THE FORGING OF THE PIKES.
It will be remembered that, during the summer of 1836, Dr. Baldwin,
George Ridout and J. E. Small had been dismissed by Sir Francis Head
from certain offices held by them at the pleasure of the Crown. Mr.
Ridout had appealed to Lord Glenelg, to whom the Lieutenant-Governor had
soon afterwards found himself called upon to defend his conduct. The
only reason which had at first been assigned by his Excellency for Mr.
Ridout's dismissal was that the latter was presumed to be a member of
the Constitutional Reform Society. This society, just before the
election, had issued and circulated a printed address wherein his
Excellency was charged with a disregard of constitutional Government,
and of candour and truth in his statements. Mr. Ridout had undoubtedly
attended and spoken at some of the meetings of the society, but he was
not a member of it, and had no difficulty in establishing the fact to
the satisfaction of the Colonial Secretary, who, after mature
consideration, conveyed to Sir Francis His Majesty's commands that Mr.
Ridout should be reinstated in the various offices from which he had
been removed. With this command, as mentioned towards the close of the
last chapter, Sir Francis did not see fit to comply. Finding himself
beaten upon the case as it stood, he proceeded to amend the record by
alleging other matters against the accused. In this course he met with
little encouragement from his Lordship, who patiently combated his
untenable positions, and repeated the injunction that Mr. Ridout should
be reinstated. While the matter was in abeyance, another difference of
opinion arose between Lord Glenelg and Sir Francis. During the spring of
1837, Mr. Jameson having been appointed Vice Chancellor, and Archibald
McLean and Jonas Jonas having been appointed Judges of the Court of
King's Bench, it became necessary for Sir Francis to submit these
appointments to his Lordship, together with those of Mr. Hagerman and
Mr. Draper respectively to the offices of Attorney-General and
Solicitor-General. His Excellency seems to have felt that it was
necessary to assign some reason for passing over Mr. Bidwell, whose
legal acquirements were certainly superior to those of any other member
of the Upper Canada bar since John Rolph had abandoned the long robe.
"That gentleman's legal acquirements," wrote Sir Francis,[269] "are, I
consider, superior to at least one of the individuals whom I have
elevated. His moral character is irreproachable. But, anxious as I am to
give to talent its due, yet I cannot but feel that the welfare and
honour of this Province depend on His Majesty never promoting a disloyal
man." His Excellency then went on to represent Mr. Bidwell as having
been desirous of effecting the separation of the colony from the parent
state, and of exchanging the British constitution for "the low,
grovelling principles of democracy." There was no allegation that any
such desire had ever been personally expressed or manifested by Mr.
Bidwell, but it was inferred _from the conduct of his associates_. This
was somewhat more than the Colonial Secretary could quietly pass over.
He pointed out[270] to the Lieutenant-Governor that the disloyalty
imputed to Mr. Bidwell's associates had not been charged against
himself, or attempted to be proved by any act of his; that he had
withdrawn himself from political strife; and that as his professional
abilities and high moral character were respected by his political
opponents, the political stand formerly taken by him ought not to
operate against his advancement. It was further urged by his Lordship
that the elevation of such a man to the bench would convince the Upper
Canadian public of the impartiality of the Executive in such matters.
Finally, his Excellency was informed that should another vacancy occur
among the Judges of the Court of King's Bench, it was the wish of His
Majesty's Government that the situation should be offered to Mr.
Bidwell.
Upon receipt of the missive containing this intimation the Tried
Reformer was almost beside himself. He had none of that magnanimity
which impels a man to admit that he is in the wrong when he has been
clearly proved to be so. Nor could he boast of that skill of graceful
concession which enables its possessor to recede without discredit from
an untenable position. He replied to his Lordship[271] in the following
blunt and explicit terms: "After very deliberate consideration, I have
determined to take upon myself the serious responsibility of positively
refusing to place Mr. Bidwell on the bench, or to restore Mr. George
Ridout to the Judgeship from which I have removed him." He went on to
deprecate the necessity for this "overt act of hostility," but added
that disobedience on the part of a Lieutenant-Governor does not
necessarily imply disaffection to the Minister. He hinted that he was
quite prepared for an immediate dismissal. A great part of the despatch
was taken up with libels upon Mr. Bidwell and his father. In order that
there might be no misunderstanding on the matter, he emphatically
repeated his refusal to elevate the former. "So long as I remain
Lieutenant-Governor of this Province," he wrote, "I will _never_ raise
Mr. Bidwell to the bench; and I think it proper to confess to your
Lordship that I have at this moment two appointments to make of King's
Counsel, neither of which can I conscientiously bestow upon that
gentleman." He declined to argue the question as to Mr. Ridout any
further, and again refused in the most explicit terms to reinstate him
in office. This language left the Colonial Secretary no other discretion
than to "accept Sir Francis's resignation," but before this
determination was officially conveyed to him the peace of the Province
was disturbed by the outbreak of the rebellion.
During the whole summer of this year Mackenzie was doing his utmost to
add to the prevalent feeling of discontent against the Government. A
superlative bitterness had possessed him ever since the elections, and
the fate of his petition had inflamed his resentment almost to madness.
He felt that he had been cheated out of his seat, and that nothing was
to be hoped for on behalf of either himself or his fellow-workers so
long as the existing Government remained in power. To subvert that
Government thenceforth became the dominant passion of his life. He was
ready to adopt any means, lawful or unlawful, to secure that end. The
tone of the _Constitution_ was not to be mistaken. The mind of the
editor had evidently run a long course since he had first begun to
concern himself with public affairs. In one of the early numbers of the
_Advocate_[272] he had boasted that disloyalty could never enter his
breast. "Even the name I bear," he had written, "has in all ages proved
talismanic, an insurmountable barrier." What a change had come over him
since giving utterance to those words. He now boasted of his "rebel
blood," which he declared would always be uppermost. "I am proud," he
wrote, "of my descent from a rebel race."[273] And, as if this were not
sufficiently specific, he added: "If the people felt as I feel, there is
never a Grant or Glenelg who crossed the Tay and Tweed to exchange
high-born Highland poverty for substantial Lowland wealth, who would
dare to insult Upper Canada with the official presence, as its ruler, of
such an equivocal character as this Mr. What-do-they-call-him--Francis
Bond Head." Ever and anon the Tory press retorted on him in a spirit by
no means calculated to soften the asperity of his heart. The most
contemptuous epithets were freely bestowed upon him, and he was from
time to time taunted with his humble origin. It seems almost unnecessary
to say that those who indulged in such taunts as these had very little
wherewith to reproach Mackenzie on the score of birth and breeding.
There must surely be some foul taint in the blood of any man who can
stoop to such methods of humiliating a beaten enemy. Still, such
insults, coming, as they did, in the wake of serious material injury,
added fuel to the flame which burned within Mackenzie's heart like a
consuming fire. All the worst part of his nature was up in arms. There
were times when he wrote and spoke like one who has lost all
self-control. But he was in such deadly earnest that he carried
conviction to many a wavering mind. In the Home District, where his
paper chiefly circulated, there were scores of people who had seen
enough of irresponsible Government to be ready to receive his
preachments with favour. His efforts were not restricted to writing
virulent articles. He openly went among the people, and disseminated
his doctrines by word of mouth. He spoke better than he wrote; and it
was only natural that he should exercise a strong influence over the
rural communities wherein the Radical element was in the ascendant. His
influence became specially conspicuous at this time throughout the
Second Riding of York, which he had represented in Parliament, and
which, as previously mentioned, had been the scene of much high-handed
corruption during the last election contest. The voters of that
constituency awoke to the fact that they had been beguiled by the
Tories, and that their representative, Mr. Thomson, was not likely to be
of much service in the role of a Reformer. They eagerly listened to
Mackenzie's tabulation of grievances, and cheered him to the echo when
he hinted that the time had arrived for the Spirit of Freedom to assert
herself.
