GENERAL SUMMARY
In order to sum up the story of New France, it is proposed in the
present chapter to try to answer the four following questions. What
effect had geography on the history of Canada down to the year 1763?
Why did France lose Canada? What were the respective merits and
defects of the French and English systems and policies in North
America? And lastly, was the contest between the two powers and the
victory of one inevitable, and was it beneficial? These four
questions overlap each other, and the answers involve considerable
repetition of what has gone before; but a short general summary may
be useful to those who care to study the earlier history of Canada in
reference to the general history of colonization.
[Sidenote: _Position of the French among colonizing nations._]
From the time of Columbus down to the middle of the nineteenth
century, five nations, all on the western side of Europe, were mainly
concerned in carrying European trade, conquest, and settlement into
other parts of the world. They were the Spaniards, the Portuguese,
the Dutch, the French, and the English. Of these five nations, the
Spaniards had what may be called a continental career. They overran
and mastered an immense area of mainland. The Portuguese, the Dutch,
and the English, on the other hand, while they differed from each
other in many points, were alike in this, that they were traders and
seafarers, not so much attempting an inland dominion, as securing
footholds on sea coasts, peninsulas, and islands. The French stood
midway between the Spaniards and the other three nations. They were
not {330} continental conquerors to the same extent as the Spaniards,
they did not confine themselves to the fringes of the land to the
same extent as the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the English. They were
what France made them to be.
[Sidenote: _Twofold character of France and the French._]
France is an integral part of the continent of Europe; but it is
also, with the exception of the Spanish peninsula, the westernmost
province of that continent; and it has a long indented seaboard open
to the Atlantic. The country has a double outlook, its people have
had a twofold character and a double history. It is noteworthy that,
while the French, to judge from the greatest event in their
history--the French Revolution--and to judge from their writing and
thought, have been the most thorough and logical, the most
uncompromising of peoples, their record has yet been in a sense one
of continual compromise, or at least one of perpetual combination of
opposite extremes. The northern and southern races, the northern and
southern religions, have had their meeting-ground in France. France,
which has been notable for violent political changes, had and has the
strongest element of conservatism in its population. No nation is
more quick-witted than the French, yet in none is there more plodding
industry.
[Sidenote: _Canada well suited to be a sphere of French
colonization._]
In the fullness of time, the French people had their call to take
part in the over-sea expansion of Europe, and they found their way to
Canada. They entered the New World at its widest point, where the
American continent extends furthest from west to east; but they
entered it also at the point where the interior of the continent is
most accessible from the sea by means of a great navigable river and
a group of lakes. Thus the advent of the French into Canada meant the
coming of a people, who in their old home were partly continental,
partly sea-going, into a sphere of colonization, which was a vast
extent of continent, but which at the same time was more intersected
and more dominated by water than perhaps any other portion of the
mainland of the globe. {331} Like came to like when the French came
to Canada. Their old home had given them at once the instincts of
land conquerors, and the knowledge of men whose way is on the waters.
Quick to move and loving motion, they found the route into the New
World to be one which invited and facilitated quick movement; for,
important as is inland water communication at the present day, it was
all important before the days of railways. The great highroad of
North America was the St. Lawrence, and that highroad became owned by
a quick, ambitious people, who were not content to remain as traders
by the side of the sea.
[Sidenote: _Greatness of the St. Lawrence water system._]
The combination of accessibility from the open sea, of length of
navigable waters, and of volume of waters, makes the St. Lawrence
basin almost, if not quite unique. Up to Three Rivers, 330 miles from
the sea, the St. Lawrence is a tidal river. Up to the Falls of
Niagara, 600 miles from the sea--nearly as far as London is from
Berlin--there is no break of navigation. From the westernmost point
of Lake Superior to the Atlantic is a distance of 2,000 miles--much
further than is the distance from London to St. Petersburg. Lake
Superior alone is larger in size than Scotland.
[Sidenote: _It is almost connected with the basin of the Mississippi,
of Hudson Bay, and of the Hudson river._]
[Sidenote: _Colonization in Canada was colonization by water._]
Further, this wonderful chain of waters, as has been pointed out, is
nearly continuous with the Mississippi basin on the southern side,
and on the north-western side with the lakes and rivers which drain
into Hudson Bay; while one of the smaller affluents of the St.
Lawrence, the Richelieu river, carries into the St. Lawrence the
waters of Lake Champlain and Lake George, the southern end of Lake
George being but very few miles distant from the upper waters of the
Hudson river, which flows into the Atlantic. In short, Canada, within
its ancient limits, was a network of inland waters. Here was a
continent to be conquered and settled by water rather than by land,
and the congenial task of conquering and attempting to settle it was
allotted by Providence to the French.
{332} [Sidenote: _The geography of Canada favoured motion._]
Canada then suited the French, and the French suited Canada; but the
effect of the geography of Canada on an incoming race, with the
instincts and the characteristics of the French, was to stimulate
their natural inclination to attempt too much and to go too fast and
too far. The incomers moved quickly along the lines of communication,
and went into the heart of the continent; but permanent settlement
lagged behind, and was confined to the edges of the inland waters.
For, while nature had given to Canada, in her rivers and lakes, the
best of roads, away from those rivers and lakes the land was
difficult to penetrate. Thus Canada was colonized only by the water
side, and what settlement there was, was characterized by length
without breadth; while, beyond the point where continuous settlement
ended, the very easiness of movement carried forward enterprising
French officers, priests, and traders, until there was a skeleton
outline of French dominion, which was never filled in, from the Gulf
of St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico.
[Sidenote: _Settlement held close to the water side._]
[Sidenote: _Two distinct kinds of colonists in Canada._]
Geography, too, had this effect upon the population. The rivers were
so entirely all in all, that they made the settled portion of the
French Canadians very settled, and the fluid portion very fluid.
Those who wished to stay in one place stayed by the river bank, which
was the roadside, because it was the roadside, and because behind and
away from the river there was not open ground but dense forest.
Those, on the other hand, who were inclined to roam, were carried by
the waters wheresoever they wished, with the backwoods at hand,
should hiding-places be required. Thus Canada bred two distinct
species of colonists, the _habitans_ of the central St. Lawrence, and
the _voyageurs_ or _coureurs de bois_. As in their old home, so still
more in their new, the French race comprised contradictory elements.
[Sidenote: _Effect of the Canadian climate on colonization._]
[Sidenote: _It made against continuity_]
Climate counts for much in the formation of a people, and in
determining its history. The climate of Eastern {333} Canada inclines
to extremes. It favours quickness but not continuity of action. The
summer is short, but very hot and bright; the winter is long and
severe, but again not unfavourable to movement over the frozen
surface of water and ground. Eastern Canada is not by nature a land
open all the year round to steady work, but one in which settlers
have a limited time wherein to till the ground, followed by a long,
close season; while wanderers can in summer and winter alike indulge
their vagrant instincts. The tendency therefore of the Canadian
climate, as regards its influence on an incoming race, with a
restless and impatient element in its character, was to stimulate the
restlessness, and to discourage colonization in the sense of
attachment to the soil.
