SEE, THE CONQUERING HERO COMES!
[Sidenote: 1835.]
Parliament met on the 15th of January, 1835, when the Reform majority in
the Assembly were able to once more elect Mr. Bidwell to the
Speakership. The vote stood thirty-one to twenty-seven. Among the
minority were five or six Conservative members who repudiated the name
of Tory, and were opposed to the policy of the official party, to whom,
as has been seen,[191] they merely yielded a qualified support as the
less of two evils. Such being the state of affairs in the Assembly, the
Compact party were of course precluded from making any further serious
attempts to keep Mackenzie out of the House. The proceedings of previous
sessions relative to the several expulsions were upon motion of
Mackenzie himself expunged from the journals of the House. The baneful
domination letter was made the subject of a long discussion, in the
course of which Mackenzie received some exceedingly hard hits from
Solicitor-General Hagerman; but as he had been manifestly in the wrong
in giving publicity to that letter, and as he had been disciplined by
members of his party to keep silence in the event of an attack on that
score, he sat quietly through the Solicitor-General's onslaught.
The most important proceedings of the session, and the only ones of
which it is necessary to take cognizance in these pages, were those
relating to the Seventh Report of the Grievance Committee, to which
frequent reference has already been made. On Friday, the 23rd of
January, Mackenzie moved for and obtained the appointment of a Special
Committee on Grievances, with power to send for persons, papers and
records, and with authority to report to the House from time to time by
bill, address or otherwise. Mackenzie himself acted as Chairman of the
Committee, the other members of which, as finally struck, were Dr.
Morrison, David Gibson and Charles Waters, one of the members for
Prescott. The famous Seventh Report, which did more to arouse the Home
Government on the subject of Upper Canadian affairs than all previous
efforts in that direction, was completed and presented to the Assembly
on Friday, the 10th of April. It was a truly formidable indictment. It
recapitulated the various grievances under which the Province laboured,
and which called loudly for remedy. These have been already set forth in
former chapters of the present work, and need not here be enlarged upon.
The prevailing tone of the Report was temperate and calm, and there is
little or nothing in it to which serious exception can be taken,
although, as may easily be discerned from internal evidence, the
compilers felt strongly the importance of a vivid presentation of their
case. The Report proper occupies only fifteen folio pages of the
appendix to the official journals of the session; but the evidence taken
by the Committee, and the various letters, papers and documents which go
to make up the mass of valuable information submitted to the Assembly,
extend to voluminous dimensions. In addition to the copies printed for
insertion in the appendix to the journal, two thousand copies of the
complete work were issued separately in octavo form for distribution. It
thus obtained a considerable circulation throughout the Province; and a
copy was also sent to each member of the British House of Commons. The
first copy that left the binder's hands was forwarded to the Colonial
Secretary. All the most pressing grievances were dealt with in greater
or less detail, but special prominence was given to the necessity for a
responsible Government--a Government responsible to public opinion,
which must cease to exist when it ceases to command popular confidence.
The wished-for settlement of this important question would necessarily
comprehend and include the removal of many of the most glaring abuses to
which the people of the Province had long been subject and the Reform
party were keenly alive to the importance of obtaining the concession.
More than a third of the Report proper was devoted to dealing with the
question in its various aspects, and it was shown that the Provincial
Executive were not only impervious to public opinion, but were also
ready enough to disregard the views of the Home Government itself when
those views failed to coincide with their own plans for
self-aggrandizement. Some of the evidence taken was of the most
compromising character, while the refusal of leading members of the
Compact to answer certain questions propounded to them did not tend to
place matters in a more favourable light. Archdeacon Strachan's response
to many of the questions put to him amounted to a practical contempt of
the Committee. "I do not answer that question."--"I have no answer to
give."--"I refer you to the Constitutional Act."--"I cannot answer that
question, owing to its assumptions, which I do not admit." Such are a
few of his replies. The whole of his examination is worth reading, as
exemplifying how far an intelligent man will sometimes permit bigotry
and intolerance to gain possession of his soul. Indeed, the evidence of
all the witnesses may be read with profit by those who wish to gain a
full insight into the state of the Province at that time, and to fully
appreciate the necessity which existed for a change in the mode of
conducting public affairs.