Among those who warmly sympathized with Mackenzie was Samuel Lount, of
Holland Landing, who, it will be remembered, had sat in the last
Parliament for Simcoe, and who had been beaten, as he believed, by
corrupt methods, at the last election. He had contemplated a petition to
the Assembly, but had been discouraged by the conviction that it would
be impossible to obtain an impartial inquiry. He now made common cause
with Mackenzie in promoting the establishment of a series of "Union
meetings," as they were called, in the various townships of North York
and Simcoe. These meetings were convened at irregular intervals for the
ostensible purpose of political organization. At first they seem to have
been conducted with a good deal of craftiness, for as a general thing
nothing was said which could in strictness be regarded as treasonable.
But there can be little doubt that the intention of the original
promoter of these assemblages was the spread of revolutionary ideas,
with a view to an ultimate resort to arms, and in a short time the mask
of political organization was completely thrown off. Those who had once
put their hands to the plough did not care to draw back, and, before
they were aware of what they were doing, they found themselves committed
to projects of which at the outset they had not so much as dreamed.
Lount's example was followed by most of the leading Radicals among the
farming community where he was best known. The Lloyds, Gorhams, Doans,
Fletchers and others had long been active advocates of Radical
principles, and had marked with ever-growing hostility the tactics of
Sir Francis Head. They saw right persistently violated by might. They
saw the respectful complaints and petitions of the people disregarded
and set at naught. They saw the Government in the hands of persons who
were not only devoid of sympathy with progressive ideas, but who seemed
to have no regard for the principles of plain right and wrong. They
found themselves of no account in the commonwealth. Their cherished
principles were held up to public scorn, and their chosen candidates for
Parliament were beaten by fraudulent means. They were utterly without
weight in public affairs. After a long and hard fight with the Family
Compact, they saw that clique more strongly entrenched in power than
ever before. The Tried Reformer who, in response to their long and loud
appeals, had been sent over to administer the Government, had stooped to
a barefaced violence and tyranny in excess of anything which could be
truly charged against the Tory Sir John Colborne. All the old abuses
were maintained in full vigour. The incubus of the Clergy Reserves was
not removed. Appointments to office were still made from one political
body only. The Legislative Council still had the power to paralyze the
efforts of the Assembly. The Assembly itself was at present as
retrograde as the Upper House, and it had been formed by a corrupt and
venal race of officials against whom there was no remedy. The Act to
prevent the dissolution of Parliament would probably have the effect of
maintaining the existing Assembly for years. To all these evils was now
superadded great commercial depression. And there seemed to be no
prospect of brighter times. The future seemed overcast and hopeless. Is
it any wonder if those who were compelled to contemplate the picture
from this dark point of view were forced to the conclusion that a change
of any kind must surely be for the better?
It is impossible to say at what precise date the idea of armed
resistance to authority was adopted among the rural Reformers, but I can
find no distinct trace of it until the 30th of June, when, at a secret
meeting held at Lloydtown, a resolution was passed to the effect that
constitutional resistance to oppression having been for many years tried
in vain, it behooved every Reformer to arm himself in defence of his
rights and those of his fellow-countrymen. Within a fortnight afterwards
resolutions of a similar character were passed by small gatherings in
other parts of the Home District. As yet, however, the idea of actual
rebellion does not seem to have taken definite shape in the minds of the
supporters of Mackenzie and Lount. At most, there appears to have been a
sort of understanding that recourse to arms was justifiable, and might
some day become expedient; but even this view of the case did not meet
with universal acquiescence, and the advocates of insurrection sometimes
found themselves confronted by hostile majorities, even among assemblies
of the most trusted Radicals.
But meanwhile Reformers in the cities and towns were beginning to bestir
themselves. Toronto was the headquarters of the Reform party of Upper
Canada, and it was natural that the adherents of that party throughout
the Province generally should contemplate their proceedings with
interest. As yet the idea of an armed rising against the Government had
not been seriously hinted at among the Reformers of the capital.
Profound sympathy, however, was felt and expressed among them for the
Lower Canadians, who made no secret of their determination to rebel in
case certain resolutions adopted by the British Parliament, at the
instance of the Ministry, were acted upon. These resolutions had been
adopted in consequence of the Lower Canadian Assembly's persistent
refusal to grant supplies. They authorized the seizure of certain funds
in the hands of the Provincial Receiver-General, and the application of
them to the general purposes of the Provincial government. Papineau and
his adherents had been maddened by this proceeding, and were actively
engaged in preparations for an outbreak. The Upper Canadian Reformers
warmly sympathized with their neighbours, and passed resolutions
condemnatory of the obnoxious resolutions. On the 5th of July,
Mackenzie, in the _Constitution_, reviewed the state of affairs in the
Lower Province with exceeding boldness. He discussed the probability of
an outbreak there, and the chances of success, very clearly indicating
his own opinion in the affirmative as to both contingencies. Other
Reform papers expressed strong opinions in favour of Papineau's side of
the quarrel, but, with the exception of the _Constitution_, none of them
ventured to predict and hope for the success of the rebel arms. The fact
is, that a comparatively small number of Upper Canadian Reformers were
either ripe for or desirous of rebellion. They were aroused to hot
anger, and were prepared to advocate the most radical measures of
agitation. Their hostility, however, was not chiefly directed against
Great Britain, but against Sir Francis Head and those by whom he was
surrounded. It was felt that the Home Office had failed in its duty, but
the more intelligent were ready to make allowances for the ignorance
respecting Canadian affairs of a Minister three thousand miles away.
Such were the sentiments of Robert Baldwin and hundreds of other persons
the sincerity of whose Reform principles were equally free from doubt.
Dr. Baldwin felt and expressed less moderation than his son, though he
was not the man to venture upon what he could not have regarded
otherwise than as a hare-brained scheme of rebellion, more especially
when his chief allies would be composed of the Mackenzie element of
Radicals. Rolph and Bidwell were precisely of the same opinion as Dr.
Baldwin. They were sick and weary of all that they saw around them. They
would have cordially welcomed a bloodless revolution. As for Bidwell, he
would gladly have seen the Province quietly absorbed by the United
States, for Family Compact domination would then have been at an end,
and there would have been a chance for a man to be rated according to
his merits. One situated as he was could not be expected to be devotedly
loyal to a Government which did its utmost to keep him down, and which
raised a lawyer like Jonas Jones to the bench over his head. Like his
father before him, he was a republican in principle, and would doubtless
have been willing enough to see a republican form of Government
established in Upper Canada; but he had never permitted his
predilections to interfere with his duties as a citizen and legislator.
Moreover, he was before all things a Christian and a man of peace. It is
not by such as he that revolutions are planned or accomplished. If
questioned on the subject, he would doubtless have admitted that
rebellion, under certain circumstances, may be justifiable, but it is
hardly possible to conceive of any circumstances under which he could
have been induced to take part in such a movement. Assuredly, nothing
short of an almost absolute certainty of success would have impelled him
to such a course. The inherent probabilities of success in the case of
the Upper Canadian rebellion were from the first very few and remote.
There was a brief interval during which, owing to the stupidity and
supineness of the Government, success might have been achieved, but
whether it would have been temporary or permanent must ever remain an
open question. In any case, the contingency was one upon which no
prudent man would have allowed himself to count beforehand. As a matter
of fact Mr. Bidwell had no more to do with the rebellion than had Robert
Baldwin.[274] Dr. Rolph, Dr. Morrison, David Gibson, James Hervey Price,
Francis Hincks, John Doel, James and William Lesslie, John
Mackintosh,[275] and many other leading Reformers were full of vehemence
and indignation, ready to go any reasonable length to bring about a
state of things more satisfactory to their party; but up to the close of
summer I cannot learn that any serious thought of rebellion had taken
possession of the minds of any prominent Toronto Reformer with the
exception of Mackenzie himself. Even up in North York and Simcoe, where
the feeling of discontent was strongest, and where there was much talk
about rebellion against the Government, no one seems to have realized or
believed that there would be any actual outbreak.