[Sidenote: _and against the policy of the French Government._]
In winter, the St. Lawrence is closed to shipping. Consequently New
France was for several months in each year cut off from all
communication with the mother country. Here again the effect of
climate was to break continuity of colonization; and, moreover, the
forces of nature were employed against the policy of the French
Government, for the effect of long breaks in communication must have
been to develop a separate life in New France, evidence of which is
to be found in the jealousy existing, in Vaudreuil's and Montcalm's
time, between natives of France and natives of Canada; whereas the
unaltering aim of French Kings and ministers was simply to reproduce
France in America, and to keep the colony under constant and rigid
control from home. The effects of the summer, therefore, on Canada
were counteracted by winter isolation; and one more element of
contradiction was introduced into French history in North America.
[Sidenote: _Canada had no minerals._]
[Sidenote: _This was one cause of the small population._]
The natural products of a country are an important factor in making
its people. Canada, as compared with most other fields of
colonization, with Spanish America for instance, or the East Indies,
was a poor land. It had practically no mineral wealth, though traces
of iron and copper were found {334} in the region of Lake Superior.
In the earlier part of the eighteenth century Charlevoix wrote: 'The
first source of the ill fortune of this country, which is honoured
with the name of New France, was the report which was at first spread
through the kingdom that it had no mines; and they did not enough
consider that the greatest advantage that can be drawn from a colony
is the increase of trade. And to accomplish this, it requires people,
and these peoplings must be made by degrees, so that it will not
appear in such a kingdom as France.'[1] The great weakness of Canada
was the paucity of the white population. Had mines been discovered,
the colony would no doubt have been much stronger, for a far greater
number of colonists would have come out from France; and, while the
character of the people would have been, in a sense, at least as
restless as it actually was, the restlessness would have been
localized in the mining areas, which would have become large centres
of population.
[Footnote 1: Charlevoix's _Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguieres_,
giving an account of a voyage to Canada (Eng. translation, 1763, p.
31). The letters began in 1720.]
[Sidenote: _Agriculture, fisheries, and fur-trading._]
In the absence of minerals Canada depended on agriculture, fisheries,
and fur-trading. Of these three industries, agriculture alone
conduced to permanent settlement. The fisheries did not directly much
concern the life of the colony up the St. Lawrence river, for the
fishing-grounds were mainly in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and on the
coasts of Newfoundland and Acadia; nor did fishing, when the
fishermen found their principal market in Europe, and were in great
measure domiciled in Europe, contribute much to the colonization of
North America. Fur-trading again, the great speciality of Canada,
made for movement and for wandering life, not for colonization. This
is pointed out by Charlevoix, who dwells upon the evil results of
giving licences to trade, as encouraging vagabondism, and notes as
{335} the second cause of the ill fortune of Canada, the want of
resolution in its people, and their constant moving from place to
place, instead of carefully selecting a place for settlement and
staying there.[2]
[Footnote 2: Charlevoix (as above), pp. 31-5.]
The real wealth of Eastern Canada was, as it still is, agricultural;
but the history of colonization proves that agricultural colonies,
while very sound and sure, progress very slowly; and to the
impatient, enterprising Frenchman, who was inclined to seek fortune
over the seas, farming in Canada, with a Canadian winter to face,
offered little attraction. It is true that the English North American
colonies were also agricultural colonies; but they had a great
advantage over New France, in that their coasts were open all the
year round, resulting in a maritime trade, which could never be
enjoyed by Canada. Moreover New England, at any rate, was peopled by
colonists who went out, not to make their fortunes, and not to build
up a dominion for their King, but to make their homes, and their
children's homes, on the agricultural pattern, in as kindly a soil
as, and in a kindlier climate than, that of Canada.
[Sidenote: _Canada better suited for war than peace._]
New France then was a country where movement was easy, and where the
incentives to settlement were not great; and in its white population,
or at any rate in a large proportion of that population, there was a
strong element of restlessness, added to great power of conciliating
and assimilating savages; while the religious and political policy of
its rulers was, in the main, a forward policy. The result was that
the Canadians were more successful in motion than at rest, in making
war than in keeping peace. 'The English Americans,' writes
Charlevoix, 'are entirely averse to war because they have much to
lose; they do not regard the savages, because they think they have no
occasion for them. The youth of the French, for the contrary reasons,
hate {336} peace, and live well with the savages, whose esteem they
gain during a war and have their friendship at all times.[3]
[Footnote 3: Charlevoix (as above), p. 27.]
[Sidenote: _The Canadians as fighters._]
The Canadians were to the English settlers in New England or New
York, very much what the Highlanders of Scotland, in past centuries,
were to the dwellers in the Lowlands. Their forte was in raiding
their English rivals; and, as they were better qualified to excel in
war than in peace, so in war they were more capable of quick,
spasmodic action, than of bearing continuous and steady strain. 'They
seem not to be masters of a certain impetuosity, which makes them
fitter for a _coup de main_, or a sudden expedition, than for the
regular and settled operations of a campaign. It has also been
remarked, that amongst a great number of brave men, who have
distinguished themselves in the late war, there have been few found
who had talents to command. This was perhaps because they had not
sufficiently learnt how to obey.'[4] On the other hand, it must be
remembered that Canada also contained a stationary population on the
banks of the St. Lawrence, who more and more, as years went on,
learnt what war meant and preferred peace; and that the colony was
not devoid of trading centres, the largest of which were Quebec and
Montreal, and all of which, including for instance, Niagara, Detroit,
and Michillimackinac, were inland ports.
[Footnote 4: Charlevoix (as above), p. 104.]
[Sidenote: _The English had the better position in North America,
larger numbers, and command of the sea._]
If the above was the effect of geography on the history of France in
North America, it is not difficult to answer the question, Why did
the French lose Canada? They lost it because the English had the
better position in North America; because the English population in
North America largely outnumbered the French; because, when the
crisis came, the English made their main effort in North America,
whereas the French devoted their resources and their energies
primarily to continental war in Europe; and lastly, because {337} the
English secured command of the sea, and in consequence command of the
St. Lawrence also. But then the further question arises: What
produced this balance of advantage on the English side?
[Sidenote: _There is no valid reason why the English originally
secured the better geographical position in North America._]
It is not easy to determine why the better lot in North America, as
regards geography, fell to Great Britain and not to France. It was
hardly a question of prior discovery. The first pioneer for England,
Cabot, struck the New World at Newfoundland or Cape Breton, far north
of what became the main sphere of British colonization. The first
authenticated pioneer on behalf of France, Verrazano, found his way
to the present shores of the United States. The French connexion with
the St. Lawrence dated from Cartier's voyages; but those voyages,
though they gave the right of discovery, did not result at the time
in effective occupation. It was little more than an accident that the
English settled in Virginia and New England, and the French in Acadia
and on the St. Lawrence; though the fact of having found the St.