The report, though presented to the Assembly as above intimated, does
not appear to have been formally adopted during the session, but the
passing of the order for the printing of it, together with two thousand
extra copies, amounted to a practical adoption, and was probably so
considered. The Committee could easily have secured its adoption, for
the vote on the Speakership had not fully represented the strength of
the Opposition, who on several questions were able to command a majority
of from ten to eleven. But the fact was again brought vividly home to
the Reform party that mere success at the polls had availed them little.
Notwithstanding the numerical minority of the official party in the
Assembly, they continued to exercise supreme power, and to strengthen
themselves by the constant dispensing of patronage. They controlled the
Legislative Council, and could thus control the legislative powers of
the Assembly, independently of any question of the numerical strength or
weakness of the Opposition in that House. The Legislative Council now
assumed an attitude of determined antagonism to the popular voice, and
would entertain no legislation of a liberal character. The vivid
realization of these facts gave a keen edge to the remarks on
Responsible Government in the Grievance Committee's Report. An Address
setting forth these various discouragements was forwarded to His Majesty
by the Assembly. The language was respectful but firm, and it was hinted
that, if a remedy were not provided, resort would have to be had to the
extreme measure of withholding the usual supplies. Earnest petitions to
His Majesty were at the same time sent across the Atlantic from some of
the rural districts, praying that the principles of the British
constitution might be applied to Canadian affairs.
The Address and petitions were accompanied by the fullest documentary
and other evidence, and, in conjunction with the Grievance Committee's
Report, they stirred the Home Government to action. The Colonial
Secretaryship had changed hands more than once since Mr. Stanley's
tenure of office. The incumbent at this time, and for several years
afterwards, was Lord Glenelg. His Lordship gave much consideration to
the Report, and laid it before the King in person. The Home Government
had by this time fully realized that there was much well-grounded
discontent in the Canadas, and that something must be done to allay it.
It was clear that the Reformers were justified in at least some of their
demands, and that reasonable concessions should be made to them. This
conviction led to an ungracious correspondence between the Colonial
Office and Sir John Colborne,[192] who, owing, as is to be presumed, to
the advice of Chief Justice Robinson and Archdeacon Strachan, was very
reluctant to make concessions as suggested. As this reluctance was made
manifest in the course of the correspondence, the Colonial Secretary
resolved upon His Excellency's recall. Sir John had been appointed by a
Tory Government, the traditions of which had been pretty well swept away
by the effect of the Reform Bill. His mode of conducting the Provincial
Administration may perhaps be to some extent palliated by the
circumstances attending his appointment. But a Whig Government had now
been for some time in power, and an effete colonial policy could not be
permitted to be maintained to the detriment of colonial loyalty. If Sir
John Colborne was not amenable to Whig discipline he must make way for
some one of a more plastic mind. He was meanwhile instructed to delay
the assembling of the Legislature until the Home Government could fully
consider the aspect of affairs, and take such steps for the redress of
the Provincial grievances as might seem advisable.
Having arrived at this conclusion, the Colonial Secretary began to look
about him for a successor to Sir John Colborne. It was not easy to find
one in all respects suitable, for the appointment was not a prize of
such magnitude as to attract persons of really first-rate abilities.
There seems good reason to believe that the place was offered to at
least two fairly competent public servants, both of whom declined
it.[193] In view of his subsequent conduct, it is fair to assume that
Lord Glenelg was sincerely anxious to do his best for Upper Canada, and
to confer the appointment upon the best man within his reach. How
ignominously he failed to carry out his wishes in this particular is
known to every student of Upper Canadian history; but what is not known,
either to students of history or anyone else, is--What was the motive
power which directed his choice? By what whimsical combination of
circumstances it came about that the appointment was finally offered to,
and accepted by, one of the most unlikely men in the three kingdoms, is
one of those official riddles which appear to defy solution. The fact
remains, that the post of Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada was
conferred upon Sir Francis Bond Head, a Knight of the Royal Hanoverian
Guelphic Order, a retired half-pay Major, an Assistant Poor-Law
Commissioner for one of the Kentish districts, and the author of several
entertaining but exceedingly superficial books of travel. To no one was
the appointment a greater surprise than to Sir Francis himself. He must
have felt the utter absurdity of the thing--that he had no claim to such
a post, and was disqualified from filling it with credit. He neither
knew nor cared anything about Canada. He was altogether ignorant of
politics. He had never joined any political party; never attended a
political discussion; never even voted at an election or taken any part
in one.[194] So far as any knowledge of the British constitution was
concerned, he had as little as any Englishman of decent education could
possibly have. He had no claim upon the Government; was not acquainted
with any member of it; and had never so much as seen Lord Glenelg in his
life.[195] It is certainly not strange that he should have been, as he
says,[196] "altogether at a loss to conceive" why this appointment
should have been offered to him.
