A.D. 1600-1700.
THE JEWS IN SPAIN, ENGLAND, AND ITALY.
Few words will suffice to relate what befell the Spanish and
Portuguese Jews during this century. Beyond the fact, already
recorded, of their oft-recurring migration from both countries to
the friendly shelter offered by Holland, there is little to tell.
Those who lingered behind, unable or unwilling to quit the land of
their birth, continued to practise the old deception, and, when
discovered or suspected, to undergo the same merciless severities as
their fathers had endured. There is no need to repeat the hideous
and monotonous tale of their sufferings. The awe and terror with
which the Inquisition was regarded were ever on the increase; until
notoriously not the common people, not the grandees and nobles
only, but the sovereigns themselves, became little better than its
instruments. Early in the century Philip III. is related to have been
present at the burning of a Jewish girl, and to have been unable to
repress some token of natural horror at the sight. This was noticed
by the Grand Inquisitor, who, not satisfied with reproving the
monarch for his weakness, ordered some of the coward blood to be
drawn from his veins, and burned by the public executioner! Later
in the century, in 1680, M. Villars, Louis XIV.’s ambassador at the
Court of Spain, describes an Auto da Fé which he witnessed at Madrid,
where twenty Jews were publicly burned, with attendant circumstances
of revolting barbarity. He relates how the king, Charles II., was
present, but occupied a lower seat than that assigned to the Grand
Inquisitor.
If we are curious to know what were the sufferings inflicted at the
examinations held in the dungeons of the Inquisition, we may learn
them from the narrative of Orobio, an eminent Portuguese philosopher
and physician. He was suspected of Judaism, and thrown into prison.
After some preliminary inquiries, having refused to confess, he was
carried, he tells us, into a subterranean vault, dimly lighted, where
two officials were seated—the judge and secretary of the Holy Office.
He was stripped, strong cords were tied to his hands and feet, the
other ends being passed through iron rings in the walls. These were
then drawn tight, so that he remained suspended by the cords, which
the executioner kept drawing tighter and tighter, until the surgeon
certified that further pressure would destroy life. The cords cut
into the flesh and made the blood burst from under the nails. He
was then told that this was only the beginning of his sufferings,
which would be increased in intensity until he confessed. This scene
was frequently repeated during three years, at the end of which
time, perceiving that his resolution was invincible, they healed
his wounds, and permitted him to depart. He fled to Toulouse, and
afterwards to Amsterdam, where he threw off his mask, and professed
himself a Jew.
Manasseh Ben Israel was another celebrated Portuguese Jew, who was
mainly instrumental in the restoration of the Jews to England,
from which they had been banished for more than three hundred
and fifty years. His father had escaped from the dungeons of the
Inquisition at Lisbon, and settled with his family at Amsterdam.
He was distinguished as a poet, a philosopher, a physician, and a
theologian. His high reputation doubtless was the reason why he was
chosen by the Jews at Amsterdam to proceed to England and endeavour
to obtain from Oliver Cromwell,—who at that time (A.D. 1656) swayed
the destinies of England,—permission for the Jews to return thither.
Manasseh presented an address, skilfully drawn, in which he argued
that, as regarded both the spiritual and temporal interests of
England, it would be to their advantage to grant readmission to
the Jews. He asserted that the restoration of Israel was close
at hand, and that they who showed kindness to the people of God
would be surely rewarded for it in that day. In a secular point of
view also, those nations had always been found to flourish most in
their undertakings who had sheltered the Jews. He also exploded
the calumnies, so often raised against his nation, of crucifying
children, and using Christian blood for ritual purposes.[194]
Cromwell received him favourably; but, aware probably of the
difficulties with which the question was beset, referred the matter
to an assembly of twenty-three persons, whom he appointed to consider
the question. Of these, seven were merchants, two lawyers, and the
remaining fourteen divines. He himself presided, and opened the
debate with an address which those who heard it declared to be one
of the ablest and most eloquent he had ever delivered. They had
first to consider, he said, whether the admission of the Jews would
be legal, and secondly, whether it would be expedient. The lawyers
present having at once decided that there would be no illegality, he
proceeded to the other question. But here there was much difference
of opinion. The citizens were divided as to the alleged commercial
advantages, while the theologians disputed so long and so hotly as to
the religious aspect of the question, that Cromwell grew weary, and
adjourned the consideration of the matter, so far as the council was
concerned, _sine die_. Meanwhile he connived at their resettlement,
granting them a kind of special protection. Nearly at the same time a
piece of land was granted them as a burial-ground, on a nominal lease
of 999 years. Whether this action on the part of the Protector gave
offence, or whether it was the effect of mere gossip, the wildest
and most ridiculous rumours were circulated on the subject. It was
said that the Jews had sent a deputation to England to ascertain
whether Cromwell was not himself the Messiah, and that they went
to Huntingdon to search out his pedigree; also, that they had made
an offer of £500,000, to purchase St. Paul’s Cathedral for their
synagogue, Henry Martin and Hugh Peters being the persons who were
to conduct this negotiation. It may be mentioned, in connection with
these strange rumours, that Harrington, in his _Oceana_ (A.D. 1656),
gravely proposes to relieve the Government of the difficulties which
the management of Ireland caused them by selling that island to the
Jews.