Lawrence, and the attraction of a great river, which might be the
long-wished-for, and long-dreamt-of, highroad to the far East, may
well have dictated to French instincts where New France should be. At
any rate, the English gained the great initial advantage of a far
larger seaboard, open at all times of the year, and a climate which
was more favourable to European colonization. 'Along the continent of
America which we possess,' wrote Wolfe from Louisbourg in 1758,
'there is a variety of climate, and, for the most part, healthy and
pleasant.... Such is our extent of territory upon this fine
continent, that an inhabitant may enjoy the kind influence of
moderate warmth all the year round.'[5]
[Footnote 5: Wolfe to his mother, Aug. 11, 1758 (Wright, p. 454).]
[Sidenote: _English superiority in numbers mainly due to French
policy towards the Huguenots._]
With this advantage, it was natural that there should be greater
immigration into the English colonies than into Canada. But this was
not the only, or the main, cause of the superior numbers in the
English colonies. The main {338} cause was the policy of the French
Government, and especially its religious policy. The most fatal
mistake made by the French in regard to North America was the
exclusion of the Huguenots. The men who wished to leave England went
to the present United States. The men who wished to leave France were
not allowed to go to Canada, and went in considerable numbers to
England and her colonies. The effect, therefore, of Roman Catholic
exclusiveness was that, though France had a far greater population
than England, the greatest French colony failed for want of
colonists. Nor was it only a matter of quantity, but a matter of
quality also. The Huguenots were the type of men who would make
homes, create business, and build up communities beyond the seas.
They were of the same strong fibre as the New England Puritans. In
the competition of the coming time, New France was doomed in
consequence of being closed to the French Protestants.
[Sidenote: _Numerical superiority of the English forces in North
America in the Seven Years' War._]
[Sidenote: _Canada was conquered by Great Britain, not by the English
colonies._]
When the Seven Years' War came, the English colonists in North
America outnumbered the French by thirteen to one; but, at the
moment, superiority in numbers was largely counterbalanced by the
want of union in the English colonies, whereas Canada was one.
Therefore the issue largely depended on the forces and the leaders
sent out by the two mother countries respectively. England, inspired
by Pitt, sent out abundant troops. France, inspired by Madame de
Pompadour, kept nearly all her troops to fight Frederick of Prussia,
with his few English and Hanoverian allies. The result was the defeat
of the French in North America, and the British conquest of Canada.
Whatever might have been the result if the crisis had been postponed,
it was not the British colonists but the troops from England, who, in
1758-60, decided the fate of North America. It is customary, in
writing accounts of the colonial wars of Great Britain, to emphasize
the merits of the colonial soldiers, who have the advantage of
knowing the country and the mode of {339} fighting appropriate to it;
and to depreciate the regulars sent from home. Reverses, like that of
Braddock, are written and read from a colonial point of view; and in
America, more especially, the colonists' side has been emphasized in
consequence of the results of the subsequent War of Independence.
But, as a matter of fact, excellent as were some of the colonial
troops, such as Robert Rogers' Rangers, Canada was conquered by
soldiers from England under able English generals like Wolfe and
Amherst; and similarly the burden of the defence of Canada fell
mainly on Montcalm and the few regiments which had been spared to him
from France.
[Sidenote: _The English command of the water._]
As the French kept for war on the continent of Europe the troops
which should have been sent to North America, so they allowed the
English to gain control of the water, over which alone troops and
supplies could be sent to New France. 'The possession of Canada,'
writes Captain Mahan, 'depended upon sea power.'[6] After the victory
of Hawke in Quiberon Bay, and other English successes on sea, Burke,
in the _Annual Register_ for 1760,[7] wrote that France 'was obliged
to sit, the impotent spectator of the ruin of her colonies, without
being able to send them the slightest succour. It was then she found
what it was to be inferior at sea.' Especially important was the
command of the water to those who would hold Canada, for two reasons;
because Canada, poor and undeveloped, was dependent on supplies from
Europe, to a greater extent than the English colonies[8] in North
America; and because she could and must be attacked by the St.
Lawrence.
[Footnote 6: _Influence of Sea Power upon History_ (6th ed.), p.
294.]
[Footnote 7: p. 9.]
[Footnote 8: Thus Charlevoix (as above, p. 38) says Canada 'has
always had more from France than it could pay.']
The command of the sea meant the command of the St. Lawrence; and the
command of the St. Lawrence was indispensable for the reduction of
Quebec and Montreal. The downfall of New France began when the Treaty
of {340} Utrecht took from her, in Acadia, the best part of her
scanty seaboard; the downward process was arrested when Louisbourg,
taken by Massachusetts, was restored to the French; it began again
with the second capture of Louisbourg. The seaport was taken in one
year; in the next the river port, Quebec, was lost also. This would
not have happened had the French not divided their energies so
completely as to give Great Britain superiority on the water. They
attempted too much at home, and the same fault, if we turn to
consider their system and policy in North America, was carried into
the New World.
[Sidenote: _French and English systems and policies in North America
compared._]
It is roughly true to say that in North America the French had a
definite policy and a definite system; but the policy, though
brilliant in conception, was quite impracticable, and the system was
radically unsound. The English in North America, on the other hand,
had rarely any policy and never any system.
[Sidenote: _Hopelessness of the French scheme for dominion in North
America._]
The French policy was an imperial policy. It was clear, consistent,
and far-reaching. The object aimed at was a French dominion in North
America, the lines of communication being the two great rivers, the
St. Lawrence and the Mississippi. Canada and Louisiana were to be
joined; the English were to be kept between the Alleghanies and the
Atlantic; the French King was to be lord of all; the French religion
was to be supreme; the Indians were to be converted and made French
in sympathies and interests. The scheme was brilliant, but it was
impossible; and it is difficult to understand why it is considered by
historians to have been so dangerous to the future of the British
colonies. White men of one race, sparsely scattered over two sides of
a gigantic triangle, were to control white men of another but equally
masculine race, thirteen times as numerous, who held the base of the
triangle, the base being the seaboard. The attempt became more
impracticable every year, for every year the actual preponderance of
numbers on the English {341} side increased, and every year the white
men gained on the red men, who alone could make the realization of
the French dream even conceivably possible.
[Sidenote: _French native policy._]
[Sidenote: _Its merits._]
Ample reference has already been made to the dealings of the French
with the Indians. There is much to praise and much to blame in what
may be called the native policy of France in North America. The
object of the French Government was, as Charlevoix points out, to
'frenchify' the savages;[9] and, as an instance of the value of the
Indians to the cause of France in America, he cites 'the Abenaquis,
who, though few in numbers, were during the two last wars the
principal bulwark of New France against New England.'[9] With the
exception of the Five Nation Indians, the natives of North America
were almost wholly on the side of the French as against the English,
in spite of the fact that the English offered them a better market
and sold them better wares. The reason was that the French relations
to the Indians were more human than those of the English. No doubt,
among the English colonists were Quakers and Moravians, whose tenets
bade them deal gently with the people of the soil; and on the New
York frontier, from Dutch times, there had been friendship, sometimes
warmer sometimes cooler, between the Dutch and the English colonists
on the one hand, and the Iroquois on the other. But the ordinary
English colonist's view of the red man was the Old Testament
view--hard, exclusive, and often cruel. The Puritan New Englander
took the land of the heathen in possession, and from his standpoint
there was not room in it for him and them. Widely different was the
French view. The Indians were not to be excluded from, but
incorporated in, the French dominion. The King of France, and his
representative the Governor of Canada, were to be the fathers, and
the Indians were to be the obedient and trusting children. The
missions taught the {342} same lesson. The Indians were not to be
exterminated, but to be fruitful and multiply as dutiful children of
France and of the Roman Catholic Church. On these lines the French
acted consistently from first to last; and their unaltering policy
contrasted favourably with the halting, uncertain dealings of the
English, which changed from year to year, and were different in the
different colonies. The way to win a black man's or a red man's
affections is to treat him, if not as an equal, at least as a man,
and to be constant in the treatment. For this reason, the Indians
loved the French better than the English. Very rarely on the English
side appeared a man, like Sir William Johnson, who possessed the
mixture of firmness and sympathy which attracted and conciliated the
Indians, and which was common among the French.
