CHAPTER VI.

THE CASE OF CAPTAIN MATTHEWS.

Captain Matthews, who, it will be remembered, had been returned to the

Assembly for the County of Middlesex, gave great umbrage to the official

party by allying himself with the Opposition. His birth and social

standing, it was said, unfitted him for such companionship. The Captain

himself was apparently conscious of no incongruity, and bent all his

energies to the advancement of the Reform cause. Upon his first arrival

in the country he could not be said to have had any political

convictions at all. He had been bred a Tory, and his military career had

been such as might naturally have led him to seek his allies in the

ranks of those in authority. But his own experience of the abuses in the

Land Office had impelled him to consider the political situation of

affairs in Upper Canada generally, and the upshot of his deliberations

had been his alliance with the new movement in the direction of Reform.

Being a man of much local influence, his example had won to his side a

number of the Middlesex farmers, more especially in the Township of

Lobo, in which he resided. During his first session in Parliament he

attracted considerable attention to himself, for he spoke frequently and

well, and generally with a humorous eloquence which made him a favourite

with those who were not bitter partisans on the other side.

It was to be expected that Captain Matthew's defection from the

political faith of his ancestors would render him specially odious to

the High Tories of Upper Canada. It was shameful, they thought, that an

officer deriving an income from His Majesty's Government should

entertain, much less give utterance to, such vile democratic opinions as

were constantly heard from his lips. The Captain was indiscreet, and

became more and more outspoken the oftener he was charged with

radicalism; but on no occasion did he utter anything savouring of

disloyalty, for the very sufficient reason that there was no disloyalty

in his heart. It was apparent to the Compact that his influence was most

pernicious to them; yet no feasible plan for getting rid of him

presented itself. Would it not be possible, by a little extra exertion,

to deprive him of his pension? Could this laudable object be

accomplished, the obnoxious Captain, who was of an impetuous

temperament, would probably be goaded into saying or doing something

really culpable--something which would place weapons in the hands of his

enemies whereby he might be effectually silenced. The plan was at any

rate worth trying. A system of espionage was accordingly adopted towards

him.[86] During the sitting of the Legislature, myrmidons of the

Executive dogged his footsteps wherever he went, in order to obtain some

grounds for a hostile accusation against him.

The spies did not have long to wait, for any shallow pretext was

sufficient to serve as a peg upon which to hang an imputation of

disloyalty, and the doomed man himself was unsuspicious of any design

against him. The pretext actually resorted to was so utterly

contemptible that one feels almost ashamed to record the attendant

circumstances.

A company of theatrical performers from the United States visited York

during the session which assembled in the autumn of 1825. The actors met

with little encouragement, and became, in stage parlance, "stranded."

Being reduced to extremity, they resolved upon giving a special

performance for the delectation of the members of the Legislature, whose

patronage was solicited for the occasion. Sixteen or eighteen of the

members--among whom was Captain Matthews--complied with the

solicitation, and the performance took place at the little York theatre

on the night of December 31st. During the intervals between the acts the

orchestra played the national airs, "God Save the King," "Rule

Britannia," and "The British Grenadiers." Several persons in the

audience--Captain Matthews among the number[87]--apparently out of

compliment to the actors, all of whom were from across the lines, called

out for "Yankee Doodle" and "Hail Columbia." The demand was complied

with, at least in part. The orchestra were unable to play "Hail

Columbia," but the audience were regaled with the lively strains of

"Yankee Doodle." Captain Matthews joined in the applause which followed,

and removed his hat, calling upon others to do the same. The weight of

evidence would seem to favour the idea that he was not the first to

raise his hat, or to request the removal of the hats of his

fellow-members. At all events the request was generally complied with.

And this was the gist of the story. Captain Matthews's share in the

events of the evening was the having joined in the demand for the two

objectionable airs, in the applause which ensued upon the rendering of

one of them, and in the request for the uncovering of heads. These dire

offences sealed the doom of a gallant officer who had served his king

for more than a quarter of a century, and whose acquiescence in the call

for the national airs of the republic was probably due, at least in

part, to the effervescence of feeling begotten of a good dinner.