It does not appear that any public measures were taken respecting
the Jews during the remainder of Cromwell’s government. We have
seen that, though their residence in England was a breach of a law
still in force, it was not likely that it would be very rigidly
insisted on, unless where persons were obnoxious on other grounds;
and Cromwell’s friendly feeling towards them would of course render
their position more secure. It is likely that they came back singly
or in small numbers, and were allowed to establish themselves without
molestation during the next few years. Then, in the sixth year after
the Restoration, some agitation having been raised respecting their
presence in England, formal permission was given them by Charles II.
to reside in Great Britain, together with liberty of commerce and
worship. It is not unlikely that this concession was made to gratify
Antonio Mendez, physician to the King of Spain, and his brother
Andrea, chamberlain to the Infanta Catherine of Portugal, Charles’s
queen. It is certain that the brothers about this time came to
England, where they settled, resuming their real name of De Costa.
Some years afterwards, during the reign of James II., the Jews
obtained a remission of the alien duty, which had been imposed on
their traffic. This was, however, again exacted in the ensuing reign.
At the accession of William III., when money was wanted for the
prosecution of the war in Ireland, it was proposed to require a
subsidy of one hundred thousand pounds from the Jews, taking a leaf
out of the book of the old Norman kings. But the times were changed.
The Jews protested, with an eye, doubtless, to similar exactions
to follow, that they would rather leave the country than comply;
and they could not now be shut up in prison, and put on the rack,
and suffer the daily extraction of their teeth until they paid it.
The statesmen of the day perceived that it was simple pillage, and
withdrew the proposal.
The days of barbarous and cruel violence had indeed passed away,
and happily for ever. It is perhaps a fortunate circumstance,—grave
as were the injuries resulting to both parties from it,—that the
Jews were absent from England for so long a period. The tradition
of persecution had, in consequence, long been broken off. In Spain,
in Portugal, in Germany, even in Holland and Italy, people still
living had themselves witnessed,—or had heard from their fathers,—the
imprisonments, the expulsions, and the massacres of the Jews on the
occasion of some religious excitement. But the fires of persecution
had been cold for centuries in England, and no one was inclined to
rekindle them now, even had it been possible to do so.[195]
In Italy, throughout the seventeenth century, the condition of the
Jews seems to have been fairly prosperous. Little is related of them,
and that is the best evidence that they were exempt from injustice
and persecution. Of the ten occupants of the papal chair during this
century, the only one who seems to have interfered much in their
affairs was Innocent XI., and his dealings with them, as we shall
presently see, were lenient and friendly. It is said that at the
outset of the century there were more than a hundred synagogues of
the Jews in the Italian cities. In those situated on the sea-coast
the commerce was, to a great extent, in the hands of the Hebrews, and
their wealth was continually on the increase. Jews also continued to
be employed in diplomatic missions by the Italian governments—by the
Republic of Venice, the Dukes of Ferrara, and even by the Emperor.
The same, indeed, was the case all over Europe. The kings of Denmark,
Sweden, and Prussia,—nay, even of Spain and Portugal, notwithstanding
their implacable persecution of the Jewish nation,—were in the habit
of employing Jews as their emissaries. Sir William Temple, who was
English ambassador at the Hague in 1668, expresses his astonishment
at this fact. The Baron de Belmont was the Spanish minister in
Holland during the whole of the latter half of the seventeenth
century, and Nunez da Costa held a similar office under the crown of
Portugal, though both these were notoriously Jews.