[Footnote 9: Charlevoix (as above), pp. 34, 35.]
[Sidenote: _Its defects._]
But there was a very dark side to the French policy and system in
regard to the North American Indians. In the first place, as has been
abundantly shown in the preceding pages, the French authorities,
temporal and spiritual, kept the savages on their side by
sanctioning, or at least not repressing, their savagery; and notably
the mission Indians of Canada, the special proteges of the priests,
were foremost in barbarous warfare against white Christians of a
different shade of religion. In the second place, the political
system of Canada, which indirectly created the Canadian vagrants, the
_coureurs de bois_, produced, in doing so, indianized Frenchmen,
differing little from frenchified Indians. Here again we can take
Charlevoix's testimony. He writes that 'some vagabonds, who had taken
a liking to independency and a wandering life, had remained among the
savages, from whom they could not be distinguished but by their
vices.'[10] If the French were more human than the English in their
dealings with the Indians, they were more human for evil as well as
for good; and, whatever was the result on the Indians, {343} there is
no question as to the result on the French and English respectively,
of their different lines of action towards the red men. The English
race gained greatly in the end in soundness and in progress, from
keeping outside the Indian circle and not coming down to the Indian
level.
[Footnote 10: Charlevoix (as above), p. 34.]
[Sidenote: _Merits of French settlement in Canada._]
It has been said above that the French system in North America was
radically unsound. It was unsound, in that it was based on political
and religious exclusiveness. There was the one great fundamental
mistake of excluding the Huguenots, and there were various other
important defects. But, on the hypothesis that the most independent
and most progressive element in France was to have no place in New
France, it is open to question whether the system of colonization,
which Louis XIV, Colbert, and Talon devised, and which remained the
basis of the colony, deserves the somewhat severe criticism which it
has received at the hands of historians. It is true that the system
was most artificial, that it contained no element of freedom or
self-government, and that when, long years after it came into being,
many of the restrictions were removed in consequence of the English
conquest of Canada, the colonists were deeply sensible of the relief.
It is true, too, that reaction against these restrictions, while
still in existence, produced the semi-savage race of _coureurs de
bois_, and that, through placing the power in the hands of a few
individuals, without providing any check of local representation or
local public opinion, an atmosphere of wholesale corruption and
intrigue was produced. But none the less there was an undoubted
element of soundness and strength in the settlement of New France;
and a considerable amount of shrewdness was shown in taking a certain
material from the old country and placing it in the New World, under
familiar conditions. The military side of the colonization was
skilfully handled; and the peasants, who had been in tutelage in
France to lord, to King, and to Church, found themselves in their new
homes {344} under similar guidance, instead of being turned into
strange ways, for which by bringing up they were not fitted. The
system, artificial as it was, produced permanent settlement of
considerable strength and great tenacity, which, under a more liberal
regime, has resulted in the French-speaking Canadian people of the
present day.
[Sidenote: _Canada, as compared with the English colonies, was one._]
[Sidenote: _The English colonies were separate from the mother
country, and from each other._]
There were divisions in Canada, and various contradictory elements in
its history; but, as against foreign rivals and for purposes of
offence and defence, the colony was one, under one Government and one
Church, and in line with the mother country. Widely different was the
case of the English colonies. They were rarely in harmony with the
mother country, or with each other. They had little or no instinct of
imperialism. They had the instinct of self-preservation, and if
seriously attacked were to some extent prepared, unless Quaker
influence was dominant, to protect themselves, and to accept aid from
the mother country. But their traditions and their inclinations made
for peace, not for war; for isolation, not for union. Their
forefathers' aim and object had been to create and maintain separate
and self-dependent communities, not to be in substance amenable to
home control. Here is a French view of the New Englanders given by
the anonymous eye-witness of the siege of Louisbourg in 1745: 'These
singular people have a system of laws and protection peculiar to
themselves, and their Governor carries himself like a monarch.'[11]
If the fault of the Canadian system was too rigid uniformity and too
complete subordination to the mother country, the English colonies
suffered from the opposite extreme, from utter want of uniformity and
complete absence of system. Different constitutions, different shades
of religious beliefs, different phases of settlement--all created
disunion. Common origin made a bond with the mother country, but the
Governors {345} sent from England could tell those who sent them how
deficient was the habit of obedience to the British Crown.
[Footnote 11: Professor Wrong's translation, p. 37.]
[Sidenote: _The English colonists alone no match for Canada._]
[Sidenote: _Shortcomings of the home Government._]
Common danger alone produced occasional signs of common action. The
New England colonies, whose borders were most within reach of French
raids, and whose shores reached to Acadia, showed far the most public
spirit, and far the most power of combination. The southern colonies
awoke only when the French in the Ohio valley did them active and
present hurt; but, with many times the numbers of the Canadian
population, the English colonies as a rule showed themselves to be no
match for Canada. The first decisive treaty in North America--the
Peace of Utrecht, which gave Acadia to Great Britain--was the result
of fighting by English, not colonial soldiers, and not in America,
but in Flanders under Marlborough. The second decisive treaty, the
Peace of Paris in 1763, was the result of fighting in America, but
mainly by British not colonial troops, and under British generals.
The 'Bostonnais' alone among the English colonists were objects of
apprehension to the French; and, if it were not for the record of
Massachusetts and her smaller neighbours, the English colonies in
North America before the year 1763 would in manhood and public spirit
compare poorly with Canada. With equal truth it may be said that, in
the matter of having a clear and consistent policy in North America,
Great Britain compared very poorly with France; and the apathy of the
colonies may fairly be attributed in large measure to their
uncertainty as to what on any particular occasion might be the
attitude of the King and the ministers in England; whether support
would be forthcoming or withheld, and whether, if forthcoming, it
would involve some sacrifice in return. It is very noticeable how
often a promised force from home either was never sent or sent too
late; it is noticeable too how difficult it was for Governors who
opposed French claims and pretensions, such as Dongan of New York, in
the seventeenth century, and William Shirley {346} of Massachusetts,
in the eighteenth, to persuade the home Government of the justice of
their views. Like her colonies, England was as a rule averse to war;
and as her colonies were inclined to keep her at arm's length, so she
was inclined to leave them, within limits, to take care of
themselves.
[Sidenote: _English compromise._]
In the case of North America, while French and English were competing
there, the English through their Government acted as they always have
acted, during the whole course of their foreign and colonial history.
