and when he came thither, certaine Negros came to him to know the price of
his wares, but in the end there came an Almade, which he iudged came from
the castle, and caused all the Negros to depart from him: and when he saw
they would come no more to him, he went ashore and tooke certaine men with
him, and then the Negros cast stones at them, and would not suffer them to
come vp to their towne. And when they saw that, they tooke certaine of the
Almades, and put them to the sea, and afterwards departed. The same morning
I went a shore at Don Iohns towne, and tooke a white flag with me, but none
of the Negros could come to me, which caused vs to iudge that the Portugals
were in the towne. After this, our boat came to vs well manned, and I sent
one man vp to the towne with a white flag in his hand, but when he was come
thither, all the Negros went away and would not speake with him. Then I
sent one alone into the woods after them, but they in no case would come to
vs. When we saw that, we tooke twelue goats and fourteene hennes, which we
found in the towne, and went aboord without doing any farther hurt to the
towne: and when I came aboord, I found our pinnesse come from Cormatin,
which had taken there two pound and fiue ounces of golde. Then after much
ado with the froward Mariners, we went thitherwards with our ship, and the
Christopher went to Mowre.
[Sidenote: A fight with the Negros.] The 25 day the Master of the
Christopher sent his boat to the shore for balast, and the Negros would
haue beaten the company from the shore, whereupon the company resisted
them, and slew and hurt diuers of them, and hauing put them to flight,
burned their towne, and brake all their boats.
The 26 day our pinnesse came to vs from Cormatin, and had taken two pound
and eleuen ounces of golde: and Iohn Shirife tolde vs that the Negros of
that place were very desirous to haue a ship come back againe to their
towne.
The 27 we wayed and went to Cormatin.
The 28 the Christopher came to vs from Mowre and traffiqued there two
dayes.
The second day of Iune the Tyger came to vs from Egrand, and the pinnesse
from Weamba, and they two had taken about fifty pound of golde since they
departed from vs.
The 4 day we departed from Cormatin to plie vp to Shamma, being not able to
tary any longer vpon the coast for lacke of victuals, and specially of
drinke.
The 7 day we had sight of fiue of the king of Portugals ships which came to
an ancre besides the castle.
The 8 day George and Binny came to vs, and brought with them two pound of
golde.
The 10 day in the morning I tooke our small pinnesse, and the Captaine of
the Christopher with me, and manned her well, and went to the castle to
view the Portugals ships, and there we found one ship of about 300 tunne,
and foure carauels: when we had well viewed them, we returned backe againe
to our ships which we found seuen leagues at sea.
The 11 day in the morning we found our selues wel shot toward Shamma, and
the Tyger with vs, but the Minion and the pinnesse had not wayed that
night, so that we were out of sight of them: and hauing brought our selues
in the weather of the Portugals ships, we came to an ancre to tary for the
Minion, or els we might haue fetched Shamma. At night the Minion and the
pinnesse came vp to vs, but could not fetch so farre to the weatherward as
we, and therefore they ancred about a league a weather The castle, and we
waied in the Christopher, and went roome with her.
The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs, and she and the Christopher
finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals, would haue gone with
the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth: but our master and
company would in no case consent to goe with them, for feare of hanging
when we came home: and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone,
and fearing that their owne company would accuse them, durst not go to
them.
After this, by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse, which could
receiue no victuals from the other shippes, but from vs onely, we tooke out
all our men, and put twelue Frenchmen into her, and gaue them victuals to
bring them to Shamma.
The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arrived at Shamma, and the Christopher
within two leagues off them, but could not fetch the winde by reason of the
scantnesse of the winde, which hath bene so scant, that in fifteene dayes
we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues, which before we did in
one day and a night.
The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse, and went to the towne of Shamma to speake
with the captaine, and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had,
nor as much as a hen to be bought, and all by reason of the accord which he
had made with the Portugals, and I seeing that departed peaceably from him.