In literary eminence the Italian Jews of this century are said to
be inferior both to the generations which preceded and those which
followed them. This is attributed to the severe censorship of the
press, which is always unfavourable to literature. The famous Leo
of Modena, head of the synagogue of Venice, and author of many
works, both in Italian and Hebrew, on antiquities and theology, is
an instance of this. He was on the point, we are told, of making a
translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Italian, which would have
been beyond doubt a valuable work, but the Inquisition commanded him
to desist.
But if their writings were handled with severity, the same cannot be
said of their persons. It is mentioned, indeed, that in Rome, during
the pontificate of Innocent XI., they were in such favour with the
people that their synagogues were frequented by the latter, and in
such numbers that the Pope was obliged to threaten his subjects with
excommunication, and a fine of twenty crowns every time they resorted
to a place of Jewish worship.
The same pontiff was very earnest for their conversion. He built
seminaries where Jews might receive instruction in the Christian
faith, and houses where such as had become converts might be
maintained. He caused sermons to be preached, in which it was proved
from the Hebrew Scriptures that Jesus Christ was the Messiah whom
they expected. In order to encourage still further proselytes to
the Christian faith, some person of high rank, a nobleman or a
cardinal, stood godfather to them on the occasion of their baptism.
A handsome present in money also was made them: they were dressed
in white satin, and carried about Rome in fine coaches for a
fortnight afterwards, receiving everywhere the congratulations of the
spectators. At the same time it was very plainly intimated to them,
that if they relapsed into Judaism they would straightway be burnt
alive.[196]
It is certainly strange that under such circumstances conversions
were not effected. Innocent evinced not only the controversial zeal
which many before and after him have shown, but also an amount of
real charity and goodwill which must, one would have thought, have
had a very potent influence with the Jews of that day. When the
Venetians, in 1685, after their successful war in the Morea, brought
back a large number both of Christian and Jewish captives, they
gave the former their freedom, but retained the latter in servitude.
Innocent, however, interfered, and insisted on their liberating
the Jews also. But we learn that, notwithstanding all his generous
exertions on their behalf, he failed in making any considerable
number of real converts. Cardinal Barberini who had spent large sums
and used great exertions in endeavouring to accomplish this work,
was compelled to own that the conversions had been for the most part
insincere. It is not, indeed, by such means as those employed that
converts can be made.
As regards the distinguished literary men of this period, it has
already been remarked that there were fewer of these than in previous
and subsequent generations; and, in the majority of European nations,
such as there were do not contrast favourably with either their
predecessors or successors. There were, however, writers of genius
and learning; among them Solomon Norzi, of Mantua, is the author of
a celebrated Massoretic work which, though it was not published till
a century after his death, has attained a great reputation. The two
Aboabs, both residents in Venice, were celebrated for their writings:
the former, Emmanuel by name, being the author of an able work on
tradition; the latter chiefly remarkable for his exposure of the
impious impostures of the pretended prophet, Sabbathai Sevi. Judah
da Modena produced many greatly admired works, and, in particular, a
Hebrew lexicon, and a _System of Artificial Memory_. Solomon Medigo,
physician to Prince Radziwill at Wilna, and Moses Luzzato, of Venice,
should also be mentioned.
FOOTNOTES:
[194] Manass. _Vindiciæ Judaicæ_. See Appendix V.
[195] Manasseh did not live to see the success of his efforts on
behalf of his countrymen. He died on his journey back to Holland, in
1657.
[196] Throughout this and the succeeding century, and, indeed, for
fully half of the present century, however much the stern rigour of
previous ages of persecution may have been relaxed, the condition of
the Jews was miserable in the extreme. They were strictly confined
to their Ghetto, the gates of which were closed regularly every
evening at eight o’clock, and such Jews as had not returned by that
time were obliged to remain outside all night. In front of a small
church standing near the entrance of the Ghetto was fixed a large
wooden crucifix, highly coloured and gilded, with the inscription,
‘All day long have I stretched forth Mine hands to a disobedient and
gainsaying people.’ Into this church the Jews at one time were driven
with scourges, by order of the popes, to listen to sermons preached
against their obstinacy and rebellion.