There could be no doubt, however, that the Reformers in both town and
country were more thoroughly in earnest than they had ever been before.
Energetic measures were in favour among them, and the number of
advocates of passive endurance was very small. There were regular
communications between them and the opponents of the Government in Lower
Canada. They held frequent meetings, at which schemes of agitation were
discussed, and where every member was encouraged to speak his mind
without fear or favour. A very frequent place of meeting in Toronto was
Elliott's tavern, on the north-west corner of Yonge and Queen Streets. A
place for holding more secret and confidential caucuses was the brewery
of John Doel, situated at the rear of his house on the north-west corner
of Adelaide and Bay Streets.[276] Towards the end of July a number of
leading Radicals assembled at Elliott's for the purpose of discussing
the draft of a written Declaration, which was intended to embody the
platform of the local members of the party. It reads very much like a
cautious parody on the Declaration of Independence of the United States,
upon which it was evidently modelled. It set forth the principal
grievances of which the Reform party complained; declared that the time
had arrived for the assertion of rights and the redress of wrongs; and
expressed the warmest admiration of Papineau and his compatriots for
their opposition to the British Government. It further expressed the
opinion that the Reformers of Upper Canada were bound to make common
cause with their fellow-citizens in the Lower Province; and to render
their cooeperation more effectual it recommended that public meetings
should be held and political associations organized throughout the
country. Finally, it recommended that a convention of delegates should
be held at Toronto to consider the political situation, "with authority
to its members to appoint commissioners to meet others to be named on
behalf of Lower Canada and any of the other colonies, armed with
suitable powers as a congress to seek an effectual remedy for the
grievances of the colonists." Mr. Lindsey,[277] doubtless upon the
authority of Mackenzie, represents this Declaration as having been the
joint work of Dr. Rolph and Dr. W. J. O'Grady, somewhile editor of _The
Correspondent and Advocate_. I can find no confirmatory evidence of
this statement, and some of Dr. Rolph's letters would seem, at least by
implication, to contradict the assertion that he had any hand in its
preparation. The question of authorship, however, is not important. The
document was discussed at considerable length. Dr. Morrison, who was
present, fully approved of its contents, but objected to sign it, as he
would thereby place himself in a dubious position as a member of
Parliament. This argument was not acquiesced in by James Lesslie, and
the Doctor finally appended his signature. His example was followed by
all the other members present except James Lesslie, who withheld his
name until the document should be signed by Dr. Rolph, who was absent
from the meeting.[278]
On the afternoon of Friday, the 28th of the same month, the Declaration
was submitted to and discussed for the second time by a number of
Reformers assembled at Elliott's. There was to be a large meeting the
same evening at Doel's brewery, at which it was thought desirable that
the platform should be adopted. Some discussion arose as to several
clauses, however, and one or two immaterial alterations were made, after
which it was thought best to postpone the final adoption of the
Declaration in its entirety until a subsequent meeting. The meeting held
during the evening at Doel's was very numerously attended. About three
hundred persons were present,[279] and a good deal of important
discussion took place. A motion expressive of sympathy and admiration
for Papineau and his compatriots was proposed by Mackenzie, and passed
without a dissentient voice, and it was resolved that "the Reformers of
Upper Canada" should make common cause with those of the Lower Province.
The persons present at this meeting of course had no authority to speak
on behalf of the Reformers of Upper Canada as a whole, but they fairly
enough represented the Radical wing of the party, which was quite large
enough to be formidable. The meeting further resolved that a convention
of delegates should be assembled at an early period in Toronto, "to take
into consideration the state of the Province, the causes of the present
pecuniary and other difficulties, and the means whereby they may be
effectually removed;" and that persons be appointed by the said
convention to proceed to Lower Canada, "there to meet the delegates of
any congress of these Provinces which may be appointed to sit and
deliberate on matters of mutual interest to the colonies during the
present year." The Declaration was not submitted, as final judgment had
not been passed upon it by those who had it in charge. After a long and
busy session, the assemblage adjourned to meet in the same place on the
evening of Monday, the 31st.
It was matter of much regret among the Radical leaders that Dr. Rolph
had not up to this time taken any active part in their deliberations. He
was known to be in sympathy with the project of a movement in concert
with the Lower Canadians for the purpose of impressing the Imperial
Government with the necessity of changing their colonial policy. He had
become the trusted counsellor of all the leading Radicals, who looked up
to him as the one man in the Province who was capable of directing any
large or wise measure of Reform. But he had not identified himself with
them by actual cooeperation in their projects, and had attended none of
their secret meetings, although he was kept fully informed of all that
occurred thereat. The Radicals, recognizing how much would be gained by
securing the presence among them of Rolph and Bidwell, resolved to press
both those gentlemen into service. At the adjourned meeting on the
evening of the 31st, the movement made considerable progress. The
Declaration was formally adopted clause by clause. According to a
contemporary newspaper report,[280] it "called forth from the meeting
the most unequivocal marks of approbation." As already mentioned, one of
its clauses recommended the holding of a convention at Toronto. A
resolution was accordingly unanimously adopted appointing Rolph,
Bidwell, Dr. Morrison, James Lesslie and others as delegates to the
proposed convention. This, it was confidently believed, would have the
effect of identifying Rolph and Bidwell with the Radical cause, for it
was not thought that either of them would refuse to attend as delegates.
Other resolutions were adopted with a view to placing the party in a
state of efficient organization throughout the Province. The persons who
had previously appended their names to the Declaration[281] were
appointed "a permanent Committee of Vigilance, for this city and
liberties, and to carry into immediate and practical effect the
resolutions of this meeting for the effectual organization of the
Reformers of Upper Canada." John Elliott, a Toronto scrivener, who was
also Assistant Clerk of the City Council, was requested to continue to
act as Secretary-in-Ordinary, and Mackenzie to act as "Agent and
Corresponding Secretary." Both of these requests were assented to. A
resolution, doubtless adopted in emulation of similar resolutions at
meetings held under Papineau's auspices in Lower Canada, pledged the
members to abstain as far as possible "from the consumption of articles
coming from beyond sea, or paying duties." A sort of rider to this was
moved by Mackenzie, and adopted by the meeting: "That the right of
obtaining articles of luxury or necessity in the cheapest market is
inherent in the people, who only consent to the imposition of duties for
the creation of revenues with the express understanding that the
revenues so raised from them shall be devoted to the necessary expenses
of Government, and appointed by the people's representatives; and
therefore, when the contract is broken by an Executive or any foreign
authority, the people are released from their engagement, and are no
longer under any moral obligation to contribute to or aid in the
collection of such revenues." On Wednesday, the 2nd of August, the
Declaration was published in full, together with the names of the
committee, in _The Correspondent and Advocate_, and in Mackenzie's
_Constitution_. Each of these papers also published a report of the
proceedings at the meeting.
The part assigned to Mackenzie--that of "Agent and Corresponding
Secretary"--was an important one, and involved him in the necessity of
giving up all his time and energies to the cause. In so far as his
abilities enabled him to do so, he was to virtually play the same part
in Upper Canada that had long been enacted by Papineau in the Lower
Province. He was to be a supreme itinerant organizer, and was to go
about the country stirring up opposition to the Government. This would
involve the arranging and holding of public meetings and secret
caucuses, the selection of local correspondents, the supervision of
local reports, and various other duties not definitely specified, much
being necessarily left to his own discretion. He had been engaged in
precisely similar tasks for some weeks previously, but henceforth he was
able to carry out his designs as the accredited emissary of the
Reformers of Toronto, a fact which of course gave him additional
importance in the eyes of the Reformers generally. His appointment was
due to his own manoeuvres, but it must be confessed that he was in
many respects well qualified for the post.
