1584. by Soliman Sorda, certifying the receipt of mine of the 24. of Iune
1584. with the 3. commandements, which not being registred, let it now be
done. Where you write the force of the priuilege to be broken by our ships
in shooting, and therefore be lawfully taken, you are deceiued, for of
those taken in then, hath the grand Signior now deliuered vs free, Wil.
Moore, and Rob. Rawlings, and further promised the rest in like case,
wheresoeuer they be, and that hereafter no violence shalbe shewed,
considering ours be merchants ships which go peaceably in their voiage, and
were ignorant of the orders of Algier, neither knew afar off, whether they
were friends or the Christians gallies in league with vs, of whom they most
doubted, who not suffring our ships to come into these parts, wil make
prize of the goods and captiue the men, so as they are not to let them come
nigh them: and since ours haue not done contrary to the articles of the
same priuilege, wherein is no order for Algier prescribed vs, as both by
the originall now sent vs, and also by the copy now sent you from London
you may perceiue, they according to right are as abouesaid to be set free,
and their goods restored, which if it be not there accomplished as the
grand Signior hath now commanded, and most faithfully promised, neither yet
in case of their denial, those offenders punished here, and our injuries
redressed, we are to demand our Congie, and command our merchants her
maiesties subiects, to end their traffike here, which in our countrey
commodities is prooued and found by the great Signior to be so beneficial
to his countries as we are assured so well thereof, as also for the honor
which his ancestors neuer had of friendship with so mighty a prince as is
her maiesty, he wil not but maintaine the faith promised her, and the
intercourse in due force. And where you say that the grand Signor his
letters, in the behalf of the French, were no more accepted there, then of
a mean man, nor tooke no place, that is not material to vs, our letters are
after another sort much more effectuall. For our case and theirs be found
far different, in that they be not onely now out of fauour with him, but
also the commodities which they bring hither, as sugar, paper, bracelets,
ropes of bast, almonds, &c., all which may be here wel spared, and we
contrarily so wel esteemed, as he neuer denied vs any thing since our
comming demanded, which neither their ambassador, nor the Venetian could
haue here, and therefore we rest perswaded, knowing the wisdom of the
Beglebeg, who is aduised by his friends from hence, of this our credite
with his master, he wil so respect his commandements, as to accomplish the
tenor thereof according to our desire. And where you say that the Ianizers
rule all there, I know right wel that if things be not done as the grand
Signior commandeth, his lieutenant must answer it. And therefore I am fully
perswaded if he doe what he may they dare not resist him, for if they
should, those rebels should not be vnpunished of the grand Signior. And
though they speake their pleasures among themselues there, yet they be not
so brutish, but they wel consider that their master the grand Signior may
not be gainsaid or mocked of any. For vpon his word dependeth the life or
death euen of the chiefest, as I have seene since my comming hither. So
whatsoever these Ianizaries say, they will be better aduised in their
deedes then to withstand their Viceroy, if he himselfe wil vse his lawfull
power, which if hee doe not, hee cannot purge himselfe here of their euill
proceedings against the grand Signiors friends: for the feet may not rule
the bodie, but contrarywise, the head, the feete, and all the rest of the
members. And for that neither for feare, affection or otherwise you omit as
a faithfull true subiect to her maiestie to do your dutie, I do by my
warrant going herewith charge you, and in her maiesties name, to the
vttermost to vse your good and faithfull endeuour, as becommeth a true
subiect, and in all things that may concerne her maiesties good seuice,
assisting the Chaus with the rest of our messengers in counsel, trauel, and
what els shall be thought requisite for your good discharge of your duetie.