From that day down to the present time the circumstance has puzzled
wiser heads than his, and there have been various attempts to solve the
mystery. A tradition is said to be current in the Colonial Office that
the appointment was the result of a singular misapprehension of
identity, and the late Mr. Roebuck assured Sir Francis Hincks that such
was really the fact.[197] A "distinguished Imperial statesman" also
assured Sir Francis that he had heard the same statement,[198] which was
to the effect that the person for whom the appointment was really
intended was the kinsman of Sir Francis, afterwards Sir Edmund Walker
Head, Governor-General of Canada. It is said that at a meeting of the
Cabinet, while the selection of a successor to Sir John Colborne was
under consideration, one of the Ministers suggested that "young Head"
would be a likely man for the position--the person meant being Edmund
Walker Head, who was even then known as possessing wide political
knowledge, in so far, at least, as such knowledge can be obtained from
books. Edmund was moreover known to many public men in Great Britain as
an able writer on political subjects, and was a protege of the Marquis
of Lansdowne, who was at this time President of the Council, and, by
consequence, a colleague of Lord Glenelg. Edmund, as well as Francis,
was a Poor-Law Commissioner, though he occupied a more exalted position
than his kinsman. Thus, it is argued, there was some show of excuse for
confusing the one with the other. Lord Glenelg, so the story goes, took
the suggestion of his colleague as applying to Sir Francis, and acted
upon it; and before the error was discovered the appointment had been
offered to and accepted by the wrong man.[199] How much truth there may
be in this account of the matter it is not easy to say. Such a blunder
would imply an amount of carelessness barely conceivable in the
management of an important Department of the State. Sir Francis Hincks,
however, who has enjoyed exceptional opportunities of discussing the
story with leading English statesmen, is strongly disposed to believe
it.[200] Whatever opinion may be formed as to its truth or falsity,
certain it is that Sir Francis Bond Head received the appointment, and
that his conduct in Upper Canada did more to alienate the minds of the
colonists generally than anything which had been done by either Sir John
Colborne or Sir Peregrine Maitland. There is this to be said on his
behalf: that he came to Canada at a very critical time--at a time when
diplomatic shrewdness and statesmanlike sagacity were imperatively
demanded of one occupying the position of Lieutenant-Governor. Injustice
had so long borne sway in the land that many of the inhabitants had
ceased to hope for better times. Many despaired of the future, and a
few, whose natural element was opposition, had little desire to be
conciliated.[201] Even a born statesman would have found his task by no
means a sinecure.
To statesmanship no shadow of pretence could be made on behalf of Sir
Francis Head. The texture of his mind was light and airy. He was
inordinately vain and self-conscious; and, as has been seen, he was
devoid of political knowledge and experience. The whole course of his
previous life had been of a character to render him unfit for such
greatness as was now thrust upon him. A considerable part of it had been
spent in travel and adventure, and very little of it in study. He had
left school at an early age, since which time he had encountered
innumerable moving accidents by flood and field in various parts of the
world. He had received a certain amount of training at the Military
Academy at Woolwich, and had obtained a commission in the Royal
Engineers in his nineteenth year. He had seen some active service in
Spain towards the close of the Peninsular War; had been present at
Quatre Bras and Waterloo, and had fought at Fleurus under the Prussian
General Ziethan, where he had had his horse shot under him. After the
restoration of peace he had for some time been engaged in making a
trigonometrical survey of the island of Lampedoza, in the Mediterranean.