He addressed himself to his tasks with redoubled assiduity. The Province
was mapped out into four districts, each of which was again subdivided
into minor divisions. Local branch societies were formed or remodelled
in all neighbourhoods where Reformers were numerous. Each of these was
directed to report regularly to a central society, and all the latter
were to report to the Corresponding Secretary, by whom the reports were
classified, digested, and laid before the central committee in Toronto.
Mackenzie at once proceeded to hold a fresh series of meetings,
beginning with the townships in which he was best known, and thence
flitting hither and thither as was deemed advisable. In this way, in the
course of the late summer and autumn he went over the whole of the Home
District, and over a great part of the adjoining country. His soul was
in the work he was doing, and he put into it all the energy which he
could command. He did not succeed in arousing such a feeling in the west
as Papineau did in the east. He had not Papineau's marvellous Gallic
eloquence, nor were the farmers of Upper Canada composed of such
inflammable material as the _habitans_ of the Lower Province. But
Mackenzie, when thoroughly aroused, as he now was, had considerable
power to move the masses, and he exerted himself to this end as he had
never done before. The manifold wrongs he had endured had exasperated
his nature almost beyond endurance, and he could lash himself into a
storm of indignation at a moment's notice. He succeeded in awakening
enthusiasm in persons who had formerly been remarkable for stolidity.
He presented few new subjects for the consideration of his auditors, but
he presented old subjects in a light which was suggestive of new ideas.
He declaimed against the iniquities of the Executive, the supineness of
the Imperial Government, and the culpable indifference of the British
Parliament. The Declaration, in fact, was the test upon which his
harangues were founded, but he presented its respective clauses in
ever-recurring novelty of aspect. The document was itself submitted to
the various meetings for approval, accompanied by Mackenzie's fiery
commentary. As a general thing the Radical element was largely in the
ascendant at the gatherings, and he had no trouble about carrying his
resolutions, frequently by very large majorities. He adapted his oratory
to his audience. Where he knew that he would encounter little or no
opposition he was much more outspoken than where the feeling was less
favourable to him. Wherever he felt that he could carry his audience
with him, he boldly advocated separation from the mother-country, and
the establishment of elective institutions under an independent
Government; though he took care to deprecate any appeal to physical
force,[282] and generally advocated a money payment to the British
Government as the price of a full release and quittance of all Imperial
claims upon the colony. He employed all the paraphernalia which he
thought likely to impress the people, and banners bearing revolutionary
inscriptions were freely displayed from the platform in neighbourhoods
where such a course was deemed safe. Lount, Gibson, Nelson Gorham and
others occasionally reinforced him by their presence and their oratory.
These gentlemen were all gifted with more than ordinary powers of
expression. The subject-matter was one which they all had deeply at
heart, and upon which they could speak with never-failing freshness and
vigour. The audiences were sometimes moved to rapturous demonstrations
of applause. Even in communities where the popular sentiment was less
enthusiastic the recommendations embodied in the Declaration were
generally assented to, and local vigilance committees were formed.
Delegates to the proposed Toronto convention were appointed, but the
date of holding it was for the time left open. About seventy of these
delegates were appointed in the Home District alone. The necessity for
making common cause with the Lower Canadian Opposition in their efforts
to establish civil and religious liberty was vehemently pressed by the
speakers, and commonly recognized by the audiences. Any reference on the
part of the speakers to what "our brethren in Lower Canada" were doing
for the cause of liberty was almost certain to evoke applause. A trusted
emissary--Jesse Lloyd of Lloydtown--acted as a medium of communication
between the Radical leaders in the two Provinces, and passed to and fro
from time to time with despatches and intelligence between Papineau and
Mackenzie. By this and other means the Lower Canadian leaders were from
first to last kept promptly informed of the progress of the movement in
the Upper Province.
Sometimes--not often--Mackenzie met with considerable opposition. The
idea of separation from Great Britain was a stumbling-block to a few
even of the ultra-Radicals, and had to be handled with extreme delicacy.
Others were chary of any concerted action with the Lower Canadians on
account of the latter's religious faith. In several instances, moreover,
the meetings were actually broken up by the Tories, in whose ears the
language used by Mackenzie and his coadjutors was neither more nor less
than treason. In other instances, though the opposition was not
effective enough to actually break up the meetings, it was found
impossible to carry any resolutions founded upon the Declaration. In
two cases the meetings were broken up in confusion by local bodies of
Orangemen, and a number of persons sustained more or less physical
violence. Such incidents as these, however, were the exception, and not
the rule. Out of all the meetings--considerably more than a hundred in
number[283]--held between the adoption of the Declaration and the actual
outbreak of rebellion, seventy-five per cent seem to have passed off
without serious disturbance or interference. Most of those who
disapproved of the meetings staid away from them, and regarded those who
promoted them with settled hostility, frequently accompanied by
contempt. Of those who attended and supported the resolutions, a very
small number had any suspicion that matters were shaping themselves, or
were being shaped by Mackenzie, towards rebellion.
As for Mackenzie himself, he seems to have been intent on mischief
during the whole summer of this eventful year. He however recognized the
necessity of moving slowly, for no one knew better than he that a very
small percentage of the Reformers of the Province could be brought to
sanction such a project as rebellion under his auspices. What they might
have been disposed to do if rebellion had been mooted by Robert Baldwin,
Bidwell, Rolph, and other eminent Reformers, it would now be idle to
inquire. It would be as profitless as to discuss what would have been
the fate of the Revolution of 1688 if James the Second had died while he
was Duke of York. The mental constitution of Baldwin and Bidwell were
such that it would have been an impossibility for them to take part in a
rebellion, and the general belief with respect to Rolph was that his
doing so was equally out of the question. All this was well known to
Mackenzie. He also well knew that the Reform press would have promptly
denounced him had his designs been known. If he had encountered such
denunciation his bubble would have burst there and then. But the Reform
press knew nothing of his designs. He was believed to be agitating for
constitutional Reform. It was of course known that he was carrying his
agitation to an unprecedented length, but it was supposed that he was
doing so for the purpose of intimidating the Government, and thereby
coercing them into concessions; and the Reform press throughout the land
was fully prepared to support him in such a course. He accordingly acted
with much greater caution than he had been wont to display in the
management of either public or private affairs. He perceived that the
machinery of vigilance committees, branch societies, public meetings and
what not, which had been so successfully set in motion under the
auspices of the Reformers, might be turned to account for
insurrectionary purposes. To a few of his friends in the country, over
whom he possessed almost unbounded influence, and who, as he knew, felt
almost as bitterly towards the Government as he himself did, he imparted
a project involving a resort to arms. Among them were Samuel Lount,
Jesse Lloyd, Silas Fletcher, Nelson Gorham and Peter Matthews. The
communication was doubtless made to the several persons at different
times, but all of those mentioned seem to have been made acquainted with
the project before the beginning of autumn. They all yielded a ready
enough acquiescence, but no thought of bloodshed was in their minds. It
was intended to get together a great body of Reformers from all over the
country, and then to advance upon the capital in the form of a monster
demonstration. This idea seems to have originated with Lount. It was at
first objected to by Mackenzie as unlikely to prove efficacious. He
urged that demonstrations had been made in his favour several years
before, and that none of them had had any effect in moderating the
policy of the Government, or in inducing the Assembly to permit him to
sit therein. He especially instanced the occasion upon which a great
crowd of the York electors had accompanied him to the House of Assembly,
and had filled the galleries and lobbies while Parliament was
sitting.[284] All this, he pointed out, had been labour in vain, and if
such a scene were to be re-enacted it must, in order to produce any
satisfactory effect, be on a very large scale indeed. His argument was
unanswerable. It was clear that any appeal to the Government's sense of
right would be made in vain, and that they could only be influenced
through their fears. If anything was to be effected by means of a
demonstration, the number of persons taking part in it must be
sufficiently numerous to overawe, and if necessary to coerce, the
Government.