The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse, and tooke one
marchant of our ship, and another of the Tyger, and sent her to Hanta, to
attempt, if she could doe any thing there. That night they could doe
nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day.
The next day (which was the 22) being come, we sent our pinnesse to Hanta
againe, but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with
vs, but intised vs from place to place, and all to no purpose.
This day we put away our pinnesse, with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her,
and gaue them such victuals as we could spare, putting fifteene of them to
the ransome of sixe crownes a man.
The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta, and tolde vs that the
Negros had dealt very ill with them, and would not traffike with them to
any purpose.
[Sidenote: Shamma burnt by the English.] The 24 we tooke our boat and
pinnesse and manned them well, and went to the towne of Shamma, and because
the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the
towne, and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a
Portugals chest, wherein was some of his apparell, and his weights, and one
letter sent to him from the castle, whereby we gathered that the Portugall
had bene there of a long time.
The 25 day, about three of the clocke at afternoone, we set saile, and put
into the sea, for our returne to England.
The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe, and made our
reckoning to be eighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we
set off. When we came to make the land, we found our selues to be eighteene
leagues to the leeward of the place, where we set off, which came to passe,
by reason of the extreme currant that runneth to the Eastward: when we
perceiued our selues so abused, we agreed to cast about againe, and to lie
as neere the winde as we could, to fetch the line.
The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the Ile of S. Thome, ana thought to
haue sought the road to haue arriued there: but the next morning the wind
came about, and we kept our course.
The ninth, the winde varying, we kept about againe, and fell with the Iland
of S. Thome, and seeking the road, were becalmed neere the Iland, and with
the currant were put neere the shore, but could haue no ground to ancre: so
that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse, and the other ships their
skiffs to towe from the Iland, which did litle good, but in the ende the
winde put vs three leagues off the shore.
The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about, whereby we iudged
them to haue agreed together, to goe seeke some ships in the road, and to
leaue vs: our men were not willing to goe after them, for feare of running
in with the Iland againe, and of putting our selues into the same danger
that we were in the night before: but we shot off a piece, and put out two
lights, and they answered vs with lights againe: whereupon we kept our
course, and thought that they had followed vs, but in the morning we could
not see them, so that they left vs willingly, and we determined to follow
them no more. But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course, and
consented to cast about againe for the Iland, to seeke our ships; and about
foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them.
The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome; and the same night we
found our selues directly vnder the line.
[Sidenote: The description of the Ile of S. Thome.] This Iland is a very
high Iland, and being vpon the West side of it, you shall see a very high
pike, which is very small, and streight, as it were the steeple of a
church, which pike lieth directly vnder the line, and at the same South end
of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland, about a mile from
the great Iland.
The third of August we departed from the Ile of S. Thome, and met the winde
at the Southwest.
The 12 day we were in the height of Cape Verde.
The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde, called the Ile of
Salt, and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen
vpon the coast, that there were fresh victuals to be had, we came to an
ancre there.
The 23 day in the morning we manned our skiffe, and went a shore, and found
no houses, but we saw foure men, which kept themselues alwayes farre from
vs, as for cattell we could finde none, but great store of goats, and they
were so wilde, that we could not take aboue three or foure of them: but
there we had good store of fish, and vpon a small Iland which lay by the
same we had great store of sea-birds.
At night the Christopher brake her cradle, and lost an ancre, so that she
could tary no longer, so we all wayed, and set saile. Vpon the same Iland
we left the Scotish man, which was the occasion of our going aland at that
place, but how he was left we could not tell: but, as we iudged, the people
of the Iland found him sleeping, and so caried him away; for at night I
went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him, but could hear nothing of him.
[Sidenote: The great inconuenience by late staying vpon the coast of
Guinie.] The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs, and tolde vs
that his men were so weake, and the shippe so leake, that he was not able
to keepe her aboue the water, and therefore requested vs to go backe againe
to the Iland, that we might discharge her, and giue her vp: but we
intreated him to take paine with her awhile, and we put a French Carpenter
into her, to see if he could finde the leake. This day we tooke a view of
all our men, both those that were hole, and the sicke also, and we found
that in all the three ships, were not aboue thirty sound men.