Thence he had embarked in a Greek vessel for Tripoli; had been nearly
wrecked through the skipper's intemperance, and had finally been put
ashore at Malta. He had also been Byron-smitten, and had followed in the
wake of the author of "Childe Harold" to the Levant; had contemplated
"the Niobe of nations" among the ruins of Rome; had witnessed the dance
of the dervishes amid the fallen temples of Athens; and had "felt his
patriotism gain force upon the plain of Marathon."[202] He had twice
visited South America as the agent of a company formed for the working
of certain gold and silver mines, and known as the Rio de la Plata
Mining Association. During one of these expeditions he had ridden on
horseback from the port of Buenos Aires across the pampas to the silver
mines of Upsallata, near the foot of the Andes, whence, without any
companion whatever, he had galloped back to Buenos Aires--a distance of
nearly a thousand miles--in the brief space of eight days. Then he had
retraced his course across the pampas, and, collecting a party of miners
at Mendoza, had conducted them over the Andes to Santiago, the capital
of Chili. After "prospecting" the country in various directions, he had
ridden back across the Andes and the pampas to Buenos Aires, having
traversed six thousand miles on horseback in an inconceivably short
time. His "Rough Notes" contains a graphic account of this expedition,
and is very interesting reading. It won for him wide notoriety, and led
to his being commonly referred to in the current literature of the time
as "Galloping Head." His adventurous career had left an indelible stamp
upon his character. He was rash, impetuous, inconsiderate and
superficial, fond of producing dramatic effects, and ever with an eye to
some _coup de theatre_. He had not been a Poor-Law Commissioner long
enough to have become thoroughly settled down when a king's messenger
arrived at his Kentish abode about midnight, with a missive offering him
the appointment of Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada. He seems to have
at first had sufficient good sense to decline the proffered honour; but
he allowed himself to be talked into accepting it by Lord Glenelg and
his under-secretary, Mr. Stephen. As I have said elsewhere: "The result
of an appointment made under such circumstances was disaster to the
Province, and something nearly approaching ignominy to himself. As a
civil administrator in a disturbed and grievance-ridden colony, he was
altogether out of his proper element, and furnished a signal instance of
the round peg in the square hole. His administration extended over
little more than two years, but during that period he contrived to
embroil himself with his own Executive, with the Home Government from
which he had received his appointment, and with pretty nearly every one
who was desirous of promoting the cause of political liberty in Upper
Canada. He also contrived to do an amount of mischief which left traces
behind it for many years after he had ceased to have any control over
Canadian affairs. And yet it would be most unjust to represent him as a
deliberately bad or ill-intentioned man. He was simply a weak man out of
his proper sphere."[203] That a man of such mental endowments should
have been sent out to stem the tide of Upper Canadian discontent, and to
conciliate noisy Radicals of the Mackenzie stamp, is in itself
sufficient proof that a huge official blunder of some sort was
committed. What was wanted was a statesman, and a man of Liberal
political views. Had there been any, even the slightest inquiry, it
would have been ascertained that Sir Francis hardly knew the meaning of
the word statesman, and that he had no political views whatever. It is
hardly going too far to say that on all current political subjects,
whether pertaining to the colonies or the mother country, his mind was
little more than a blank. Lord Glenelg had an elaborate paper of
instructions prepared for the new Lieutenant-Governor, This was intended
as the Imperial response to the strong representations which had been
received from Upper Canada in the course of the year. Sir Francis was
directed to communicate the substance of his instructions to both Houses
of the Provincial Parliament. Having been schooled for a few days by Mr.
Stephen, and having gone down to Brighton and been presented to the
King, he set sail, with his suite, from Liverpool for Canada, by way of
New York. While crossing the Atlantic he devoted some time to studying
his instructions, together with the Seventh Report of the Grievance
Committee, with which he had been provided at the Colonial office.[204]
Upon arriving at New York he pushed on to his final destination. "There
would be no end to this chapter," he writes, in the third chapter of his
"Narrative," "were I to describe the simplicity of mind, ill-naturedly
called ignorance, with which I approached the city of Toronto. With Mr.
Mackenzie's heavy book of lamentations in my portmanteau, and with my
remedial instructions in my writing case, I considered myself as a
political physician, who, whether regularly educated or not, was about
to effect a surprising cure; for, as I never doubted for a moment either
the existence of the 553 pages of grievances, nor that I would
mercilessly destroy them, root and branch, I felt perfectly confident
that I should very soon be able proudly to report that the grievances of
Upper Canada were defunct--in fact, that I had veni-ed, vidi-ed and
vici-ed them." Infatuated man, to compare himself to Caesar, even in this
half-jocular manner, at such a time, and to suppose that the bitter
animosities which had been accumulating for the best part of a
generation could be swept out of existence at the mere wave of the hand
of such a weak substitute for "the mighty Julius" as he!
[Sidenote: 1836.]
He reached Toronto on the 23rd of January, 1836. Sir John Colborne was
just ready to take his departure, to the great regret of the official
party, and very much to the delight of the Reformers, who had been led
to believe that the incoming Lieutenant-Governor was a thorough-going
Liberal, sent over expressly to redress their grievances, and to hurl
the Compact from the seat of power which they had so long usurped.