Some weeks appear to have elapsed before any scheme was definitely fixed
upon and approved by all the nine or ten persons concerned, who thus
took upon themselves the responsibility of directing the future course
of our colonial polity. The understanding arrived at was that the time
of holding the proposed convention in Toronto would also be the
appropriate time for making the proposed demonstration. The convention
would afford a reasonable pretext for the assembling of great numbers of
Reformers at the capital. It will be remembered that no definite time
had been fixed upon for the holding of the convention. It was now
settled that it should be held early in the spring of the year 1838.
When the gathering should be complete, it was proposed to wait upon the
Government, as the barons waited on King John at Runnymede, and wring
from them their assent to a constitution founded upon the propositions
embodied in the Declaration. It was agreed that if this assent should be
obtained, Sir Francis Head was, at any rate temporarily, to be left
undisturbed in his position of Lieutenant-Governor, but that the
Executive Council should be altogether remodelled, and that Rolph,
Bidwell and Mackenzie should have seats therein. The Government was to
be carried on upon the principle of Executive responsibility to the
Assembly. This re-adjustment was to be followed by a general election,
after which the future of the colony would be in the hands of the
Assembly.
But how if the Government would not be coerced? What was to be done if
they refused to be dictated to? In that case there was only one course
open. The Lieutenant-Governor and his Council were to be seized with
_as_ little violence as possible. A Provisional Government was to be
formed with Dr. Rolph at its head, provided that that gentleman could be
induced to accept the position. It was not believed that the carrying
out of this project would necessarily involve any sacrifice of life, for
the force at the disposal of the Provisional Government would be such as
to render any opposition futile. Moreover, the bulk of the population of
the capital were known to be favourable to Reform principles, and it was
believed that they would readily take part in the movement if they saw
an assured prospect of success.
The conspirators were sanguine as to obtaining Rolph's cooeperation, for,
unlike Bidwell, he had not repudiated the position of a member of the
convention, which had been thrust upon him by the meeting at Doel's
brewery in July. Bidwell, immediately upon becoming acquainted with what
had been done, had notified the secretary that he had withdrawn from
political life, and that he could have nothing to do with the proposed
convention. Rolph also had at first felt disposed to decline the
appointment, but he had taken time to consider, and had talked the
matter over with Dr. Baldwin, who had strongly counselled him to accept.
I can find no documentary evidence of either acceptance or rejection on
his part, but he seems to have been favourable to the holding of the
convention, which he doubtless regarded as a possible means of
consolidating the Reform party, and of rendering its opposition to the
Government more effective. It was agreed that for the present nothing
should be said to him about the contemplated subversion of the
Government by force. The boldest features of the scheme were intended to
be kept secret from nearly everyone until the time for action should be
near at hand, but no oath of secrecy was imposed, and, in spite of all
resolutions, more or less accurate hints of what was in contemplation
were conveyed to hundreds of Radicals throughout the Home District and
elsewhere.
As the autumn advanced, the conspirators proceeded to prepare their
adherents for the impressive display of the ensuing spring. It was
evident that even a very numerously-attended demonstration would not
impress the Government unless those taking part in it carried about with
them a suggestion of strength. In order to be strong they must have
arms, and they must furthermore know how to use them should the
necessity arise. A system of secret training and drill was accordingly
organized throughout the townships. People met after nightfall in the
corners of quiet fields, in the shadow of the woods, and in other
sequestered places, and there received such instruction in military
drill and movements as was possible under the circumstances. Old
muskets, pistols and cutlasses were furbished up after long disuse, and
pressed into service once more. Small quantities of rifles and
ammunition were surreptitiously obtained from the United States.
Disaffected blacksmiths in the rural districts devoted themselves to the
manufacture of rude pike-heads, which, after being fitted to hickory
handles of five or six feet in length, formed no contemptible weapons
for either attack or defence. Lount's blacksmith shop at Holland Landing
was for some weeks largely given up to this manufacture. As there was no
attempt at interference with these proceedings, the disaffected became
bolder, and began to assemble at regular periods to engage in rifle
practice, pigeon-matches, and the slaughter of turkeys. As intimated in
a previous note,[285] Mr. Bidwell was applied to for a legal opinion as
to the lawfulness of such gatherings. He advised with great caution,
specifying how far he conceived this sort of thing might be carried with
impunity. Gatherings for the slaughter of birds and for trials of skill
with the rifle he conceived to be clearly within the law.
Before the middle of October the movement had extended in all
directions. The four districts into which the Province had been mapped
out were called respectively the Toronto Division, the Midland Division,
the Western Division and the Eastern Division. The first-named consisted
of the counties of York, Simcoe, Durham, Halton, Wentworth, Haldimand
and Lincoln. The second included the counties of Northumberland,
Hastings, Prince Edward, Frontenac, Lennox and Addington. The Western
Division consisted of Oxford, Norfolk, Middlesex, Huron, Kent and Essex;
and the Eastern included all that portion of the Province to the east
and north-east of the Midland. Preparations for the demonstration were
more or less active everywhere, and there were nights when the whole
country side might be said to be in arms. In some portions of the
Western Division, which was under the direction of Dr. Charles Duncombe,
the feeling against the Government was as intense as in any part of the
Home District, and the preparations there were carried on with special
activity. Dr. Duncombe and a few leading personages among the Radicals
were entrusted with the full plan of the conspiracy, so far as it had
been matured; but in no part of the Province were the rank and file
taken into anything like full confidence. Most of those who engaged in
drill, and in the manufacture of pike-heads and handles, supposed that
they were merely getting ready for a formidable procession which was to
intimidate the Government by reason of its numerical strength. The
enquiry may not unnaturally be made: What were the Government about all
this time? Were they in total ignorance of what was going on all around
them? Not at all. They were kept regularly informed of the banners,
speech-makings, drillings, pigeon-matches and what not; and--at least in
some instances--they contrived to obtain pretty accurate reports of the
proceedings at Mackenzie's meetings. But they committed the grave error
of undervaluing their opponents. They would not believe it possible that
Mackenzie could ever again be dangerous. He had been so completely
worsted in his hand-to-hand fight with Toryism that it was not to be
credited that he would ever again be able to secure a following large
enough to be worth seriously considering. True, he threatened all manner
of dire calamities, but he had for so many years been accustomed to
indulge in loud-mouthed threats that he had lost all power to create
alarm. He was like the shepherd's boy who had cried "wolf" so often that
nobody paid heed to him. The official party spoke of him as an upstart
mannikin who had enjoyed his little day of notoriety, but whose power
for either good or ill was past and gone. Sometimes, when he published
anything of special ferocity in his paper, the attention of the
Lieutenant-Governor would be drawn to it by his supporters, who would
urge that a prosecution should be instituted. But Sir Francis's wiser
counsellors knew better than to adopt any such foolish course. They knew
that State prosecutions had done more to alienate popular sympathy and
to weaken the power of the Government in times past than any other cause
whatever. The editor of the _Constitution_, they believed, had steadily
lost his influence--an influence which he could never hope to regain
unless some imprudent act of his enemies should once more create for him
a specious sympathy and notoriety. Nothing, it was felt, would be so
certain to give him a fictitious importance as to prosecute him for
treason, at least until he should proceed to such lengths as to render a
prosecution imperative. Sir Francis Head, Chief Justice Robinson,
Attorney-General Hagerman, Judge Jones, and the whole race of
officialdom refused to believe in the possibility of an actual
rebellion. They all declared that there were not fifty men in the
Province who would consent to take arms against the Government. Plenty
of low Radicals, it was said, were ready enough to boast and bluster,
but their courage was only skin-deep. As for Mackenzie, he was admitted
to be an exception, so far as the mere disposition to rebel was
concerned, but he had lost any influence he had ever possessed, and
counted for nothing. It was tolerably certain that he would sooner or
later overstep the limits at which it would be possible to leave him
alone. Then, when he should have placed himself in such a position that
no loyal subject could defend him, would be the time to make an
effectual disposition of him. By all means, then, give him an abundance
of rope. This was the spirit in which the little man and his proceedings
were regarded by the authorities, and he availed himself of the freedom
of speech and action to the fullest conceivable extent. "First," says
Sir Francis,[286] "he wrote, and then be printed, and then he rode, and
then he spoke, stamped, foamed, wiped his seditious little mouth, and
then spoke again; and thus, like a squirrel in a cage, he continued with
astounding assiduity the centre of a revolutionary career."
