CHAPTER XXXII.

A.D. 1500-1600.

THE JEWS IN ASIA AND AFRICA.

We have now recorded the fortunes of the Jews, during the sixteenth

century, in all the countries of Europe where a domicile was allowed

them, as well as in Spain and Portugal, where, though banished by

law, they were still, under a nominal profession of Christianity,

permitted to linger. We have now once again to transfer our attention

to eastern and southern lands, in which, under Mahometan rule, they

found a more merciful refuge. Before doing so, however, it is proper

to repeat the remark already made, that, although legally forbidden,

during those centuries, to enter several of the European kingdoms, it

is far from certain that they were not to be found in them, and that

in no inconsiderable numbers, though doubtless they were careful to

keep out of sight as much as possible. Reference has been made to a

Spanish historian, who says that ‘many of the Spanish exiles fled to

England, establishing themselves in three of the largest towns—Dover,

York, and London—and that they built synagogues in the last-named

city, where they afterwards carried on a thriving trade.’ ‘From

1291 to 1655,’ writes a pamphleteer in 1753, ‘the Jews have run the

hazard, as they do in another country [doubtless Spain], where so

many of them have expired, and annually still expire in the flames;

but meeting all along with lenitives [merciful usage], they have made

true one of our English proverbs of claiming an ell’s longitude for

an inch’s allowance.’[177]

In France it is certain that they were tolerated, so long, probably,

as they did not make themselves conspicuous. Rabbi Joseph relates

that Henry II. allowed certain Jews from Mauritius to reside in the

French cities, and in 1550 granted them his protection and various

privileges. His father and his queen, Catherine de Medici, had

Jewish physicians, who were high in favour with their employers.

We are told that the Parliament of Paris condemned in severe terms

the inhuman conduct of the sovereigns of Spain and Portugal; and

that many of the Portuguese emigrants were suffered to establish

themselves at Bordeaux and Bayonne, where they have since resided

without molestation. The same, no doubt, was the case among the

German States; where, if the Jews were persecuted in one city, it was

comparatively easy to fly for shelter to another.

So likewise in Russia. The Jews have never been readmitted to the

provinces from which they were originally driven out. But Russia has

in modern times acquired by conquest extensive territories in which

there was a large Hebrew population. She did not carry her dislike

so far as to expel them from her new dominions, and has as many as

two millions of Jewish subjects. But her feelings towards them have

undergone but little change.

Doubtless many of the Spanish and Portuguese fugitives betook

themselves to one or other of the above-named countries. But it is

tolerably certain that the great mass chose the Mussulman kingdoms in

Asia and Africa as their future abiding-places. Whether it was due to

the scorn, the calm indifference, or the compassion, with which the

Mahometan princes regarded them, it is certain that they permitted

them the free exercise of their religion, and the full possession of

civil rights. In Persia and Media, even before the Spanish exodus,

they seem to have been very numerous, though the particulars recorded

respecting them are extremely scanty. During Timour’s wars, they

naturally suffered, among all the other inhabitants of Persia, from

the inroads of his savage soldiery, which took little account of the

difference of creed among those whom they attacked and conquered.

We are informed that their synagogues were wrecked, their schools

destroyed, and great numbers of them slain in the capture of cities.

These troubles had hardly subsided when the irruption of the fierce

Shah Ismail Sofi once more threw everything into disorder. His rapid

and signal success is said to have produced such an effect upon them,

that they were persuaded he must be the Messiah who was to come. The

idea was encouraged by the fact that Ismail had declared himself to

be a prophet sent from God to reform the corruptions of Islamism.

But he received their homage very coldly[178]—indeed, is said to

have treated them with less consideration than any others of his new

subjects.