Parliament had been assembled on the 14th of the month, and had ever
since been expecting the arrival of the King's new representative. As
for Sir John Colborne, he was in no good humour with the Imperial
Government, although his rigid ideas as to discipline prevented him from
giving utterance to his displeasure except to some of the members of the
Executive, and even to them his views were imparted with great caution,
and in the strictest secrecy.[205] In consequence of his unsatisfactory
communications from the Colonial Office, he had for some time felt his
position growing more and more uncomfortable, and had solicited his
recall; but his deposition had been fully resolved upon before the
receipt of his request by the Colonial Secretary. He had served out his
full term of six years, and somewhat more, so that his removal did not
imply any reflection upon him. His nature and training unfitted him to
carry out the projects of Reform which it had been determined to set on
foot, but, in his proper sphere, he was recognized as a valuable public
servant, who had all his life done his duty according to the light which
had been vouchsafed to him. The leading spirits of the ruling party in
the Province contemplated his departure with gloomy forebodings. They
also had been led to suppose that Sir Francis Head was a Reformer of
wide experience, who was coming among them to introduce a new order of
things. They resolved to put forth one great effort while the chance
remained to them. They induced Sir John, before his departure, to
perpetrate what may fitly be characterized as the most unstatesmanlike
act of his life: an act which aroused a perfect transport of public
indignation, and caused the name of the perpetrator to be execrated
throughout the length and breadth of the Province.
It will be remembered that[206] provision had been made by the
Constitutional Act for the creation and endowment, out of the lands
reserved for the support of a Protestant Clergy, of parsonages or
rectories, according to the establishment of the Church of England. The
discussion to which the Clergy Reserves had repeatedly given rise had
prevented any advantage being taken of this authority. Nearly half a
century had elapsed since the passing of the Constitutional Act, and as
the power had been allowed to remain unexercised during all that time,
there was good reason to believe that there would be no attempt to put
it in operation, more especially in view of the strong feeling
entertained with regard to the Reserves, and of the fact that the
Provincial Parliament had been requested by the Imperial Government to
legislate on the subject. Previous Colonial Secretaries, Lord Goderich
among the number, had given what might fairly be construed as pledges on
the part of the Imperial Government that no steps would be taken with
respect to the disposal of any part of the Reserves, unless in accord
with the views of a majority of the Upper Canadian people. Yet Sir John
allowed himself to be persuaded into creating and endowing forty-four
rectories[207] with more that 17,000 acres of land, giving an average of
about 386 acres to each. These were put in possession of clergymen, who
were thus enabled to acquire such a personal vested and possessory
interest in the lands as, it was believed, would enable them to make
good their titles thereto in a court of law.
This most reprehensible "clerical land grab" was made on the 15th of
January, eight days before the arrival of Sir John Colborne's successor,
and while Sir Francis was actually _en route_ for Toronto. It was thus
one of Sir John's last official acts. It is said that he was with
difficulty brought to accede to the advice of his Council on the
subject. He at all events seemed to feel that his creation of the
rectories was an extraordinary act, and he took care to say nothing
about the matter to the Imperial Government, who did not discover the
facts until Sir Francis Head had been for some time in office. That the
creation and endowment of the rectories were the means of greatly
intensifying the general discontent throughout the Province, and that
they were thus factors in bringing about the Rebellion, is beyond
question; though to say, as has been said by Mackenzie and others, that
they were the _prime_ factors, is to talk nonsense. The sequel of the
story may as well be briefly outlined here. The Executive Council kept
the matter secret as long as they could, but it was of such a nature
that its early disclosure was inevitable. The transaction became public
property in the course of the spring, soon after the close of the
session of Parliament. No sooner did it become known than the public
indignation began to manifest itself in lurid speeches and newspaper
articles. Meetings were held to denounce Sir John Colborne and those who
had prompted him to this high-handed iniquity. The Wesleyan Methodist
Conference and the Synod of the Church of Scotland in Upper Canada, if
agreeing on no other subject, were of one mind as to this, and
officially pronounced upon it with a vehemence which commended itself to
popular opinion. Petitions without number were sent over the sea. "The
Imperial Government," says Mr. Lindsey,[208] "was besieged with
petitions, praying for the annulment of the rectories. The temper of the
public mind became imbued with that sullenness which a sense of injury
begets, and which forebodes the approach of civil commotion. It was the
idea of violated Imperial faith; of a broken compact between the
Sovereign and his Canadian subjects, that constituted the sting of the
injury. The people recurred to the promise of Lord Goderich that their
wishes should be the Sovereign's guide in the matter, and regarded
themselves as the victims of a deception which brought dishonour on the
Crown and distrust on Imperial faith." The Home Government were in two
minds about repudiating the transaction. The right of the
Lieutenant-Governor to create and endow without the express assent of
the King was not perfectly clear, and the Law Officers of the Crown were
consulted on the question. Those gentlemen, on the case submitted for
their consideration, pronounced the opinion that there had been an
excess of authority, and that the creation and endowment were invalid.