Attorney-General Hagerman was instructed to report to his Excellency as
soon as Mackenzie had proceeded so far in the direction of treason that
his conviction would be certain, and meanwhile he was permitted to
invoke the Spirit of Freedom, both in prose and poetry, to his heart's
content.
In the Lower Province matters had so shaped themselves as to favour
Mackenzie's designs. Sir John Colborne was kept tolerably well informed
as to the proceedings of Papineau and the other fomenters of revolt, and
he had become aware that he would very soon be compelled to have
recourse to the strong hand. He felt perfectly secure, but at the same
time determined to neglect no precaution which might conduce to a swift
and decisive victory. He mustered all the forces at his command, and
satisfied himself, from personal supervision, as to their efficiency.
There were a few troops stationed in Toronto. Sir John shared Sir
Francis Head's confidence in the loyalty of the Upper Canadians, and
acquiesced in the opinion that an Upper Canadian rebellion was
altogether out of the question. As he believed that there was no
likelihood of the troops being needed there, he deemed it prudent to
strengthen his position by removing them to Kingston, where they would
be more readily available in case of his requiring their services to
crush the rebellion in Lower Canada. When this removal had been
effected, Toronto was left wholly unguarded by military. By command of
the Lieutenant-Governor, several thousand stand of arms which had
recently been sent from Kingston, together with a quantity of
ammunition, were committed to the custody of the municipal authorities
and deposited in the City Hall. Two constables were placed in charge,
and this was absolutely the only precaution taken against the seizure of
both arms and ammunition by any determined body of men who might think
proper to possess themselves thereof.
Mackenzie believed that the propitious time had arrived, and that the
resolve to postpone until the following spring any active measures
against the Government should be rescinded. He received an additional
impetus from certain messages which reached him through Jesse Lloyd, on
Monday, the 9th of October, from the leaders of the movement in Lower
Canada. These messages apprised him that the French Canadians were about
to make what they called a "brave stroke for liberty" without further
delay. They entreated him to cooeperate with them by simultaneously
raising the standard of revolt in the Upper Province. Lloyd himself
favoured the idea, and counselled its adoption.
Such a momentous step, however, could not very well be taken without the
concurrence of others. Mackenzie, who at the time of receiving the
messages was out on Yonge Street, some miles from Toronto, hastened into
town, and summoned a small secret caucus to meet at Doel's brewery. I am
unable to fix the exact date of holding this caucus, but it must have
been on the evening of either Monday the 9th or Tuesday the 10th of
October.[287] Eleven persons were present. They were, 1. Mackenzie
himself; 2. John Doel, the owner of the brewery; 3. Dr. Morrison; 4.
John Mackintosh, who sat in the Assembly for the Fourth Riding
of York; 5. John Elliott, who, as already mentioned, acted as
Secretary-in-Ordinary to the Reform Union meetings in Toronto; 6.
Timothy Parson, who kept a straw bonnet and fancy warehouse on King
Street; 7. Robert Mackay, a grocer and wine merchant; 8. William
Lesslie, one of the firm of Lesslie & Sons, booksellers, stationers and
druggists, at number 110-1/2 King Street; 9. John Armstrong, a
manufacturer of edged tools, having a place of business at number 33
Yonge Street; 10. Thomas Armstrong, a carpenter, residing at number 11
Lot (now Queen) Street; 11. John Mills, hatter, 191 King Street. Dr.
Rolph and J. H. Price had been asked to attend, but they did not see fit
to do so. No one except Mackenzie appears to have had any idea of the
real object for which the meeting had been summoned. The other ten
merely repaired to the appointed place to hear whatever communication
the Agent and Corresponding Secretary might have to make to them. Upon
being called upon to state the purpose for which he had called them
together, Mackenzie proceeded to unfold his project. He had no sooner
entered upon it than he encountered murmurs and expressions of dissent.
He stated that he could count upon the active cooeperation of at least
fifteen hundred men in the Home District alone, of whom, however, not
more than a third were supplied with arms. Beyond the limits of the Home
District he could count upon from two to three thousand, but of these
not one-fifth were properly armed. All these, he declared, might be
implicitly depended upon to support any project which might then and
there be determined upon. He proposed to send out trusty messengers in
all directions to summon these "good men and true" to repair at once to
Toronto. But there was no need, he said, to wait for the arrival of
these supporters. He had taken pains to ascertain the exact condition of
the city, and it was absolutely defenceless, owing to the sending away
of the troops. Why should not the decisive blow be struck at once? Why
not instantly send for Dutcher's[288] foundry-men and Armstrong's
axe-makers, all of whom were true to the good cause? With these men at
their backs, they might proceed straightway to Government House and
seize Sir Francis, who had just come in from his daily ride on
horseback, and who was guarded by only one sentinel. His capture having
been effected, they might proceed to the City Hall and seize the arms
and ammunition. The next thing would be to proclaim a Provisional
Government, and give Sir Francis the alternative of conceding what the
Radicals demanded or taking the consequences of refusal. There was
absolutely nothing, Mackenzie averred, to interfere with the carrying
out of this programme. Four-fifths of the citizens would join them when
they saw that success had attended their efforts, and of the other fifth
at least half would remain neutral, while the small residue of the
population would be too insignificant in point of numbers to render it
possible for them to offer any serious opposition.
Such was the astounding scheme propounded by Mackenzie. His small
audience could hardly credit the evidence of their senses. When he had
proceeded thus far, Dr. Morrison could restrain himself no longer, but
burst forth with an impetuosity and indignation which had but seldom
been observed in him. He asked if it was possible that Mackenzie could
be serious in unfolding so foolhardy a design. "This," said he, "is
treason; and if you think to entrap me into any such mad scheme, you
will find I am not your man!" He declared that if another word were said
on the subject he would forthwith leave the room. The others present
also repudiated the proposal with more or less of vehemence, but they
all regarded it as a mad freak of Mackenzie's, and hardly worth grave
consideration. Mackenzie found that nothing was to be done, and a few
minutes later the little conclave broke up.
On the following day Mackenzie called upon Dr. Rolph, who had meanwhile
heard from Dr. Morrison of the proposal of the previous evening. Dr.
Rolph questioned Mackenzie strictly respecting the accuracy of his
details as to the number of men who could be depended upon as adherents
in the event of a revolution. Mackenzie repeated his assertion that
about four thousand could easily be got together, every one of whom was
ripe and ready for taking up arms. He produced certain documentary
evidence which went to confirm the truth of his statements, and
vehemently declared that a successful revolution was not only feasible,
but inevitable. He proposed not to wait for the proposed convention, but
to speedily assemble all the men who could be got together at some
point within a few miles of the city. This he proposed to effect as
secretly as possible. The men could then advance upon the city and
proceed in a body to the City Hall, where they could possess themselves
of arms and ammunition. They would then be masters of the situation, and
could set up a Provisional Government on such terms as might be agreed
upon. Dr. Rolph was so far impressed by the documentary and other
evidence placed before him that he consented to give the matter his
consideration, and to discuss it with some of his friends.
