that we could
not make a raft which we had determined) we committed our selues vnto the
Lord and beganne with dolefull tune and heauy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme.
Helpe Lord for good and godly men &c. Howbeit before we had finished foure
verses the waues of the sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men.
For the foremast with the weight of our men and the force of the sea fell
downe into the water, and vpon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned, and
onely 12 by Gods prouidence partly by swimming and other meanes of chests
gote on shoare, which was about a quarter of a mile from the wracke of the
ship. The master called George Goodley, and William Palmer his mate, both
perished. M. Cæsar also being captaine and owner was likewise drowned: none
of the officers were saued but the carpenter.
We twelue which the Lord had deliuered from extreme danger of the Sea, at
our comming ashore fell in a maner into as great distresse. At our first
comming on shore we all fell downe on our knees, praying the Lord most
humbly for his merciful goodnesse. Our prayers being done, we consulted
together what course to take, seeing we were fallen into a desert place,
and we traueled all that day vntill night, sometimes one way and sometimes
another, and could finde no kinde of inhabitants; onely we saw where wilde
beasts had bene, and places where there had bene houses, which after we
perceiued to haue bene burnt by the Portugals. So at night falling into
certaine groues of oliue trees, we climed vp and sate in them to auoid the
danger of lions and other wilde beasts, whereof we saw many the next
morning. The next day we trauelled vntill three of the clocke in the
afternoone without any food but water and wilde date roots: then going ouer
a mountaine, we had sight of Cape Espartel; whereby we knew somewhat better
which way to trauell, and then we went forward vntill we came to an
hedgerow made with great long canes; we spied and looked ouer it, and
beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen, to the number of some
fiue thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons. And
after consultation what we were best to do, we concluded to yeeld our
selues vnto them, being destitute of all meanes of resistance. So rising vp
we marched toward them, who espying vs, foorthwith some hundred of them
with their iauelings in their hands came running towards vs as though they
would haue run vs thorow: howbeit they onely strooke vs flatling with their
weapons, and said that we were Spaniards: and we tolde them that we were
Englishmen: which they would not beleeue yet. By and by the conflict being
ended, and night approching, the captaine of the Moores, a man of some 56
yeres olde, came himselfe vnto vs, and by his interpreter which spake
Italian, asked what we were and from whence we came. One Thomas Henmer of
our company which could speake Italian, declared vnto him that we were
marchants, and how by great misfortune our ship, marchandise, and the
greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away vpon their coast. But
he void of all humainity and all manhood, for all this, caused his men to
strip vs out of our apparel euen to our shirts to see what money and iewels
we had about vs: which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds
in golde and pearles they gaue vs some of our apparel againe, and bread and
water onely to comfort vs. The next morning they carried vs downe to the
shore where our shippe was cast away, which was some sixteene miles from
that place. In which iourney they vsed vs like their slaues, making vs
(being extreame weake,) to carry their stuffe, and offering to beat vs if
we went not so fast as they. We asked them why they vsed vs so, and they
replied, that we were their captiues: we said we were their friends, and
that there was neuer Englishman captiue to the king of Marocco. So we came
downe to the ship, and lay there with them seuen dayes, while they had
gotten all the goods they could, and then they parted it amongst them.
After the end of these seuen dayes the captaine appointed twenty of his men
wel armed, to bring vs vp into the countrey: and the first night we came to
the side of a riuer called Alarach, where we lay on the grasse all that
night: so the next day we went ouer the riuer in a frigate of nine oares on
a side, the riuer being in that place aboue a quarter of a mile broad: and
that day we went to a towne of thirty houses, called Totteon: there we lay
foure dayes hauing nothing to feed on but bread and water: and then we went
to a towne called Cassuri, and there we were deliuered by those twenty
souldiers vnto the Alcaide, which examined vs what we were: and we tolde
him. He gaue vs a good answere, and sent vs to the Iewes house, where we
lay seuen dayes. In the meane while that we lay here, there were brought
thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen, which Spaniards were taken
in a conflict on land, but the Frenchmen were by foule weather cast on land
within the Straights about Cape de Gate, and so made captiues. Thus at the
seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen, the twelue French, and the twenty
Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers
horsemen and fotmen, and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez,
where we lodged all night, being prouided of tents. The next day we went to
a towne called Salle, and lay without the towne in tents. From thence we
trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne, but euery
night we came to fresh water, which was partly running water and sometime
raine water. So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco,
where we pitched our tents: and there we mette with a carrier which did
trauel in the countrey for the English marchants: and by him we sent word
vnto them of our estate; and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore,
which brought vs victuals, being at that instant very feeble and hungry:
and withall sent vs a letter with pen, inke, and paper, willing vs to write
vnto them what ship it was that was cast away, and how many and what men
there were aliue. For said they we would knowe with speed, for to morow is
the kings court: and therefore we would know, for that you should come into
the citie like captiues. But for all that we were carried in as captiues
and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and
Spaniards. And so we were carried before the king: and when we came before
him he did commit vs all to ward, where wee lay 15 dayes in close prison:
and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great
charges; for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces, euery ounce in that
country contayning two shillings. And when we came out of prison we went to
the Alfandica, where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants.