The 25 we had sight of the Ile of S. Nicholas, and the day following of the
other Iles, S. Lucia, S. Vincent, and S. Anthony; which four Iles lie the
one from the other Northwest, and by West, Souteast and by East.
The 26 we came againe with the Iland of S. Anthony, and could not double
the Cape. This day Philip Iones, the Master of the Christopher, came aboord
vs, who had beene aboord the Tyger, and tolde vs that they were not able to
keepe the Tyger, because she was leake, and the Master very weake, and sayd
further, he had agreed with the Master and the company, that if the next
day we could double the Iland, we should runne to the leeward of it, and
there discharge her: but if we could not double it, then to put in betwixt
the Iland of S. Vincent and S. Anthony, to see if we could discharge her.
The third day of September I went aboord the Tyger, with the Master and
Marchants with me, to view the shippe and men: and we found the shippe very
leake, and onely six labouring men in her, whereof one was the Master
gunner: so that we seeing that they were not able to keepe the ship, agreed
to take in the men, and of the goods what we could saue, and then to put
the ship away.
The fift day we went to discharge the Tyger.
The eight day, hauing taken out the artillery, goods, victuals, and gold of
the Tyger, we gaue her vp 25 degrees by North the line.
The 27 we had sight of two of the Iles of the Azores, S. Mary, and S.
Michael.
The fourth of October we found ourselues to be 41 degrees and a halfe from
the line.
The sixt day the Christopher came to vs, and willed vs to put with the
Cape, for they also were so weake, that they were not able to keepe the
sea, and we being weake also, agreed to go for Vigo, being a place which
many English men frequent.
The 10 day the Christopher went roome with the Cape, but we having a mery
wind for England, and fearing the danger of the enemies, which ordinarily
lie about the Cape: besides, not knowing the state of our countrey and
Spaine, and although it were peace, yet there was little hope of friendship
at their hands, considering the voyage that we had made, and we also being
so weake, that by force and violence we could come by nothing, and doubting
also that the king of Portugall knowing of our being there, might worke
some way with the Counsell of Spaine to trouble vs: and further,
considering that if we did put in with any harbor, we should not be able to
come out againe, till we sent for more men into England, which would be a
great charge, and losse of time, and meanes of many dangers. All these
things pondred, we agreed to shoot off two pieces of ordinance, to warne
the Christopher, and then we went our course for England: she hearing our
pieces followed vs, and we carried a light for her, but the next day in the
morning it was thicke, and we could not see her in the afternoone neither,
so that we suspected that either she was gone with Spaine, or els that she
should put foorth more sailes then we in the night, and was shot a head of
vs, so that then we put forth our top-sailes, and went our course with
England.
At the time when the Christopher left vs, we were within 120 leagues of
England, and 45 leagues Northwest and by West from Cape Finister: and at
the same time in our ships we had not aboue sixe Mariners and sixe
Marchants in health, which was but a weake company for such a ship to seeke
a forren harbour.
The 16 day about sixe of the clocke at night, we met with a great storme at
the West-south-west, and West, and our men being weake, and not able to
handle our sailes, we lost the same night our maine saile, foresaile, and
spreetsaile, and were forced to lie a hulling, vntill the eighteenth day,
and then we made ready an olde course of a foresaile, and put it to the
yard, and therewith finding our selues far shot into the sleeue, we bare
with our owne coast; but that foresaile continued not aboue two houres,
before it was blowen from the yard with a freat, and then we were forced to
lie a hull againe, vntil the nineteenth day of October in the morning, and
then we put an olde bonnet to our foreyard, which, by the good blessing and
prouidence of God, brought vs to the Ile of Wight, where we arriued the 20
of October in the afternoone.
* * * * *
The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinie, betwixt Sierra
Liona and the furthest place of the Mine.
Manils of brasse, and some of loade.