They did, they undid, they compromised, until at length in Pitt there
came a man who gripped the nettle, and the end was reached which
might with infinitely greater ease have been attained many years
before. When Quebec was in its infancy, the English under Kirke
conquered it; the English King gave it back, and then the French
dominion in North America took root. After Marlborough's wars the
Peace of Utrecht gave Acadia to England, but gave it in terms so
vague that the French continued to claim much or most of it; at the
same time it left Cape Breton Island to France, and sowed the seeds
of an apparently perennial controversy between Great Britain and
France with regard to fishing rights on the coast of Newfoundland.
There was more war, and the colonists took Cape Breton Island. Under
the terms of the next treaty the English Government restored it to
France. Then came the final war and the final peace; England gained
all Canada, but, with that strange liking which Englishmen seem to
have for leaving a frayed end in their treaty arrangements, the
British Government confirmed the fishing rights of France on the
Newfoundland coast, and added thereto possession of the two small
islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon.
It was not policy, it was not system, which gave North America to the
English rather than to the French, and yet there was a certain gain
even from the utter absence of both policy and system. Natural forces
had more play on the English side than on the French, and in a sense
it might {347} be said of the English colonies that their strength
was to sit still.
[Sidenote: _Was the contest between Great Britain and France in North
America inevitable and beneficial?_]
The last question to be asked, and if possible to be answered, is:
Was the contest between France and Great Britain in North America,
and the victory of one of the two powers, inevitable, and was it
beneficial? From the English point of view, the answer to part of
this question is a foregone conclusion. If there was to be a contest,
it seems evident, if we look back on the past, that the English must
have in the end prevailed. It is impossible to imagine that the
French colony of Canada, with a population at the time of the
conquest of considerably under 100,000, could dominate the English
colonies with a million and a quarter inhabitants. Equally certain
does it appear that to Canada the British conquest was a blessing in
disguise, and the Canadians in a very short time realized what they
had gained by the change of administration. In Mr. Parkman's words,
'a happier calamity never befell a people than the conquest of Canada
by the British arms.'[12]
[Footnote 12: _The Old Regime in Canada_ (end).]
But the question, whether a decisive war between the two races in
North America was inevitable, is one which may well be asked and
answered, inasmuch as a similar question has in our own day troubled
many minds in regard to other parts of the world where colonizing
races have been side by side. Surely, it might be said, and probably
was said, there was room enough in the great continent of North
America for both French and English to work out their national
destinies, without trying to supplant each other. In a sense this was
no doubt true; and the truth is not vitiated by the fact that the
French scheme of policy was not compatible with the presence of the
English race in North America, on the supposition that the latter
race would be allowed to extend its bounds by natural increase and
progressive settlement _pari passu_ with the French.
{348} [Sidenote: _No natural frontier between New France and the
English colonies._]
The interesting point, however, to notice is that there was no
natural frontier between Canada and the English colonies, at the time
when they came into serious competition; for the line of the
Alleghanies, even if recognized, could fully delimit only the more
southerly colonies. To use a modern term, two separate spheres of
influence in North America had not been marked out by nature. But in
new countries, unless there is some strongly defined natural line of
division, it is true to say, however paradoxical it may appear, that
there is not room for two incoming white races to colonize as equals
side by side. It is precisely when the land is thinly populated, and
when therefore the population is in a fluid condition, that
collisions will and must occur. Given a continent like Europe at the
present day, the geography of which is accurately known, the
resources of whose soil in every part have been fully gauged, and
whose surface has been for many generations parcelled out in
effective occupation, one province to one race, another to another;
then, when the peoples are crystallized in their respective moulds,
war is not inevitable; and when war arises, it is the artificial
result of political naughtiness and ambition, unless indeed it be the
effect of some inaccuracy in the map, which needs to be adjusted. In
new fields of colonization, on the other hand, wars are not
artificial; they are natural, and not only natural but sometimes
absolutely necessary to future happiness and welfare. Just as Europe
was herself once in the melting-pot, so the lands which Europeans
have settled and are settling, if they are to be the homes of strong
peoples in days to come, must, when rival races are planted there, be
the scenes of armed strife.
Colonial wars which end where they began, with indecisive treaties
tending to further bloodshed, may well be the subject of national
sorrow and regret; but it is otherwise when a great issue has been
achieved, and when it has been decided once for all what lines shall
be laid down for the {349} future of a great country, not yet peopled
as it will be in the coming time. Then the millions of money, which
seem to have been wasted, are found to have been invested for the
good of men; and the mourners for the lost sorrow not as without
hope, inasmuch as those who have gone have died that others may live.
The foundations of peoples are the nameless dead, who have been laid
amid North American forests or under the bare veldt of South Africa.
{350}
APPENDIX I
LIST OF FRENCH GOVERNORS OF CANADA
PERIOD
Samuel de Champlain . . . . . . . . 1632-1635
Chevalier de Montmagny . . . . . . . 1636-1648
Chevalier d'Ailleboust . . . . . . . 1648-1651
Jean de Lauzon . . . . . . . . . . . 1651-1657
Vicomte d'Argenson . . . . . . . . . 1658-1661
Baron d'Avaugour . . . . . . . . . . 1661-1663
Sieur de Mesy . . . . . . . . . . . 1663-1665
Marquis de Tracy . . . . . . . . . . 1665-1667
Chevalier de Courcelles[1] . . . . . 1665-1672
Comte de Frontenac . . . . . . . . . 1672-1682
Sieur de la Barre . . . . . . . . . 1682-1685
Marquis de Denonville . . . . . . . 1685-1689
Comte de Frontenac . . . . . . . . . 1689-1698
Chevalier de Callieres . . . . . . . 1699-1703
Marquis de Vaudreuil . . . . . . . . 1703-1725
Marquis de Beauharnois . . . . . . . 1726-1747
Comte de la Galissoniere . . . . . . 1747-1749
Marquis de la Jonquiere . . . . . . 1749-1752
Marquis Duquesne . . . . . . . . . . 1752-1755
Marquis de Vaudreuil[2] . . . . . . 1755-1760
[Footnote 1: While Tracy was in Canada he was Governor-General, and
Courcelles was Governor.]
[Footnote 2: Son of the previous Governor of that name.]