And to the end you may boldly proceed herein as also for the good opinion
sir Edward Osborne and the company haue of you, and I no lesse perswaded of
youre wisedome, vpright dealing, and good experience in those parts, do
send you herewith the grand Signiors and our patents for exercising the
office of Consul there, in Tripolis and Tunis: by virtue of which
authoritie you may without feare proceed as the office doeth chalenge in
defence of our priuilege, to redresse all iniuries offred our nation. Which
if you cannot get reformed there of the Beglerbies vpon your complaint, I
thereof aduertised, shal doe it here, and to the vttermost maintaine you in
al rightful causes whatsoeuer, doubt you not. And hereafter according to
your aduise, I wil and doe giue our ships order not to fight with any
gallies of Alger, but to hoise out their skiffe and go aboord to shew them
their safeconduct, and to present the captain with a garment, and you there
in such like case are to take order that they do not forceably take any
thing from them. [Sidenote: The Inuentorie of our ships and goods sunke and
taken by the gallies of Alger.] Nothing doubting but the Viceroy (whose
friendship in her maiesties behalfe I desire) will not onely performe the
same your iust request, and according to right, restore to libertie our men
since the priuilege taken, but also cause those that tooke and sunke our
ships to answere the value, which I haue set down truly, and rather with
the least in the Inuentorie translated into Turkish, whereof the inclosed
is the copy in English, which I send to the end you may be the better
informed of my demand by this our Chaus Mahomet, with whom in all things
you are to conferre of matters expedient, for the honor of her maiesties
countrey, and the commoditie, and libertie of poore captiues, which if the
Viceroy do wel consider, according to his wisdome, as the grand Signior
doeth thereof, he shal wel perceiue it not onely a great honour to his
master as aforesaid, to continue this amitie with her maiestie, but chiefly
to the whole estate of his kingdom exceeding profitable, which by this
means shall be abundantly serued with the chiefest commodities they want,
with many other things of more importance to the grand Signior his
contentation, not herein to be mentioned. For I know the Viceroies
experienced wisdom can wel consider thereof, in such sort as he wil not
deny to accomplish his masters commandement, and our earnest request in so
small a matter as this we require, whereof I expect no refusall: for
thereby he shall increase his honor with the grand Signior, be in credite
with her maiestie, be void of trouble which hereafter by future suite
against him may happen, and his gallies free of such doubtful issue as
doeth chance, fighting with our ships. Which, as it is well knowen to all
the world, haue so great hearts as neuer cowardly to yeeld to their
enemies. And that therefore in that respect (after the prouerbe, like
esteeme of their like) they are the more of such a valiant prince as is
their Viceroy and his couragious souldiers to be in all friendship
cherished and better esteemed. If the captaine Bassa had bene returned from
Capha, I would in like maner haue procured his letters, which for that he
is not, I doubt nothing but that the grand Signiors will suffise. Thus
commending your selfe and these proceedings to the almighty his merciful
direction, I bid you most heartily wel to fare. From my mansion Rapamat
nigh Pera, this 30. of March, 1585.
* * * * *
Series vel registrum valoris nauium, bonorum, et hominum per triremes
Argerienses ereptorum, vna cum captiuorum hominum nominibus, Beglerbego
Argeriensi Hassano.
1 Salomon de Plimmouth habuit 36. homines, onerata cum sale, onere
trecentorum doliorum, valore Florenorum 5600.
2 Elizabetha de Garnesey cum decem hominibus Anglis, reliquis Britonibus,
valore Florenorum 2000.
3 Maria Martin de London onere centum et triginta doliorum, rectore Thoma
More cum triginta quinque hominibus, reuertens de Patrasso cum mandato
Cæsareo, valore Florenorum 1400.
4 Elizabeth Stokes de London, rectore Dauid Fillie de London, Patrassum
veniens cum mandato Cæsareo: huius præcipuus valor erat in talleris
numeratis, quos habuit Richardus Gibben, qui adduxit etiam Serenissimæ
Reginæ: maiestatis literas Cæsari et oratori. Valor reliquus in mercibus
vna cum superiori in talleris, effecit Florenorum 21500.
5 Nicolaus de London, rectore Thoma Forster, onerata cum vuis siccis,
valore Florenorum 4800.
In tempore Romadan Beglerbegi Argiræ spoliatæ et ereptæ naues, merces, et
homines.
1 Iudith de London, rectore Iacobo Beare, cum hominibus 24. valore
Florenorum 3100.
2 Iesus de London, rectore Andræa Dier, cum 21. hominibus. Valorem huius et
14. homines, reliquis mortuis, reddidit Romadan Bassa Tripolitanus
Secretario legati, Edwardo Barten, valore Florenorum 9000.
Nomina hominum mancipatorum et viuentium tunc temporis, quando Cæsar
illustrissimus, et dominus Orator Chauseum Mahumetem miserunt Algiram.
1 Ante foedus initum in naue Peter de Bristow. Iohn Winter, Robert Barton.
2 In naue Swallow de London. Rich. Crawford, Anthony Eluers, Wil. Rainolds.
Post foedus initum in naue Britona. Iames Yoong.
1 In naue Rabnet de Hampton. Thomas Lisney.
1 In naue Salomon. Iohn Tracie, Wil. Griffith, Wil. Cocke.
1 In naue Elizabeth. Iohn Woodward, Giles Naper, Leonard Iames, Oliuer
Dallimore, and Richard Maunsell.
2 In naue Maria Martin. Thomas Moore, Wil. White, Wil. Palmer, Nich. Long,
Peter March, Rich. Haslewood, Wil. Dewly, Wil. Cowel, Iohn Franke, Henry
Parker, Iohn Cauendish, Moises Robinson, Iames Sotherich, Henry Howel,
Nich. Smith, Henry Ragster, Rich. Dauison, Rich. Palmer.