It is difficult to trace, step by step, the progress of the measures

adopted against him. Distorted and exaggerated accounts appeared in _The

Kingston Chronicle_ and _The Quebec Mercury_. But it is hardly likely

that any _ex officio_ notice would have been taken of the affair if the

newspaper reports had not been backed by a specific charge. Captain

Matthews appears to have been secretly accused to the military

authorities. He soon afterwards received a letter from the military

secretary to the Earl of Dalhousie, Commander of the Forces in Lower

Canada, stating that that dignitary's attention had been attracted by a

report in the public prints of a representation that Captain Matthews

had, in a riotous and outrageous manner, in the theatre at York, called

for the national airs and tunes of the United States, "urging the

audience there assembled to take off their hats, as is usual in the

British Dominions in honour of 'God Save the King.'" The letter went on

to say that "finding the statement corroborated, upon inquiry," the

Commander of the Forces called upon Captain Matthews to explain conduct

which was pronounced to be "utterly disloyal and disgraceful." Even this

was not all. By a subsequent letter, received from the Board of

Ordnance, the Captain was directed to repair forthwith to Quebec, and

there remain until he could, by the first vessel in the spring, proceed

to England, there to give an account of his conduct. This order was

stated to have been made in consequence of a communication from the

authorities in Canada to Lord Bathurst, the Colonial Secretary, and by

him transmitted to the Master-General and Board of Ordnance.

Mr. Mackenzie asserts that the object of the authorities was to get the

Captain out of the Province, and thus deprive the Opposition of his

vote, "in order to give the local Government a preponderance in the

Legislature against the people's rights."[88] This, however, can hardly

be accepted as a full or true explanation, as the Captain's absence at

the time would not have given such a preponderance to the Government on

any test vote. The weakening of the Opposition may or may not have been

one of the objects sought to be achieved by the Captain's accusers. If

so, it signally failed. Captain Matthews, be it understood, was not in

receipt of half-pay, but of a pension. He had served twenty-seven years,

and, on his corps being totally disbanded, he had settled in Upper

Canada with the approbation of the Government. Having since been elected

a member of the Provincial Assembly, his first duty was to that body,

and it was necessary that he should obtain its leave before proceeding

to obey the order of the Master-General. Accordingly, on Thursday, the

28th of December, 1826, he rose in his place and made a motion involving

an application for leave of absence. He explained the circumstances,

and, in the course of the debate which ensued, expressly stated that he

asked for leave, not with any desire of its being granted, but merely in

order that the House might do its duty. The Opposition stood faithfully

by him in this emergency. The House felt that the honour of one of its

members was concerned. It refused the application for leave, and, on

motion of Mr. Rolph, set on foot an inquiry into the circumstances on

its own behalf.

The inquiry was searching and minute, and the witnesses were not

examined in presence of each other. Much of the evidence was beyond

measure ludicrous and absurd. The scene at the theatre was described by

one witness after another in endless variety. The merits of "Yankee

Doodle" and "Hail Columbia," philologically and aesthetically, were made

the subjects of the gravest investigation. It appeared that with the

exception of Mr. John Beikie, Clerk of the Executive Council, and a very

few of the townspeople, the audience was entirely made up of members of

the Legislature. There were no ladies present, and, as it was New Year's

Eve, the audience generally felt a considerable freedom from restraint.

Many of the members had partaken freely of the cup that

cheers--assuredly not the cup indicated by Cowper--and were in the

blissful condition of Tam O'Shanter upon a certain memorable occasion to

which no more specific reference is necessary. In plain English, some of

them were so drunk as to be unable to recall anything that occurred. All

were full of mirth and jollity, and the scene enacted was of the most

uproarious description. Three grave legislators "danced while 'Yankee

Doodle' was played." Several others had reached the quarrelsome stage of

inebriety, and, in the language of one of the witnesses, "showed fight."

Mr. Philip Vankoughnet, one of the members for Stormont, was constrained

to admit that he had stripped off his coat, and threatened to knock

somebody down. Captain Matthews, among others, called for "Hail

Columbia" and "Yankee Doodle," but the general opinion among the more

sober of the party appeared to be that he had done so "in derision." It

was a bibulous age, and sobriety was the exception rather than the

rule. The whole affair was little better than a bar-room orgy, and

could properly be regarded in no other light.

When the Assembly's report made its appearance, early in 1827, Captain

Matthews was fully exonerated, so far as that body was concerned, from

everything savouring of disloyalty. "The circumstances of the

transaction"--thus ran the report--"as they are related without the

contradiction of a single witness, irresistibly bespeak the absence of

that disloyalty with which it has been basely attempted to sully the

character of a most honourable man." The report moreover read a sharp

lesson to the promoters of the accusation against him. It declared that

"If every effervescence of feeling upon every jovial or innocent

occasion is, in these Provinces, to be magnified into crime by the

testimony of secret informers--if there can longer exist a political

inquisition which shall scan the motives of every faithful servant of

the public--if the authorities in Canada shall humble the independence

of the Legislature by scandalizing its members and causing them to be

ordered to Quebec, and thence to England, to sustain a fate which, under

such corroboration as Lord Dalhousie received, might cover them with

ignominy, or bring them, however innocent, to the block--or if the

members of our community shall be awed into political subserviency by

fear of oppression, or lured by the corrupt hope of participating guilty

favours, then, indeed, will the prospect before us four, and this fine

Province become a distant appendage of a mighty empire, ruled by a few

aspiring men with the scourge of power."[89]

The Committee professed their inability to learn by whom the pernicious

representations had been made to the newspapers, or to the authorities

in Canada, or from what source Lord Dalhousie had obtained his

"corroboration." They expressed their conviction that there was no

ground for the charge preferred against Captain Matthews, the malignity

and falsity of which they believed to have derived their origin and

support from political hostility towards him.