One of his successors, Shah Abbas, a generation or two afterwards,

brought about a severe persecution of the Jews in his dominions,

though in a very singular manner. He had issued a proclamation

granting great privileges to such strangers as should settle in

his dominions. The Jews immediately availed themselves of this,

and crowded in such numbers into the country that they speedily

engrossed the trade. This was no more than was their ordinary wont;

but Shah Abbas’s subjects were greatly aggrieved, and made bitter

complaints to the king. Thereupon he made a very minute inquiry into

their peculiar habits and opinions, possibly in order to find some

excuse for banishing them from the land. Learning that they had long

expected the arrival of their Messiah, and were still waiting for

Him, he insisted on it that they should name some time by which, if

He had not made His appearance, they should admit their belief to

be unfounded, and conform to Mahometanism. After long consultation

among themselves, they told Shah Abbas that they would agree to fix

seventy years as the prescribed limit—doubtless arguing that most

probably all concerned, but certainly Shah Abbas, would be dead

before the arrival of that day. The king received the reply with

gravity, and caused it to be formally registered, and deposited in

the archives of the kingdom. It is probable that the memory of it

died out even before the end of Shah Abbas’s reign. At all events,

when the appointed period approached, wars and commotions of one

kind or another occupied men’s minds, and no attention was paid to

the subject. But, more than a hundred years afterwards, Shah Abbas

II., in an unlucky hour, chanced to light upon his ancestor’s decree.

It was of course found that, although the seventy years had long

expired, and the expected Messiah had not made His appearance, the

Jews had not adopted the Moslem faith, nor were they disposed to do

so now. Here was a clear proof of their treachery and falsehood; and

the consequence was a massacre which is said to have lasted for three

years, those only escaping who abjured their religion, or fled into

Turkey on one side, or India on the other. After a while, however, it

was found that the supposed converts, though nominally Mahometans,

as their brethren in Spain had professed to be Christians, were in

reality Jews at heart. Wiser than Ferdinand and his successors, Shah

Abbas recalled his decree, and allowed the pretended Mussulmans to

return to their real creed.

But little is known of the Jews in the Eastern Empire during the

period preceding the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, in

1453. But, a generation or two after that event, large numbers

were to be found both in Constantinople itself and other parts of

the Sultan’s European dominions. The Spanish exiles who resorted

thither found a large number of synagogues already in existence,

served by a priesthood in no way inferior to what their own had been

at home. They did not, however, amalgamate with these, but built

new synagogues in Constantinople, Jerusalem, Damascus, Saloniki,

and other great cities, each of which long afterwards retained the

name of the original builders, one being called the synagogue of

Toledo, another of Lisbon, another of Aragon, and the like. The

Turkish government treated them with great liberality, allowing them

unrestricted freedom in establishing manufactures and transacting

commerce, permitting them also to hold landed property. Whatever

amount of their wealth had been stripped from them by their Spanish

persecutors, we may be sure, was now speedily recovered. Nor does

it appear that they were subjected to any excessive exactions. They

paid a certain amount of taxes, no doubt, and were occasionally

liable to arbitrary demands, from which no one in the East is secure;

but, on the whole, they were mercifully dealt with. Here too, as

in all other lands where they have resided, their great financial

and diplomatic ability was utilized by the Turkish rulers. Selim I.

(A.D. 1512) trusted much to his Jewish physician, Joseph Hamon. His

son, Solyman II., called ‘the Magnificent’ (A.D. 1520), similarly

employed Moses Hamon, the son of Joseph, who, by his influence with

his royal master, on one occasion saved the whole of his people

from massacre.[179] Solomon Ashkenasi was selected as the Sultan’s

agent to conduct a negotiation with the Venetian Republic. Joseph

Nasi obtained such favour with Selim II. (A.D. 1566) that he was

made Duke of Naxos, and was even designated King of Cyprus, though

that intention was never carried out. After the disastrous battle of

Lepanto, another Jew, Solomon Rophé, was sent to arrange a treaty of

peace with the Venetians.

The Spanish Jews, among their other effects, brought their

printing-presses into Turkey, where, by the favour of the Sultans,

they were set up. At Constantinople and at Saloniki they were soon in

active employment. The Old Testament Scriptures in Hebrew and Spanish

were printed and largely circulated, as well as many Jewish writings

which had hitherto remained in manuscript. At Saloniki a famous

college was established, at which there were said to be as many as

5000 students. There was also a valuable library, which unfortunately

was destroyed by fire in 1545.

The Holy Land is another country to which, as we might naturally

expect, refugees from other lands resorted. It had always been

regarded as a befitting thing for Jews of an advanced age to make

a pilgrimage thither, and die among the hallowed scenes of their

cherished traditions. With every persecution in European countries

the number of these increased; and at the beginning of the sixteenth

century Palestine was filled with swarms of Israelites, who, as a

rule, were poor and destitute, and suffered greatly from the rapacity

of Turkish officials. The Jewish communities in other parts of the

world regarded it as their duty to support these needy brethren, and

in larger cities collections were regularly made in the synagogues

for this purpose. As no attempt apparently was made to provide them

with the means of supporting themselves,—and possibly none could have

been made with success,—the distress was always considerable, and

after the Spanish exodus rose to a still greater height.