3 In naue Elizabeth Stokes. Dauid Fillie, Walter Street, Laurence Wilkins,
Morgan Dauis, Iohn Quinte, Ambrose Harison, Iohn Peterson, Tristram Vois,
Roger Ribbe.
4 In naue Nicholas, Thomas Forster rector nauis et eius nautæ.
* * * * *
To Assan Aga, Eunuch and Treasurer to Hassan Bassa king of Alger, which
Assan Aga was the sonne of Fran. Rowlie of Bristow merchant, taken in the
Swalow.
I receiued your letters of Will. Hamor gentleman my seruant very
thankfully, aswel for the feruant faith that by his report I heare you haue
in our lord Iesus Christ, by whose onely merits and bloodshedding, you
together with vs and all other good Christians so truly beleeuing, shalbe
saued, as also for your faithfull obedience like a true subiect to her
Maiestie, naturally louing your countrey and countreymen, declared in your
fauourable furtherance of the said Wil. Hamore, procuring their redemption.
Of which your good and vertuous actions, as I reioice to vnderstand, so wil
I impart the same to your singuler commendation, both to our mistresse her
Maiestie, and her most honorable counsellors the nobilitie of England, to
whom assure your selfe the report shalbe very welcome. And now this second
time I am inforced by duetie to God and her maiesty, as also by the smal
regard your master had of the Grand Signors former commandements, to
complaine vnto him, though not so vehemently as I had occasion by his most
vnworthy answer. But I hope, and the rather by your means, he will not
contrary this second commandement, threatning him, not obseruing the same,
losse of office and life. The due execution whereof by your vertuous and
careful industry procured, wil manifest to all the world, especially to her
maiesty, and me her ambassador, your true Christian mind and English heart,
intentiuely bent to Gods honor, and the libertie of the poore men, for
which I trust you be ordained another Ioseph, to folow his example in true
pietie, in such sort that notwithstanding your body be subiect to Turkish
thraldom, yet your vertuous mind free from those vices, next vnder God
addict to the good seruice of your liege Lady and soueraigne princes, her
most excellent maiesty, wil continually seeke by all good meanes to
manifest the same in this and the like faithful seruice to your singuler
commendation, wherby both my selfe and others in that place hauing found
you in all good offices faithfully affectionated, may in like case performe
the like towards you, when and where you may haue occasion to vse me: which
as I for my part do assuredly promise, and wil no lesse faithfully
performe: so accordingly I expect herein, and hereafter the like of you,
whom most heartily saluted I commend to the diuine tuition and holy
direction. From my house Rapamar, this 28. of June 1586.
Your louing and good friend her Maiesties Ambassador with the Grand Signor,
Wil. Hareborne.
* * * * *
The originall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco
in Barbarie, begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of
London, whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam, as appeareth by
this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie, to the worshipfull master
Michael Locke, which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first
inuentor of this trade.
Worshipful Sir, hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute
the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai, if therein with my knowledge,
trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice, I am readie to doe it and
therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point. Trueth it is, that I
haue bene by some men (not my friends) euill spoken of at London, saying
that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and
Cosmographie, and that I haue bene the inuentor of some voyages that be now
growen to great effect; yet say they maliciously and without iust cause,
that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that
I haue taken in hand, taking example especially of two voyages. The one was
when I was master in the great Barke Aucher of the Leuant, in which voyage
I went not, but the causes they did not know of my let from the same, nor
of the other. But first the very trueth is, that I was from the same voyage
letted by the Princes letters, which my Master Sebastian Gabota had
obtained for that purpose, to my great griefe. And as touching the second
voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie, the liuing God knoweth
that I say most true, that when the great sweate was, (whereon the chiefe
of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died, that is to say, Sir Iohn
Lutterell, Iohn Fletcher, Henry Ostrich and others) I my selfe was also
taken with the same sweate in London, and after it, whether with euill diet
in keeping, or how I know not, I was cast into such an extreame feuer, as I
was neither able to ride nor goe: and the shippe being at Portesmouth,
Thomas Windam had her away from thence, before I was able to stand vpon my
legges, by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound. Besides I was
appointed by them that died (if they had liued) to haue had the whole
gouernment both of shippe and goods, because I was to them the sole
inuenter of that trade.
In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores, being noblemen,
whereof one was of the Kings blood, conuayed by the said Master Thomas
Windham into their Countrey out of England,
Yours humble at your commandement,
Iames Alday.