Basons of diuers sorts, but the most lattin.
Pots of course tinne, of a quart and more.
Some wedges of yron.
Margarites, and certaine other sleight beads.
Some blew Corall.
Some horse tailes.
Linnen cloth principally.
Basons of Flanders.
Some red cloth of low price, and some kersie.
Kettles of Dutch-land with brasen handles.
Some great brasse basons graued, such as in Flanders they set vpon their
cupboords.
Some great basons of pewter, and ewers grauen.
Some lauers, such as be for water.
Great kniues of a low price.
Sleight Flanders-caskets.
Chests of Roan of a lowe price, or any other chests.
Great pinnes.
Course French couerings.
Packing sheets good store.
Swords, daggers, frise mantels, and gownes, clokes, hats, red caps, Spanish
blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of yron, sleight belles, gloues
of a lowe price, leather bags, and what other trifles you will.
* * * * *
Certaine Articles deliuered to M. Iohn Lok, by Sir William Gerard Knight,
M. William Winter, M. Beniamin Gonson, M. Anthony Hickman, and M. Edward
Castelin the 8 of September 1561, touching a voyage to Guinea.
A remembrance for you M. Lok at your comming to the coast of Guinie.
First, when God shal send you thither, to procure, as you passe alongst the
coast, to understand what riuers, hauens, or harboroughs there be; and to
make your selfe a plat thereof, setting those places which you shall thinke
materiall in your sayd plat, with their true eleuations.
Also you shall learne what commodities doe belong to the places where you
shall touch, and what may be good for them.
It is thought good, that hauing a fort vpon the coast of Mina in the king
of Habaans country, [Marginal note: The English marchants intend to
fortifie in Ghinea, in the king of Habaans country.] it would serve to
great purpose: wherfore you are especially sent to consider where the fort
might be best placed, and vpon what ground: wherein are to be noted these
things following.
1. That the ground so serue, that it ioyne to the sea on the one
part, so as shippes and boats may come to lade and vnlade.
2. What molde of earth the ground is of.
3. What timber or wood may be had, and how it will be caried.
4. What prouision of victuals may be had in the countrey: and what kinde of
our victuals will best serve to continue.
5. The place must be naturally strong, or such as may be made strong with a
small charge, and afterwards kept with a few men.
6. How water may be prouided, if there be none to be had in the ground
where the fort shall stand, or neere to it.
7. What helpe is to be had from the people of the country, either for the
building of it, or for the defence thereof.
To mooue the king of Haban a farre off, for the making of a fort, and to
note how he will like it; but vse your communication so, that although
there might fall out good cause for the doing of it, yet he do not
vnderstand your meaning.
Search the countrey so farre as you may, both alongst the coast, and into
the land.
To learne what became of the marchants that were left at Benin.
The matters which shall be of importance to be noted we nothing doubt that
you will omit, wherefore we referre the order of these affaires to your
discretion.
Also we pray you as occasion shall serue that you ayd and helpe our
factours, both with your counsell and otherwise; and thus God send you
safely to returne.
William Gerrard, William Winter, Beniamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, Edward
Castelin.
* * * * *
A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of Marchants aduenturers
for Guinie, written 1561, shewing reasons for his not proceeding in a
voyage then intended to the foresayd countrey.
Worshipfull sirs; since the arriuall of M. Pet and Buttoll Monioy (as I
vnderstand) for the voyage it is concluded that the Minion shall proceed on
her voyage, if within 20 dayes she may be repaired of those hurts she hath
receiued by the last storme: or in the moneth of Ianuary also, if the wind
wil serue therfore. Wherefore for that your worships shall not be ignorant
of my determined purpose in the same, with the reasons that haue perswaded
me thereunto; I haue thought good to aduertise you thereof, trusting that
your worships will weigh them, as I vprightly and plainly meane them. And
not for any feare or discouragement that I haue of my selfe by the raging
of the stormes of the sea, for that (I thanke the Lord) these haue not
beene the first that I haue abiden, neither trust I they shalbe the last.