Another quarter to which large numbers of the expelled Jews migrated

was the northern coast of Africa. This was a region already familiar

to them. Egypt had, for a great length of time, been a favourite

place of abode with them, and this had more particularly been the

case since the time of Maimonides. Schools had been established in

Cairo, Damietta, and other Egyptian towns, to which great numbers of

students resorted. In the kingdom of Morocco, again, the banished

Jews settled in great numbers. This was, indeed, the nearest country

to Spain, Portugal excepted, and communications had for a long time

been kept up between the inhabitants of the two kingdoms. In Tripoli

also, Oran, Fez, Tunis, and Algiers, many Jewish families established

themselves. But they did not receive the same friendly welcome which

their brethren experienced in the East. They were allowed liberty of

conscience, no doubt, and the protection of the law; but that was all

the favour accorded them. The authorities laid heavy burdens on them,

and at times exacted large sums as subsidies, after a fashion which

greatly resembled the dealings of the English and French sovereigns

several centuries before. The lower orders looked on them with

fanatical prejudice, and they were obliged to wear black turbans, and

boots of a different colour from those of the natives of the country.

Yet their position, on the whole, was not unhappy. They were largely

employed in the iron-works among the mountains of Morocco, as well as

in building and agriculture.

One feature in their history deserves especial mention. In 1578, when

the ill-fated expedition of Sebastian of Portugal took place, large

numbers of Portuguese nobles and gentlemen were made prisoners, and

sold as slaves in the market-places of the chief towns of Morocco.

Many of these were bought by Portuguese Jews, who must have been

sorely tempted to requite the injuries themselves and their fathers

had received on these captives, who were wholly at their mercy. But

they took a nobler revenge. They not only exacted no ransom of them,

but allowed them to return to their homes, requiring of them no other

condition than that of passing their word of honour that they would,

on arriving in Portugal, remit to their former masters the sums that

had been paid for their redemption from slavery. History has recorded

few nobler actions.

FOOTNOTES:

[177] _Some Observations of a London Merchant about the Bill for

the Naturalization of the Jews_, A.D. 1753. The writer had probably

conversed with persons who remembered the state of things in England

before the readmission of the Jews. As regards the assertion of the

Spanish historian, therefore, there is very reasonable likelihood of

the Jews having been allowed to live without molestation in England

during the reigns of the Tudors. Indeed, as Disraeli has remarked,

if there had been no Jews in England, Sir E. Coke would hardly have

insisted so forcibly on their not being admissible as witnesses. But

the statement respecting the building and public use of synagogues

must be taken with reservation. The expulsion from Spain occurred a

little before the close of the fifteenth century. Scarcely more than

fifty years afterwards we find Cromwell’s divines declaring that ‘for

the Jews to have synagogues, or any public meetings for worship, was

not only evil, but scandalous to Christian churches.’ Surely they

could not have said this, if synagogues had so recently existed in

London, and worship been celebrated in them!

[178] This king seems to have had a dislike to excessive homage,

which was a rare feature in an Eastern prince. It is recorded of him

that on one occasion, after one of his great victories, his soldiers

saluted him with Oriental adulation, some declaring him to be a

prophet, others an angel, and others God Himself. Finding that he

could not dissuade them from their impiety, he ordered a deep pit to

be dug, and then, throwing one of his shoes into it, gave out that

the man who honoured him most was to fetch it out. Numbers instantly

threw themselves into the pit. He then gave orders to have the earth

thrown back again, burying the whole of his worshippers alive!

Doubtless none ever offered him adoration again.

[179] A Turk, having reason to suspect one of his neighbours of an

attempt to seduce his wife, assassinated him, and to escape suspicion

threw the corpse into the Jewish quarter. It was found there, and

occasioned a popular insurrection, in which the Jews would have been

murdered to a man, if Moses Hamon had not prevailed on Solyman to

order an inquiry, by which the truth was elicited.

The history of the Jews: From the war with Rome to the present time · 第 32 / 44 章