* * * * *
The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right
worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth, Master
Frances Lambert, Master Cole and others; Written by the relation of
Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of
this voyage.
The shippes that went on this voyage were three, whereof two were of the
Riuer of Thames, That is to say, the Lyon of London, whereof Master Thomas
Windham was Captaine and part owner, of about an hundred and fiftie tonnes:
The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes, and a Portugall Carauel
bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales, and fraightened for this
voyage, of summe sixtie tunnes. The number of men in the Fleete were an
hundred and twentie. The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in
Somersetshire, his Mate was Dauid Landman. The chiefe Captaine of this
small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentlemen borne, but
dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire. This Fleete departed out of
King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday
in the morning: and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came
to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia, or Asafi on the
coast of Barbarie, standing in 32. degrees of latitude, and there put on
land part of our Marchandise to be conueied by land to the citie of
Marocco: which being done, and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals
and water, we went to the second port called Santa Cruz, where we
discharged the rest of our goods, being good quantitie of linnen and
woollen cloth, corall, amber, Iet, and diuers other things well accepted of
the Moores. In which road we found a French ship, which not knowing whether
it were warre or peace betweene England and France, drewe her selfe as
neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible, crauing aide of the towne
for her defence, if need were, which in deed seeing vs draw neere, shot at
vs a piece from the wals, which came ouer the Lion our Admirall, between
the maine mast and her foremast. [Sidenote: The English were at Santa Cruz
the yere before being 1551.] Whereupon we comming to an anker, presently
came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were, who vnderstanding that we had
bene there the yere before, and came with the good leaue of their king in
marchant wise, were fully satisfied, and gaue vs good leaue to bring our
goods peaceably on shore, where the Viceroy, whose name was Sibill Manache,
within short time after came to visite vs, and vsed vs with all curtesie.
But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we
could get in our lading, which was Sugar, Dates, Almonds, and Malassos or
sugar Syrrope. And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer, yet
none of our company perished by sicknesse. Our ships being laden, we drew
into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England. But being at sea, a great
leake fell vpon the Lion, so that we were driuen to Lancerota, and
Forteuentura, where, betweene the two Ilands, we came to a road, whence wee
put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chests of Sugar vpon Lancerota, with
some dozen or sixteene of our company, where the inhabitants supposing we
had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell, suddenly came with force vpon
our people, among whom I my selfe was one, tooke vs prisoners, and spoiled
the sugars: which thing being perceiued from our ships, they manned out
three boates, thinking to rescue vs, and draue the Spaniards to flight,
whereof they slew eighteene, and tooke their gouernour of the Iland
prisoner, who was a very aged gentleman about 70 yeeres of age. But chasing
the enemies so farre, for our recouerie, as pouder and arrowes wanted, the
Spaniardes perceiuing this, returned, and in our mens retire they slew sixe
of them. Then a Parle grew, in the which it was agreed, that we the
prisoners should be by them restored, and they receiue their olde
gouernour, giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands, what damages
wee had there receiued, the which damages were here restored, and made good
by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England. After
wee had searched and mended our leake, being returned aboord, we came vnder
saile, and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland, the
Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the
other, and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly
departed, and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing. And here by
the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with
this our new trade into Barbarie, and both in our voiage the yeere before,
as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants, that if they
tooke vs in those partes, they would vse vs as their mortall enemies, with
great threates and menaces. But by God and good prouidence wee escaped
their hands. From this Iland shaping our coast for England, we were seuen
or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England. The first port
wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth, from whence within short time
wee came into the Thames, and landed our marchandise at London, about the
ende of the moneth of October, 1552.
* * * * *
A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike, at the
charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London, in the
yeere of our Lord 1553.