Dr. Strachan, upon becoming acquainted with this circumstance, prepared
a report embodying certain facts and documents which had not been before
the Law Officers, to whom the case was now submitted a second time. The
additional data placed a different face upon the question, and the Law
Officers arrived at a conclusion contrary to that which they had
formerly expressed. The grantees were accordingly permitted to retain
their property undisturbed, but the name of Sir John Colborne continued
to be execrated in Upper Canada for his share in the transaction for
many a year.[209]
FOOTNOTES:
[191] _Ante_, pp. 231, 232.
[192] See _Report of a Select Committee of the House of Assembly on the
Political State of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada_, p. 25.
Toronto, 1838.
[193] See _Rough Notes on Head's Narrative_, by a Liberal, p. 17.
London, 1840.
[194] See his _Narrative_, Chapter III.
[195] _Narrative_, Chapter II.
[196] _Ib._
[197] See _Reminiscences of his Public Life_, by Sir Francis Hincks,
K.C.M.G., C.B. p. 14. Montreal, 1884.
[198] _Ib._, p. 15.
[199] See _The Canadian Portrait Gallery_, vol iv., p. 172.
[200] _Reminiscences_, etc., pp. 14, 15.
[201] The Colonial Office could not even plead, in extenuation of such a
fatal blunder as the appointment of Sir F. B. Head, that it was unaware
of the importance of the crisis in colonial affairs. In the beginning of
the instructions prepared for Sir Francis, dated "Downing Street,
December 15th, 1835," the following words may be found: "I have the
honour herewith to transmit to you a Commission, under His Majesty's
sign-manual, appointing you Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Upper
Canada. You have been selected for this office at an era of more
difficulty and importance than any which has hitherto occurred in the
history of that part of His Majesty's dominions. The expression of
confidence in your discretion and ability which the choice implies would
only be weakened by any more formal assurance which I could convey to
you." What a commentary upon such language was furnished by the mere
fact of the appointment of such an one as Sir Francis Head!
[202] See a brief account of Sir F. B. Head's life published in _The
Courier of Upper Canada_ of June 11th, 1836, written by Alan Fairford
(John Kent), and prefixed, with notes, to the collection of his
Excellency's _Speeches, Messages and Replies_, published at Toronto
during the same year.
[203] _Canadian Portrait Gallery_, Vol. II., p. 169, where the sentences
above quoted form part of a tolerably full sketch of the life of Sir F.
B. Head.
[204] He seems to have been provided with a duplicate copy by Joseph
Hume. See that gentleman's letter to Mackenzie, dated 5th December,
1835, and included in the third chapter of Head's _Narrative_.
[205] See _Report of a Select Committee of the Assembly_, etc., 1838.
See also _The Rectory Question_, p. 2. Toronto, 1836.
[206] _Ante_, p. 63.
[207] The intention was to create fifty-seven rectories, and patents for
that number were actually made out, but thirteen of them were left
unsigned by the Lieutenant-Governor, and the authorities refused to
complete them or to admit their validity. See _The Rectories of Upper
Canada, being a Return to an Address of the Honourable the House of
Commons_, etc. Colonial Office, Downing Street, 1839. See also _The Last
Forty Years_, vol. ii., p. 199: _Religious Endowments in Canada; a
Chapter of Canadian History_, by Sir Francis Hincks, K.C.M.G., C.B.;
London, 1869.
[208] See _The Clergy Reserves, their History and Present Position_, by
Charles Lindsey, pp. 30, 31. Toronto, 1851.
[209] It has not been deemed necessary to go very fully into the Rectory
question in these pages. Anyone desiring to do so will find very full
details in the various authorities above cited.