{351}
APPENDIX II
DATES OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE HISTORY OF CANADA DOWN TO 1763
YEAR
North America discovered by Cabot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1497
Cartier's first voyage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1534
Cartier's second voyage and discovery of the St. Lawrence . . . 1535
Champlain's first voyage to North America . . . . . . . . . . . 1603
Founding of Port Royal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1605
Quebec founded by Champlain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1608
Hudson discovers the Hudson River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1609
Hudson discovers Hudson Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1610
Port Royal destroyed by Argall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1613
Grant of Acadia to Sir W. Alexander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1621
Company of the One Hundred Associates incorporated . . . . . . 1627
Quebec taken from the French by Kirke . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1629
Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye. Canada restored to France . . . 1632
Death of Champlain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1635
Founding of Montreal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1642
Acadia taken by the English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1645
Destruction of the Huron Missions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1648-50
Company of One Hundred Associates dissolved and Canada taken
over by the French Crown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1663
New York taken by Great Britain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1664
Expedition of Tracy and Courcelles against the Five Nations . . 1666
La Salle comes to Canada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1666
Treaty of Breda. Acadia restored to the French . . . . . . . . 1667
La Salle supposed to have discovered the Ohio . . . . . . . . 1669-71
Incorporation of the Hudson Bay Company . . . . . . . . . . . . 1670
Count Frontenac's first government . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1672-82
Founding of Fort Frontenac . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1673
Joliet and Marquette reach the Mississippi from Lake Michigan . 1673
Treaty of Westminster. New York finally ceded to Great Britain 1674
La Salle descends the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico . . . . 1682
La Salle's expedition to Texas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1684-5
Treaty of Whitehall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1686
Forts in Hudson Bay raided by Iberville . . . . . . . . . . . . 1686
Death of La Salle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1687
Massacre of Lachine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1689
Count Frontenac's second government . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1689-98
Port Royal taken by Phipps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1690
Phipps' expedition against Quebec . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1690
Peace of Ryswick . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1697
First colonization of Louisiana by Iberville . . . . . . . . . 1699
Founding of Detroit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1701
Callieres' Treaty with the Five Nation Indians . . . . . . . . 1701
Five Nation Indians acknowledge supremacy of Great Britain . . 1701
Port Royal taken by Nicholson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1710
Expedition of Walker and Hill against Quebec . . . . . . . . . 1711
Peace of Utrecht. Hudson Bay and Acadia ceded to Great Britain 1713
English fort built at Oswego . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1727
Western discoveries by the Verendryes . . . . . . . . . . . . 1731-43
First siege and capture of Louisbourg . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1745
Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1748
Halifax founded . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1749
Fort Duquesne built by the French . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1754
Expulsion of the Acadians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1755
The _Alcide_ and the _Lys_ taken by Boscawen . . . . . . . . . 1755
Braddock defeated on the Monongahela . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1755
Johnson's victory over Dieskau at Lake George . . . . . . . . . 1755
Oswego taken by Montcalm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1756
William Shirley recalled . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1756
Abortive attempt against Louisbourg by Loudoun and Holborne . . 1757
Fort William Henry taken by Montcalm . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1757
Pitt comes into power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1757
Louisbourg taken by Amherst and Wolfe . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1758
Abercromby defeated at Ticonderoga and Lord Howe killed . . . . 1758
Fort Frontenac taken by Bradstreet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1758
Fort Duquesne taken by Forbes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1758
Fort Niagara taken by Johnson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1759
Ticonderoga and Crown Point taken by Amherst . . . . . . . . . 1759
Battle of Quebec. Deaths of Wolfe and Montcalm. Quebec
surrendered to the English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1759
Surrender of Montreal and final conquest of Canada . . . . . . 1760
Resignation of Pitt. Bute comes into power . . . . . . . . . . 1761
War between Great Britain and Spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1762
Peace of Paris. Canada ceded to Great Britain . . . . . . . . . 1763
INDEX
Abbitibbi River, the, p. 188.
Abenakis, the, 54, 127, 129, 135, 136, 138, 182, 194, 195, 266.
Abercromby, General, 260, 271, 276, 277, 279, 280, 282, 283, 287,
296.
Acadia, meaning of name, 36 _n_.
-- and Acadians, 42, 43, 45, 52, 123, 131, 142, 146, 170-90, 192-4,
221-8, 235, 250, 337, 345, 346.
Adirondack Mountains, 49, 241, 242.
Adventurers to Canada, Company of, 74, 76.
Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, 192, 205, 209, 211, 216, 217, 219, 221.
Albanel, 186.
Albany, 56 _n._, 63, 64, 91, 109, 110, 116, 121, 125-7, 130, 208,
234, 241, 246, 258, 267, 278, 321.
-- River, the, 187.
Albemarle, 186.
Albert de Prado, 25.
_Alcide_, the, 234 and _n._, 272.
Alexander, Sir William, 74, 173-6.
Alexandria, 236.
Algonquins, the, 54, 61, 62, 66, 87.
Alleghany Mountains, 49, 53, 217, 230-3, 285, 340.
-- River, the, 150, 151, 217-9, 229, 286, 293, 331.
Amazon, the, 2.
Amherst, Lord, 259 _n._, 267, 271, 272, 275, 277, 283, 287, 290, 291,
296, 297, 303, 304, 311, 314, 319-24, 339.
Amidas, 32.
Andastes, the, 90.
Andros, 183.
Annapolis and Harbour, 41, 142, 143, 171, 176, 177, 193, 197, 202,
207-9, 219, 225, 226.
Anne of Brittany, 20.
-- Queen, 122, 144, 205.
Anse au Foulon, 306, 317.
Anson, Admiral, 206, 208, 292.
Argall, Samuel, 42, 43, 172.
Arkansas River, the, 153, 161, 162, 167, 211.
Arlington, 186.
Arthur, Port, 212.
Artillery Cove, 265.
Ashley, 186.
Assiniboine, the, 213.
Aubert of Dieppe, 20.
Baccalaos, 15 _n._, 16 and _n._, 23 _n_.
Bacon, 4, 12.
Baffin, 27, 44, 184.
-- Bay, 7 _n_.
Baie des Puans. _See_ Green Bay.
-- Francoise. _See_ Bay of Fundy.
-- Verte, 224.
Barlow, 32.
Basques, the, 5, 11, 14-17, 65.
Beaubassin, 183, 222, 225.
Beauharnois, Fort, 211.
Beaujeu, Admiral, 165, 166.
-- de, 238.
Beauport River and Shore, 132, 133 _n._, 298, 301, 305, 306, 308,
310.
Beausejour, 222-4, 307.
Bedford, 284.
-- Duke of, 326.
Beletre, 267, 268.
Belle Ile, 326.
-- -- Straits of, 1, 21, 22.
Biencourt, 172, 173.
Bienville, 169.
Bighorn Mountains, 213.
Bigot, 224, 251, 252, 325.
Biloxi, 169.
Bjarni Herjulfson, 6.
Bolingbroke, 142, 144.
Bonavista, Cape, 19.
Boscawen, Admiral, 234, 272-5.
Boston, 6, 123, 126, 131, 133, 134, 137, 141, 142, 145, 178, 180,
181, 198, 199, 204 and _n._, 206, 210.
'Bostonnais,' the, 131, 198, 345.
Bougainville, 260, 287, 302, 305, 308-10, 313, 321.
Bouquet, 284, 285, 294.
Bourbon, Fort, 189.
Bourgeoys, Marguerite, 84.
Bourlamaque, 260, 288, 296, 318, 320, 321.
Braddock, General, 225, 234-41, 245, 257, 284, 285, 339.
Bradstreet, Colonel, 255, 279, 282 and _n._, 286.
Breboeuf, 84, 86, 88.
Breda, Peace of, 63, 180, 182.
Bristol, 4, 18, 19, 184.
Brittany and Bretons, 11, 12, 15, 16, 22, 38.
Buckingham, Duke of, 74, 289.