The United States press was loud in its expressions of contempt. "Behold

how great a matter a little fire kindleth;" said _The New York

Enquirer_--"truly, there is something very undignified in such

vexatious stretches of authority"--referring, of course, to the attempt

to drag Captain Matthews across the Atlantic on a charge depending on

such ridiculous evidence. Attention was drawn to the fact that the

national airs of Great Britain, "God Save the Queen," and "Rule

Britannia," are often heard at theatres and elsewhere in the republic

without any such momentous consequences, and without being received

either with laughter, dancing or contempt. "The evidence," continued the

_Enquirer_, "does not speak very strongly in favour of the amenity and

decorum of the M. P.'s of Upper Canada. If calling for one of our

national airs, in a time of profound peace, within a few miles of the

frontiers, is regarded as an unpardonable crime by the British

Government, who shall wonder or complain that the British people are

full of prejudice against us." The Liberal press of the Maritime

Provinces harped to the same tune. "Really," remarked _The Halifax

Recorder_, "we think people must have their wits about them now-a-days,

if such things as these are to be construed into disaffection."

But though Captain Matthews had been cleared by the Legislature, he had

still to run the gauntlet of the military inquisition. They could not

compel his attendance during the existence of the Parliament then in

being, but they possessed an effectual means of reducing him to ultimate

submission. This power they exercised. His pension was stopped--a very

serious matter to a man with a large family and many responsibilities.

He continued to fight the battles of Reform with dogged courage and

pertinacity as long as his means admitted of his doing so, but he was

soon reduced to a condition of great pecuniary distress, and was

compelled to succumb. Broken-hearted and worn out, he resigned his seat

in the Assembly, and returned to England, where, after grievous delays,

he succeeded in getting his pension restored. He never returned to

Canada, and survived the restoration of his pension but a short time.

Thus, through the malignity of a selfish and secret cabal, was Upper

Canada deprived of the services of a zealous and useful citizen and

legislator, whose residence among us, had it been continued, could not

have failed to advance the cause of freedom and justice.

FOOTNOTES:

[86] That spies were employed by Sir Peregrine Maitland and his Council,

and that certain Government officials were encouraged to act in that

capacity, are facts which will be denied by no one who familiarizes

himself with the local legislative, official and newspaper literature of

the time. An apparently well-informed contributor to _Blackwood's

Magazine_ for September, 1829, in an article headed "Colonial

Discontent," comments on this retrograde system in the following

terms:--"A system of espionage assumes that there is something which

ought to be watched and to be prevented; and as the existence of such a

system probably did exist in Upper Canada during the administration of

Sir Peregrine Maitland, it may be said that so far his Government was

led to act on false principles.... We do not suppose that there was

anything like an organized system, but only that tales to the personal

disadvantage of the Anti-Ministerial party were too readily listened to.

No doubt the members of that party were as credulous in listening to

tales to the prejudice of the adherents of Government, but then they had

it not in their power, like them, to inflict punishment. It is

unnecessary to explain in what manner a system of espionage begets

heart-burnings. It is to the public what tattle and malicious gossip are

to private society, with this essential difference, however, that the

tale of the slanderer is in time forgotten or refuted, whereas the

report of the spy is received in secret, placed in the confidential

archives of office, and referred to as a testimonial of character, in

which such set of testimonials can be applied with effect when the

occasion arises."

[87] Mr. Mackenzie, in his _Sketches of Canada and the United States_,

p. 419, denies that Captain Matthews called for these airs, as stated in

the text. But anyone who carefully examines into the Provincial events

of those times will not be long in arriving at the conclusion that Mr.

Mackenzie's unsupported testimony, more especially as to matters in any

way coming within the scope of politics, is of very little value. The

evidence as to the Captain's having called for "Yankee Doodle" is

conclusive. That his doing so constituted a serious offence is another

matter, as to which there will, at the present day, be very little

difference of opinion.

[88] _Sketches of Canada_, etc., p. 419.

[89] See Journal of Assembly for 1826-7, Appendix P. See also Journal

for 1828, p. 122.

The Story of the Upper Canadian Rebellion, Volume 1 · 第 6 / 18 章