After turning the subject over in his mind, Dr. Rolph appears to have
arrived at the conclusion that the subversion of the Government was
perfectly feasible. The capital of the Province was defenceless. The
Lieutenant-Governor had not only sent away the troops, but had
persistently refused to take any steps for the organization of the
militia. If several thousands of the people were really disposed to
assert themselves, there was nothing to prevent them from carrying out
the programme outlined by Mackenzie. They could capture Toronto and
seize the members of the Government before any measures could be taken
to successfully oppose them. This having been quietly effected without
bloodshed, it seemed probable enough that the population at large would
not refuse their support. The Reformers of the Province constituted a
large majority of the inhabitants, and there was not a Reformer in Upper
Canada but was heartily weary of Sir Francis Head and his clique. Only a
small minority would have consented to enter upon the risks and dangers
of a rebellion; but there is a great difference between a rebellion to
be encountered and one which has been successfully accomplished.
Thousands of persons who would strenuously refuse to have any connection
with the former would readily acquiesce in the latter. If the Government
were once subverted and in the hands of the Reformers, and if the entire
Reform element were in sympathy with the change, the rebellion would so
far be a success, for at this time there were comparatively few persons
in the Province who cared sufficiently for the Family Compact to risk
life or limb for the purpose of restoring them to power. But there was
another important question to be considered: What would the Imperial
Government have to say about it? If the might and majesty of Britain
were to be enlisted against the project, no Upper Canadian rebellion
could hope for permanent success, unless in the very unlikely event of
national interference on the part of the United States. But was it not
probable that the Imperial Government would be strongly impressed by
this uprising of a long-enduring and much-wronged people, and that a
sense of justice would compel them to adopt a new policy with respect to
the Canadas? Should this conjecture prove to be correct, all that was
sought to be effected by rebellion would have been accomplished. In any
case, the condition of the Reformers could hardly be altered for the
worse. The leaders of the movement would be driven to take refuge in the
States, but some of them had already begun to regard such an emigration
as desirable, for there seemed to be no future for them under Family
Compact rule.
With such thoughts as these passing through his mind, Dr. Rolph had
several conferences with Dr. Morrison, with whom Mackenzie also had some
conversation after the caucus at the brewery. Dr. Morrison was disposed
to attach great weight to any suggestion emanating from his professional
colleague, and when he had been placed in possession of the latter's
views he was able to contemplate a rising of the people with much
greater complacency than before. The idea gradually took form and shape
in his mind. At Mackenzie's urgent request he gave him a letter
introducing Jesse Lloyd to Dr. E. B. O'Callaghan, of Montreal, who was
editor of a Radical newspaper, and known to be favourable to
insurrection. Lloyd was about to start from his home in the township of
King on one of his expeditions to the Lower Province, to confer with the
leaders of the insurrectionary movements there. This was sometime during
the third week in October.
Dr. Morrison, having thus put his hand to the plough, regarded himself
as in a measure pledged to support the cause of the people, if they were
really bent on subverting the Government. One day about a fortnight
later he received an urgent message from Dr. Rolph to call at the
latter's house on Lot (Queen) Street. Upon repairing thither he found
Rolph and Mackenzie in conference with Lloyd, who _had_ just returned
from the Lower Province with a letter to Mackenzie from Thomas Storrow
Brown, one of the directors of the insurrectionary movement there. The
letter seemed, on the surface, to be a mere business communication, but
its phraseology had a secret meaning understood by Mackenzie, who
expounded it to the others. Lloyd supplemented the letter by certain
verbal communications. It appeared that the Lower Canadians were
prepared to act, but they wished the Upper Canadian Radicals to make the
first move, so as to divert attention from their proceedings. This would
involve grave consequences, and could not be resolved upon all in a
moment. After some consideration, it was agreed that Rolph, Morrison and
Mackenzie should meet at Morrison's house on Newgate (Adelaide) Street
that same evening to take serious counsel together. The meeting was held
as agreed upon. Rolph and Morrison pointed out to Mackenzie the
momentous consequences which would flow from acting on the suggestion
from Lower Canada. They expressed some doubt as to whether the people
were really sufficiently desirous of a change to risk their liberties
and lives in a rebellion, and they pointed out the disastrous
consequences of failure. Mackenzie, however, who possessed much better
opportunities for judging as to the bent of popular opinion among the
Radicals, would hardly listen to such remonstrances. For the hundredth
time he pointed out the defenceless state of the capital. Within the
last few days the troops which had been removed from Toronto to Kingston
had been withdrawn from the Province altogether by Sir John Colborne, in
order that they might be used against the rebels in Lower Canada. The
whole of the Upper Province was therefore without means of defence.
Mackenzie pledged his word that the whole Radical element were anxious
to rise in the good cause. He asserted that he had received lists signed
by thousands of persons, each one of whom had pledged himself to rise in
revolt at any moment when summoned. Rebellion, he declared, must come,
as the spirit of insurrection had been thoroughly aroused; and he
upbraided his interlocutors for their lukewarmness in the cause of the
people. After several hours of discussion and deliberation it was agreed
that Mackenzie should proceed through the country and distinctly submit
the question to the different political unions. If they really felt
ready and anxious to put down the existing Government by force of arms,
as Mackenzie declared, they should have their way. A plan was discussed
for seizing the arms in the City Hall, for taking into custody the chief
Government officials, and for establishing a Provisional Government with
Dr. Rolph at its head. All this, it was believed, could be easily
effected without firing a shot, and without the sacrifice of a single
life. It was also distinctly understood that private property was to be
respected, and that all money in the banks was to be regarded as private
property, except such as actually belonged to the Government. It was
however expressly stipulated that nobody was to be finally committed to
any definite course of procedure until Mackenzie's return from his rural
tour with the sanction of the various political unions. No authority
whatever was meanwhile given to Mackenzie, either expressly or by
implication, to stir the people up to rebellion. He was simply
authorized to ascertain their views. At his own urgent request
permission was given him to use the names of Rolph and Morrison, but
only so far as to state that if the people were really desirous of
effecting a revolution, they might depend upon receiving the countenance
of those two gentlemen. On this distinct understanding Mackenzie left
Dr. Morrison's house, and started the same night or early on the
following morning for the north.
FOOTNOTES:
[269] See his Despatch to Lord Glenelg, dated 5th April, 1837, in
Narrative, chap. ix.
[270] See his Despatch dated July 14th, 1837.
[271] On the 10th of September.
[272] See the number for June 10th, 1824.
[273] This boast seems to have been made in the columns of _The
Constitution_, but I have been unable to find it there. I make the
quotation on the authority of Mr. Lindsey's _Life of Mackenzie_, vol.
i., p. 395, note.
[274] Mr. MacMullen, writing, doubtless, from honest conviction,
endeavours to convey the impression that Bidwell was more deeply
implicated in the rebellion than he chose to acknowledge. See his
_History of Canada_, p. 446, note. But no substantial proof has ever
been offered in support of such a belief, whereas the proof on the other
side is unanswerable. There is, first of all, the character of the man.
His moral courage was great, and he could stand up for a cherished
principle with much firmness and vigour. But he fought with weapons
which were not carnal, and would have suffered almost any wrong that
could have been inflicted upon him rather than resort to physical
violence. Then, there is the fact that he always denied all knowledge of
the rising. No man who knew Marshall Spring Bidwell would have hesitated
to accept his bare word as against any but the most direct evidence to
the contrary, and in this case there can hardly be said to be any
countervailing evidence whatever. Again, there is the fact that he
declined to act as a delegate to the proposed Reform convention, as
subsequently mentioned in the text. But there is no need to resort to
circumstantial or conjectural evidence. We have the testimony of
Mackenzie himself, who, after his return to Canada, was ready enough to
betray the secrets of his somewhile coadjutors, and who would have been
only too glad if he could have pointed to Bidwell as one of the number.