Bull, Fort, 247, 254.
Burke, 236, 250, 312, 315, 339.
Burnet, Governor, 196.
Burton, Colonel, 306, 307, 324.
Bute, Lord, 325, 326.
Button, 183, 184.
Button's Bay, 184.
Bylot, 184.
Cabots, the, 4, 5, 9, 12-19, 337.
Caens, the De, 70, 73, 77 and _n_.
Callieres, 112, 118, 119, 128.
Canada and Canadians, 12-14, 21, 244, 245, 269.
-- meaning of name, 24 _n_.
Canso, Cape, 177 _n._, 179 _n._, 197-9.
-- Gut of, 171.
Cap Rouge River, 297, 298, 305, 310, 315, 316.
Cape Breton Island, 16, 19, 45, 77 _n._, 144-6, 170-4, 179 _n._, 191,
192, 197, 199, 204 and _n._, 209, 221, 270, 276, 277, 326, 346.
Carignan, Prince of, 101.
Carignan-Salieres Regiment, 101, 181, 212.
Carillon. _See_ Ticonderoga.
Carleton, Guy, 292, 301.
Cartier, 12, 14, 21-4, 37, 38, 43, 54, 337.
Casco Bay, 129-31, 138.
Castine, 181.
Cataraqui, 108, 121, 149.
Cathay, 12, 13, 19, 26-8.
Cats, Nation of the. _See_ Eries.
Caughnawaga, 116 _n_.
Cavelier, Abbe, 167.
Cavendish, Thomas, 32.
Cayuga Creek, 158.
Cayugas, the, 56 and _n_.
Celeron, 217, 218, 229.
Chabot, Brian, 21.
Chaleurs Bay, 21, 324.
Chambly, 104, 114, 141, 181, 321.
Champlain, 24, 34, 40-3, 52-4, 61, 65-70, 75, 76, 78, 81, 92, 106,
260, 298.
-- Lake, 3, 49, 55, 66, 104, 128, 131, 141, 197, 207, 216, 229, 235,
242, 243, 246, 264, 278, 292, 293, 296, 297, 319, 321, 331.
Chancellor, Richard, 26.
Charles I, 74, 76, 174, 289.
-- II, 63, 180, 182, 186.
-- V, 25.
-- VIII, 20.
-- Fort, 185.
Charlevoix, 56, 106, 211, 334, 335, 339 _n._, 341, 342.
Chastes, de, 40, 41.
Chaudiere Falls, 52, 123.
-- River, 195, 235, 298.
Chautauqua Lake, 150, 218, 229.
Chauvin, 39.
Chebucto, 171, 207, 210, 220. _See also_ Halifax.
Chedabucto, 176, 179.
Chesapeake Bay, 20, 42, 236.
Chesterfield, Lord, 271, 276, 327.
Chignecto Bay, 171, 181, 183.
-- Isthmus of, 171, 208, 209, 222.
Chouaguen. _See_ Oswego.
Chubb, 136, 137.
Chudleigh, Cape, 1.
Church, Major, 139.
Churchills, the, 272.
Cincinnati, City of, 218.
Clarke, 214.
Colbert, 94, 98, 101, 156, 343.
Coligny, Admiral, 38.
Columbus, 4, 5 and _n._, 8, 9, 13, 14, 54, 329.
Comanches, the, 211.
Compagnie du Nord, 187.
Company of the West, 93.
Conde, 67, 70.
Connecticut, River, 138, 208, 297.
-- State of, 129, 199.
Convers, 135.
Cook, 260, 275.
Corlaer. _See_ Cuyler.
Cornwallis, Colonel E., 220.
-- Lord, 220, 222.
Corte Reals, the, 14, 17 and _n._, 19, 20.
Cotton, Rev. N., 311.
Courcelles, De, 104, 105, 109, 127, 152.
Cousin of Dieppe, 5 _n_.
Crevecoeur, Fort, 159-63.
Cromwell, 179 and _n._, 180.
Crown Point, 197, 207, 208, 235, 245-7, 293, 296, 297, 303, 320.
Crowne, William, 180.
Cumberland, Duke of, 235, 236, 272.
-- Fort, 224, 230, 237, 238, 284.
Cuyler, 65.
D'Ailleboust, 82.
Dakota, 213.
D'Anville, 207, 208, 218 _n_.
D'Argenson, 82.
Darien, Isthmus of, 2, 8, 140.
D'Aunay, 176-80.
D'Avaugour, 82.
Davies, Sylvanus, 129, 130.
Davis, 27.
-- Strait, 27.
Deerfield, 138, 139.
Delawares, the, 54, 218.
_Delight_, the, 31.
Denonville, Marquis de, 110-4, 118, 121, 128, 188.
Denys, Nicholas, 176, 179 and _n._, 180.
-- of Honfleur, 20.
Des Groseilliers, 185, 187.
Des Plaines, the, 150, 153, 161.
D'Estournel, Admiral, 207.
Detroit, 51, 89, 111, 121, 122, 149, 151, 158, 159, 294, 295, 324,
336.
Dettingen, Battle of, 192, 272, 289.
Diamond, Cape, 298.
_Diana_, the, 318.
Dieppe, 20, 38, 74, 75.
Dieskau, Baron, 234, 243-5, 252.
Dinwiddie, Robert, 230, 231, 234.
_Discovery_, the, 183, 184.
Dongan, Governor, 61, 111 and _n._, 120, 127, 128, 345.
Donnaconna, 22.
Drake, Sir Francis, 32, 33, 76.
'Drowned Lands,' the, 242.
Drucour, Chevalier de, 273 and _n._, 276 and _n_.
Duchambon, Governor, 200, 202, 203, 224.
Duchesnau, 107.
Dudley, Governor, 140.
Du Luth, 106, 113, 121, 161.
Dummer, Jeremiah, 142.
Dunbar, Colonel, 237, 238.
Dunkirk, 145.
-- the, 234 _n_.
Duquesne, Fort, 150, 231, 232, 234, 236, 237, 270, 271, 283-7,
291 _n._, 293.
-- Governor, 219, 228.
Duquesnel, 200.
Durell, Admiral, 292, 299, 305.
Dutch, the, 46, 47, 53, 62-4, 77, 79, 128, 329, 330, 341.
Duvivier, 197.
Edward, Fort, 242, 245, 264-7.
-- VI, 25, 26.
Egg Islands, 145.
Elizabeth, Queen, 28, 30, 32, 76.
Emmanuel, King, 14.
Eric the Red, 6.
Erie, Lake, 48, 51, 55, 56, 61, 90, 111, 121, 149, 151, 154, 158,
217, 218, 295.
-- Town of, 151, 229.
Eries, the, 61, 90.
Eyre, Major, 262.
Falmouth, 129.
Fernando Gorges, 174.
Finisterre, Cape, 206, 208, 218 _n_.
Five Nations. _See_ Iroquois.
Flat Point, 201, 274.
Florida, 14, 38, 39, 80, 168, 327.
Fontenoy, 272.
Forbes, 271, 283-6, 291 _n._, 293.
Fort Albany, 187, 188, 190.
-- Hayes, 187, 188.