I was desired by certaine of my friends to make some mention of this
Voiage, that some memorie thereof might remaine to our posteritie, if
either iniquitie of time consuming all things, or ignorance creeping in by
barbarousness and contempt of knowledge should hereafter bury in obliuion
so woorthie attempts, so much the greatlier to bee esteemed, as before
neuer enterprised by Englishmen, or at the least so frequented, as at this
present they are, and may bee, to the great commoditie of our marchants, if
the same be not hindered by the ambition of such, as for the conquering of
fortie or fiftie miles here and there, and erecting of certaine fortresses,
thinke to be Lordes of half the world, enuying that other should enioy the
commodities, which they themselues cannot wholly possesse. And although
such as haue bene at charges in the discouering and conquering of such
landes ought by good reason to haue certaine priuileges, preheminences, and
tributes for the same, yet (to speake vnder correction) it may seeme
somewhat rigorous, and agaynst good reason and conscience, or rather
agaynst the charitie that ought to be among Christian men, that such as
inuade the dominions of other should not permit other friendly to vse the
trade of marchandise in places neerer, or seldome frequented of them,
whereby their trade is not hindered in such places, where they themselues
haue at their owne election appointed the Martes of their traffike. But
forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent to accuse or defend,
approoue or improoue, I will cease to speake any further hereof, and
proceed to the description of the first voyage, as briefly and faithfully
as I was aduertised of the same, by the information of such credible
persons, as made diligent inquisition to know the trueth thereof, as much
as shall be requisite, omitting to speake of many particular things, not
greatly necessarie to be knowen: which neuerthelesse, with also the exact
course of the navigation, shall be more fully declared in the second
voiage. And if herein fauour or friendship shall perhaps cause some to
thinke that some haue bene sharply touched, let them lay apart fauour and
friendship, and giue place to trueth, that honest men may receiue prayse
for well doing, and lewd persons reproch, as the iust stipend of their
euill desertes, whereby other may be deterred to doe the like, and vertuous
men encouraged to proceed in honest attempts.
But that these voyages may be more plainly vnderstood of all men, I haue
thought good for this purpose, before I intreat hereof, to make a briefe
description of Africa, being that great part of the world, on whose West
side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde, about twelue degrees in
latitude, on this side the Equinoctiall line, and two degrees in longitude
from the measuring line, so running from the North to the South, and by
East in some places, within 5, 4, and 3 degrees and a halfe vnto the
Equinoctiall, and so foorth in maner directly East and by North, for the
space of 36 degrees or thereabout, in longitude from the West to the East,
as shall more plainly appeare in the description of the second voyage.
A briefe description of Afrike gathered by Richard Eden.
In Africa the lesse are these kingdoms: the kingdom of Tunis and
Constantina, which is at this day under Tunis, and also the region of
Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Afrike is very barren by reason of
the great deserts, as the deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principall
ports of the kingdome of Tunis are these: Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia,
Bona, and Stora. The chiefe cities of Tunis are Constantina and Bona, with
diuers other. Vnder this kingdom are many Ilands, as Zerbi, Lampadola,
Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta, where at this present is the
great master of the Rhodes. Vnder the South of this kingdom are the great
deserts of Lybia. All the nations in this Africa the lesse are of the sect
of Mahomet, and a rusticall people, liuing scattred in villages. The best
of this part of Afrike is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea
Mediterraneum.
Mauritania (now called Barbaria) is diuided into two parts, as Mauritania
Tingitana, and Cæsariensis. Mauritania Tingitania is now called the kingdom
of Fes, and the kingdom of Marocco. The principall citie of Fes is called
Fessa: and the chiefe citie of Marocco is named Marocco.
Mauritania Cæsariensis is at this day called the kingdom of Tremisen, with
also the citie called Tremisen or Telensin. This region is full of deserts,
and reacheth to the Sea Mediterraneum, to the citie of Oram, with the port
of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fes reacheth vnto the Ocean Sea, from the
West to the citie of Argilla: and the port of the sayd kingdom is called
Sala.
The kingdom of Marocco is also extended aboue the Ocean Sea, vnto the citie
of Azamor and Azafi, which are vpon the Ocean Sea, toward the West of the
sayd kingdom. Nere Mauritania Tingitana (that is to say, by the two
kingdoms of Fes, and Marocco) are in the Sea, the Ilands of Canarie, called
in old time, The fortunate Ilands. Toward the south of this region is the
kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Ialofo, Gambra, and many other regions of
the Blacke Moores, called Aethiopians or Negros all which are watered with
the riuer Negro, called in old time Niger. In the sayd regions are no
cities, but onely certaine lowe cottages made of boughes of trees,
plastered with chalke, and couered with strawe. In these regions are also
very great deserts.
The kingdom of Marocco hath vnder it these seuen kingdoms: Hea, Sus,
Guzula, the territorie of Marrocca, Duccala, Hazchora, and Tedle. The
kingdom of Fes hath as many: as Fes, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet,
and Elcair. The kingdom of Tremisen hath these regions: Tremisen, Tenez,
and Elgazair, all which are Machometists. But all the regions of Guinea are
pure Gentiles, and idolatrous, without profession of any religion, or other
knowledge of God, then by the law of nature.
Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world, knowen in old
time, and seuered from Asia, on the East by the riuer Nilus, on the West
from Europe by the pillars of Hercules. The hither part is now called
Barbarie, and the people Moores. The inner part is called Lybia and
Aethiopia. Afrike the lesse is in this wise bounded: On the West it hath
Numidia; On the East Cyrenaica: On the North, the sea called Mediterraneum.
In this countrey was the noble city of Carthage.