At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our
marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S.
Cruz, where the English ships road: where we tooke shipping about the 20 of
March, two in the Anne Francis of London, and fiue more of vs fiue dayes
after in the Expedition of London, and two more in a Flemish flie-boat, and
one in the Mary Edward also of London, other two of our number died in the
countrey of the bloodie-fluxe: the one at our first imprisonment at
Marocco, whose name was George Hancock, and the other at S. Cruz, whose
name was Robert Swancon, whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and
other vnnatural things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile, and by
our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents. Thus of fiftie
persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of
vs, and after a thousand miseries returned home poore, sicke, and feeble
into our countrey.
Richard Iohnson.
William Williams Carpenter.
Iohn Durham.
Abraham Rouse.
Iohn Matthewes.
Thomas Henmore.
Iohn Siluester.
Thomas Whiting.
William Church.
Iohn Fox.
* * * * *
The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence
Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia, 1597.
Inuictissimo potentissimoque Abassenorum regi, magnoque vtriusque Aethiopiæ
imperatori &c.
Elizabetha Dei gratia Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ regina, fidei defensor
&c. summo ac potentissimo Æthiopiæ imperatori salutem. Quod ab omnibus qui
vbiuis terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque præstari par et
æquum est, vt quanquàm maximo locorum interuallo dissiti, et moribus ac
legibus discrepantes, communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri et
conseruare, mutuáque vt occasio ferret, charitatis et beneuolentiæ officia
velint exercere: in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam
concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum
proficiscenti, hasce literas nostras, quibus et nostra erga vos
beneuolentia testata sit, et illum hinc profectum esse constet, potissimùm
vobis indicandus dedimus. Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi
cognoscendique studio permotus, multis antehàc regionibus peragratis, iam
tandem in eas regiones, quæ vestræ ditionis sunt, longum, periculosumque
iter instituat: cùm ipse existimauit, tum nos etiam sumus in eadem
opinione, ad incolumitatem suam, atque etiam ad gratiam apud vos, plurimum
illi prafuturum, si diplomate nostro munitus, beneuolenentiæ nostræ et
profectionis hinc suæ testimonium ad vos deferret. Nam cum summus ille
mundi conditor rectorque præpotens Deus, regibus principibusque qui suam
vicem gerunt, orbem terrarum, suis cuique finibus pro rata portione
designatis, regendum atque administrandum dederit; eoque munere ius quoddam
inter eos fraternæ necessitudinis, æternumque foedus ab illis colendum
sanxerit: non erit (vt arbitramur) ingratum vobis, cùm beneuolentiæ nostræ
significationem, tàm immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam, ab
vltima Britannia ad vos in Aetheiopiam perferri intellexeritis. Nobisque
rursùs erit incundum, cùm subditorum nostrorum prædicatione, ab ipsis Nili
fontibus, et ab ijs regionibus quæ solis cursum definiunt, fama vestri
nominis ad nos recurret. Erit igitur humanitatis vestræ huic subdito nostro
eam largiri gratiam, vt in ditionem vestram sub præsidio ac tutela vestri
nominis intrare, ibique saluus et incolumis manere possit: quod ipsum etiam
ab aliis principibus, per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè
petimus, nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus: néque
tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus, quàm vicissim omnium principum
subditis, omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè
concedimus. Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris: anno regni nostri tricesimo
nono: annoque Dom. 1597.
The same in English.
To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens, the mightie
Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower.
Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland,
defender of the faith, &c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of
Aethiopia greeting. Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all
kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer, be they neuer so much
disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes, to maintaine and
preserue the common societie of mankinde, and, as occassion shall be
offered, to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence: we for
that cause concerning most undoubted hope of your princely fidelity and
courtesie, haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to
trauell into your dominions, these our letters to be deliuered without
faile vnto your Highnesse, to the end they may be a testimony of our good
will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England. Who,
after his trauels in many forren countreys, being as yet enflamed with a
desire more throughly to surueigh and contemplate the world, and now at
length to vndertake a long and daungerous iourney into your territories and
regions: both the sayd Laurence thought, and our selues also deemed, that
it would very much auaile him, as well for his owne safetie as for the
attayning of your fauour, if, being protected with our broad seale, hee
might transport vnto your Highnesse a testimony of our louing affection and
of his departure from hence. For sithence almightie God the highest
creatour and gouernour of the world hath allotted vnto kings and princes
his vicegerents [sic--KTH] ouer the face of the whole earth, their designed
portions and limits to be ruled and administred by them; and by this his
gift hath established among them a certaine law of brotherly kindnesse, and
an eternall league by them to be obserued: it will not (we hope) seeme
vnpleasant vnto your highnesse, when you shall haue intelligence of our
louing letters sent so huge a distance ouer sea and land, euen from the
farthest realme of England vnto you in Aethiopia. On the other side our
selues shall take great solace and delight, when as by the relation of our
owne subiects, the renowme of your name shall be brought vnto vs from the
fountains of Nilus, and from those regions which are situate vnder the
Southerne Tropike. May it please you therefore of your princely clemencie
to vouchsafe so much fauour on this our subiect, that he may, vnder the
safeguard and protection of your name, enter into your highnesse dominions,
and there remaine safe and free from danger. Which fauour and courtesie wee
doe likewise most earnestly request at the hands of other princes, through
whose Seigniories our said subject is to passe; and we shall esteeme it as
done vnto our selfe and for our honours sake.
Neither do we require any greater fauour in this behalfe, then we are vpon
the like occasion most ready to graunt unto the subiects of all princes and
the people of all Nations, trauelling into our dominions. Given at London
the fift day of Nouember, in the thirtie and ninth yeere of our reigne: and
in the yeare of our Lord 1597.
APPENDIX
THE OMISSIONS OF CALES VOYAGE.
[Footnote: The Editor takes this opportunity of making grateful
acknowledgements to the Marquis of Stafford, for his permission to print
this Tract from his curious Manuscript; and to the Reverend H. J. Todd, for
furnishing him with the accurate transcript from which it is printed.]
The first and greatest occasion let slip in our Voyage was, that we did not
possess ourselues of the fleete that was bound for the Indies, the lading
whereof would not onelie haue paid all charges of the iorneie, but haue
enabled vs a great while to wage warre with Spaine, with the meanes of
Spaine. To which I aunswere, that if either I had ben followed the first
morning of our comminge before the harbor when I bare with it, or if we had
entred the same Sundaie in the afternoone when we were vnder saile, and
within cannon shot of the enemies fleete, or after the men of warre were
taken and burnt, the nexte daie if anie shipping had gone vp as I vrged by
mine owne speech sent by Sir Anthonie Ashlie, who being secretaire at wars
was to record euerie mans seruice or omission; if anie of these had ben
don, then I saie had that fleete ben easilie possessed. For the first
morning they had neither their men aboard, as it was since confessed by our
prisoners, nor were provided of any counsel what to doe. In the afternoone
the same daie we had found the men of warre and the Marchaunts fleet
altogether in one bodie, and engaged them both at once, so as at the same
time we had defeated the one, we had possessed the other. And the next daie
presentlie vpon the fight and victorie against the Kings shipps, we had
found them all so amazed and confounded as they would haue thought of
nothing but of sauing themselues, and we had taken the ships, the riches in
them, and the fleet of gallies, without striking a blow; as both our
prisoners and captaines out of the gallies haue assured vs. But the first
morninge when I boare with the harbor, almost all the fleet came to an
ancker by the point Saint Sebastian a league wide of me, and gaue the
enemie leasure to send men and all necessaries aboard. When I was gon in, I
could neither get my companion to waigh his anckor, nor most of those that
were waied to goe in with me. And the next daie I had much a do to make our
ships fight at all. And when God had giuen vs victorie, my perswasions nor
protestations could make them that were sea-commaunders go or send vp to
possess the fleet of the Indies, whiles we assailed the towne, so as the
enemie had almost 48. howers to burne his owne shipps.
The second imputation that maie be laid to vs, was, that we did abandon
Cales, when we were possesst of it, whereas the holding of it would haue
ben a naile not in the foote of this great monarch but in his side, and
haue serued for a diversion of all the wars in these parts. To which I
aunswere, that some of our sea-commaunders, and especiallie my colleague,
did not onelie oppose themselues to that designe, (whose oppositions mine
instructions made an absolute barre,) but when we came to see how the
forces that should be left there might be victualed till succours came, the
victualls were for the most part hidden and embeazled, and euery ship began
at that instant to feare their wants, and to talke of goeing home; soe as I
should neither haue had one ship to staie at Cales, nor victualls for the
garrison for 2. moneths. And therefore I was forced to leaue Cales, and did
not choose to abandon it.