In his _Flag of Truce_, published in 1853, he says; "The question is
often asked me--What part Mr. Bidwell took in 1837"--and his answer is
explicit enough: "None that I know." It is quite certain that Bidwell
could not have been concerned in the movement without Mackenzie's
knowledge. The only circumstances which might be adduced as indicating a
knowledge of the intended rising on the part of Mr. Bidwell are two in
number, and neither of them will bear a moment's examination. First, it
is true that he was consulted by the Radicals as to the lawfulness of
their assembling for drill exercise and other purposes. He advised that,
under certain restrictions, such assemblies were within the law, and
that there could be nothing culpable in rifle-matches involving mere
trials of skill. But when his advice was sought there was no intention,
even on Mackenzie's part, to rise at any definite period, and Mr.
Bidwell may very well have believed that the projects would end as most
of Mackenzie's enterprises had ended--in talk. The other circumstance
calling for explanation is his allowing himself to be frightened into
leaving the country. This will be duly considered in its proper place.
Suffice it for the present to say that, taking everything into account,
the mere fact of his expatriation affords no evidence either one way or
the other; whereas the attendant circumstances afford strong presumptive
evidence of his innocence.
In examining the papers of the late David Gibson within the last few
weeks _I_ have come upon what may not unfairly be regarded as conclusive
evidence that Bidwell was in no manner privy to the rising. Gibson,
after his escape to the State of New York, was desirous of obtaining
employment as a land surveyor, and, at Dr. Rolph's suggestion, he wrote
to Bidwell for a certificate as to his character, and for advice as to
the best means of obtaining employment. Bidwell was then in the City of
New York, casting about in his mind to what he should direct his
attention as a means of livelihood. His reply and the certificate
enclosed therein--both in his own handwriting--are now lying before me.
The latter is as follows:--
"I was acquainted with David Gibson, Esquire, until the recent
disturbance in Upper Canada, and know that by his integrity, good sense
and amiable character, he had acquired the confidence and esteem of his
neighbours and acquaintances. His services as a land surveyor were
highly valued. Since the trouble commenced in Upper Canada I have not
been in communication with him, but I have no doubt that the utmost
reliance may be placed on his industry, ability and fidelity in all his
engagements. I have seen his name mentioned with respect for his
humanity in one of the most violent newspapers published in Upper
Canada. He has my warmest wishes for his success and happiness.
"MARSHALL S. BIDWELL."
The following is the text of the letter accompanying the certificate:--
MY DEAR SIR:
I received to-day your letter, and have sent you a certificate. I am
unable to refer you to any place or situation for employment. I am
myself unsettled, and _do_ not know what I shall do or where I shall
settle.
I lament the recent proceedings in Upper Canada, and cannot to this
day reflect upon them but with amazement. How men of good sense like
you and others could be involved in so absurd and hopeless a project
fills me with continual surprise. However, I would not upbraid you,
though I shall perhaps be ruined in consequence of these movements.
On the contrary, I wish you well, and have the same kind feelings
towards you as I was wont to have. I trust you may find some
situation where you may be happy.
Yours truly, MARSHALL S. BIDWELL.
David Gibson, Esq., 6th March.
After the publication of this letter--written, it will be remembered, to
one of the chief participators in the rebellion--it will hardly be
pretended that Bidwell was concerned in the enterprise. It is a
characteristic epistle, breathing Christian kindness and good will, and,
independently of its bearing upon the question at issue, is well worthy
of publication as illustrative of Bidwell's individuality.
[275] For the sake of consistency I adopt a uniform spelling of this
gentleman's name, which however is spelt indifferently "Mackintosh" and
"McIntosh," in the Journals of Assembly, in various official documents,
in the newspapers and advertisements of the time, and even in private
correspondence. Walton's Toronto Directory for 1837 gives it as
"McIntosh," which seems to have been the form commonly adopted by
members of the family.
[276] A part of this building, used as a planing-mill, is still in
existence on Bay Street, a short distance north of Adelaide Street.
[277] _Life of Mackenzie_, vol. ii., p. 17.
[278] According to Mr. Lindsey, James Lesslie induced his brother
William, who had signed the Declaration, to erase his signature. _See
Life of Mackenzie_, vol. ii., p. 18.
[279] See the evidence of John Elliott, on the trial of Dr. Morrison for
high treason, at Toronto, in the following April.
[280] _Correspondent and Advocate_ for Wednesday, August 2nd.
[281] These were nineteen in number, and consisted of Dr. Morrison, John
Elliott, David Gibson, John Mackintosh, Dr. O'Grady, E. B. Gilbert, John
Montgomery, Dr. John Edward Tims, J. H. Price, John Doel, M. Reynolds,
Edward Wright, Robert McKay, Thomas Elliott, James Armstrong, James
Hunter, John Armstrong, William Ketchum and W. L. Mackenzie.
[282] At a meeting held in the township of Caledon, however, during the
second week in August, a very outspoken resolution was discussed. After
setting out with some general principles as to the duties of kings,
governors and subjects, it ran as follows:--"If the redress of our
wrongs can be otherwise obtained, the people of Upper Canada have not a
just cause to use force. But the highest obligation of a citizen being
to preserve the community, and every other political duty being derived
from, and subordinate to it, every citizen is bound to defend his
country against its enemies, both foreign and domestic. When a
government is engaged in systematically oppressing a people, and
destroying their securities against future oppression, it commits the
same species of wrong to them which warrants an appeal to force against
a foreign enemy. The history of England and of this continent is not
wanting in examples by which the rulers and the ruled may see that,
although the people have been often willing to endure bad government
with patience, there are legal and constitutional limits to that
endurance. The glorious revolutions obstinately persisting in
withholding from their subjects adequate security for good government,
although obviously necessary for the permanence of that blessing, that
they are placing themselves in a state of hostility against the
governed; and that to prolong a state of irresponsibility and
insecurity, such as existed in England during the reign of James II.,
and as now exists in Lower Canada, is a dangerous act of aggression
against a people. A magistrate who degenerates into a systematic
oppressor, and shuts the gates of justice on the public, thereby
restores them to their original right of defending themselves, for he
withholds the protection of the law, and so forfeits his claim to
enforce their obedience by the authority of law."--For the text of this
resolution I am indebted to Mr. Lindsey. See his _Life of Mackenzie_,
vol. ii., p. 27, note.
[283] Mr. Lindsey places the number at two hundred. See _Life of
Mackenzie_, vol. ii., p. 32. I have not been able to find any trace of
more than 117. Mackenzie seems to have been present at fully half of
these.
[284] _Ante_, p. 256.
[285] _Ante_, p. 362.
[286] _The Emigrant_, p. 157.
[287] John Elliott, in his testimony on Dr. Morrison's trial, places the
date in October; and I have evidence in my possession that Mackenzie
received the intimation mentioned in the text on the second Monday in
October. The second Monday fell on the 9th. There would be no delay in
summoning the caucus, which would therefore be held on the evening of
either Monday or Tuesday.
[288] William A. Dutcher had a foundry on Yonge Street, where a good
many hands were employed, most of whom were readers of the
_Constitution_, and supporters of the Radical cause. The Armstrong whose
axe-makers it was proposed to press into service was John Armstrong, who
was himself present at the meeting.
NOTE TO CHAPTER X.
My authorities for the foregoing chapter are too numerous for citation.
In addition to printed works and official records, they consist of
manuscript letters, statements, affidavits and other documents which
have never seen the light, and the most important of which will be
given, in whole or in part, in the second volume.
END OF VOL. I.