First the state of the ship, in which, though I thinke not but M. Pet can
do more for her strengthening than I can conceiue, yet for all that, it
will neither mend her conditions, nor yet make her so stanch that any cabin
in her shalbe stanch for men to lie drie in: the which sore, what a
weakening it will be to the poore men after their labour, that they neither
can haue a shift of apparell drie, nor yet a drie place to rest in, I
referre to your discretion. For though that at Harwich she was both bound
and caulked as much as might be, both within and without, yet for all that
she left not, afore this flaw, in other weathers, being stressed, to open
those seames, and become in the state she was before; I meane, in wetting
her men: notwithstanding her new worke. And my iudgement, with that litle
experience I haue had, leadeth me to thinke that the ship whose water works
and footings be spent and rotten cannot be but leake for men. Next, the
vnseasonable time of the yeere which is now present. And how onely by
meanes of the vnseasonable times in the returne from the voyage home, many
thereby haue decayed, to the great misery and calamity of the rest, and
also to the great slander of the voyage, (which I much respect) the last
and other voyage haue declared. And what it is to make the voyage in
vnseasonable time, that hath the second voyage also declared. Wherefore
weying and foreseeing this (as I may wel terme it) calamity and vneuitable
danger of men, and that by men she must be brought home againe (except that
God will shew an extraordinary miracle) I purpose not nor dare I venture
with a safe conscience to tempt God herein. Againe, forsomuch as she is
alone, and hath so little helpe of boat or pinnesse in her trade, and also
for her watering, where a long time of force must be spent, my going, to
the accomplishment of your expectations, will be to small effect for this
time, because I shall want both vessell and men to accomplish it. And I
would not gladly so spend my time and trauell, to my great charges and
paine, and after, for not falling out accordingly, to lose both pot and
water, as the prouerbe is. As for the Primrose, if she be there, her trade
will be ended or euer we come there, so that she of force, by want of
prouision, must returne: yea, though we should carry with vs a supply for
her, yet is the meeting of her doubtfull, and though we met her, yet will
the men not tarry, as no reason is they should: howbeit my opinion of her
is that she is put into Ireland. The Flowerdeluce was in Milford. Thus for
that your worships might vnderstand the whole cause why I doe not proceed,
I haue troubled you at this time with this my long Letter. And, as God is
my Iudge, not for feare of the Portugals, which there we shall meet (and
yet alone without ayde) as here is a shippe which was in Lisbon, whose men
say that there are in a readinesse (onely to meet vs) foure great ships, of
the which one is accounted 700 tunnes, and other pinnesses: yet not for
feare of them, nor raging of the seas (whose rage God is aboue to rule) but
onely for the premisses: the sequell whereof must by reason turne to a
great misery to the men; the which I for my part (though it might turne me
to as much gaine as the whole commeth to) yet would I not be so tormented,
as the sight thereof would be a corsiue to my heart, and the more, because
foreseeing the same, I should be so leud, as yeelding, to haue runne into
the danger thereof, and therefore I haue absolutely determined with my
selfe not to goe this voyage. Howbeit if in a seasonable time of the yeere
I had but one ship sufficient, though much lesse by the halfe, I would not
refuse (as triall being made thereof should appeare) or if I had ability of
my selfe to venture so much, it should well be seene. And this I speake to
giue you to vnderstand that I refuse not this for feare: If you purpose to
proceed heerein, send some one whom you please; to whom I will not onely
deliuer the articles which I haue receiued, but also will giue some
particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue
committed vnto mee, with the best helpe and counsell I can. Thus the liuing
God keepe your worships all. Bristoll this 11 of December 1561.
Your worships to comand to his power.
Iohn Lok.
* * * * *
The relation of one William Rutter to M. Anthony Hickman his master
touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562, by Sir William
Gerard, Sir William Chester, M. Thomas Lodge, the sayd Anthony Hickman,
and Edward Castelin, which voyage is also written in verse by Robert
Baker.