-- le Boeuf, 229, 230.
-- Orange, 63.
Fox Channel, 185.
-- River, 150, 153.
Foxe, Luke, 184.
France and the French, 12 and _n._, 14-24, 35-7, 42, 43, 45, 77, 78,
113-9, 250, 251, 329.
Francis I, 12, 20.
Franciscans, the, 71.
Franklin, 28, 233-6, 261 _n_.
Frederick the Great, 216, 250, 260.
French and English, 123-46, 216-24, 329.
-- Creek, 151, 229, 231, 286, 293.
Freshwater Cove, 201, 274.
Frobisher, Martin, 13, 26-8, 30.
-- Bay, 26.
Frontenac, Count, 96 and _n._, 105-10, 112-21, 127-33, 146, 152, 155,
156, 158.
-- Fort, 108, 109, 114, 117, 118, 121, 136, 149, 156, 157, 159, 161,
163, 165, 246, 254-5, 258, 270, 282, 286, 287.
Fundy, Bay of, 41, 42, 171, 221.
Gabarus Bay, 200, 201, 272, 274.
Gage, General, 295, 324.
Galissoniere, Marquis de la, 217, 218.
Galveston Bay, 166.
Garnier, 84.
Gaspe Bay, 144, 177, 277.
-- Peninsula, 21, 50, 75.
Genoa and Genoese, 7, 13, 18.
George Lake, 49, 104, 216, 229, 242, 243, 245, 261, 262, 264, 265,
271, 277, 278, 282, 296, 331.
-- II, 194, 205, 210, 225, 325.
-- III, 325.
Georgian Bay, 51, 52, 55, 86, 87, 151.
'German Flats,' the, 267.
Germans, the, 231, 267.
Gibbons, Captain, 184.
Gibraltar, 206, 236.
Gilbert, Sir H., 13, 15, 16 _n._, 28-32.
Gillam, Captain Zachariah, 185, 186.
Giraudiere, 179 _n_.
_Golden Hind_, the, 29.
Gomez, 14.
Gordon, Sir R., 174.
Gourgues, Domenic de, 39.
Grand Battery, the, 200-2, 205, 273.
Grand Pre, 139, 171, 209, 226.
Grande Baie. _See_ Green Bay.
Grandfontaine, 181.
Grant, Major, 285, 314.
Great Meadows, 231, 238.
Green Bay, 150, 152-4, 158, 160.
-- Mountains, 49, 242.
Greenland, 6, 7, 27.
Grenville, Sir R., 32, 33.
Gunnbiorn, 6.
Guyard, Marie, 84.
Haldimand, Colonel, 294.
Halifax City and Harbour, 171, 210, 219-21, 263 and _n._, 270, 272,
275, 292.
Halkett, Sir Peter, 237.
Hampton, 236.
Harley, 142, 144.
Haverhill, 139.
Haviland, 319-21.
Hawke, Admiral, 310, 311, 339.
Hawkridge, Captain, 184.
Hay, Lord C., 263 _n_.
Hayes, E., 15, 16 and _n._, 28, 29.
-- River, 189.
Helluland, 6.
Hennepin, Father, 157, 161.
Henry, IV, 38, 42, 66, 67, 72.
-- VII, 4, 14, 17, 18.
-- Prince of Wales, 173, 184.
Hill, Abigail, 144.
-- General, 144-6.
Hispaniola, 32.
Hochelaga, 13, 22 and _n._, 24 and _n_.
Holborne, Admiral, 299, 302-5.
Hopson, Colonel, 223.
Hore, 25.
Howard of Effingham, Lord, 127.
Howe, Captain, 223.
-- Colonel, 292, 306-7.
-- Lord, 268, 271, 278, 280, 281, 287, 289.
Hudson, the, 3, 23 _n._, 49, 50 and _n._, 53, 62-5, 104, 124, 125,
130, 208, 229, 241.
-- Bay, 52, 106, 128, 138, 146, 153, 170-90, 213, 214, 331.
-- Bay Company, 186-9.
-- Henry, 27, 44, 53 and _n._, 63, 183, 184.
-- Straits, 26, 183, 184.
Huguenots, the, 37, 38, 41, 70, 72-4, 77, 80, 81, 168, 226, 338, 343.
Hundred Associates, 70, 72, 80-2, 93, 173.
Huron, Lake, 51, 55, 68, 69, 87, 111, 114, 121, 149, 151, 196.
Hurons, the, 54, 55, 61, 62, 66, 68, 86-92, 151, 152.
Iberville, 106, 128, 136, 137, 169, 188, 189.
Iceland, 6.
Ile aux Noix, 296, 319, 321.
Ile des Allumettes, 67.
Ile de St. Jean. _See_ Prince Edward Island.
Ile Madame, 311.
Ile Perrot, 322.
Ile Royale, 322. _See_ Cape Breton Island.
Illinois, the, 110, 148, 150, 153, 154, 156, 159, 162, 163, 217.
Independence, War of, 65, 280, 282, 339.
Indians, the, 54, 342, &c.
Indies, the, 10, 12, 13, 26.
Irondequoit Bay, 111.
Iroquois, the, 54-62, 64-6, 75, 81, 82, 108-23, 134, 216, 233, 258
and _n._, 267.
Island Battery, the, 200-2, 274.
Jacques Cartier, 310, 324.
James, Captain T., 184.
-- I, 74, 173, 174.
-- II, 127, 138, 189.
-- Bay, 183, 185, 187-9.
Jamestown, 42, 43, 65.
Jemseg, 180, 181.
Jesuits, the, 34, 42, 70-2, 82-91, 151, 152, 155.
Jogues, Isaac, 84.
Johnson, Fort, 240.
-- Sir William, 240-6, 258, 261, 264, 267, 294-6, 321, 323, 324, 342.
Joliet, Louis, 152-4, 162.
Joncaire, 141, 241.
Joutel, 167.
Jumonville, 232.
Kankakee, the, 159.
Kansas River, the, 211.
Kennebec, the, 123, 136, 171, 182, 195, 235, 298.
Kingston, 51, 108.
Kirkes, the, 74-7, 81, 86, 131, 173-5, 179, 298, 346.
Kittery Point, 199.
Knowles, Commodore, 206.
Knox, 301, 307 _n._, 315, 317, 318, 321, 323, 324 _n_.
La Barre, 110, 111, 113, 163, 165.
Labrador, 1, 6, 9, 19, 153.
La Cadie. _See_ Acadia.
Lac des Assiniboines. _See_ Lake Winnipeg.
Lac des Illinois. _See_ Lake Michigan.
Lachine, 53, 112, 114, 116 _n._, 128, 153, 154, 322.
La Corne, 197, 265, 294, 322.
'La Demoiselle,' 219.
La Famine, 110.
Laffeldt, Battle of, 289.
La Heve, 176, 177 and _n_.
La Hogue, Battle of, 189.
La Jonquiere, Marquis de, 207, 218 and _n._, 222.
Lake of the Woods, 211, 213.
Lalemant, 84.
La Mothe Cadillac, 121.
La Motte, Admiral, 263.
Lane, Ralph, 32, 33.
Langlade, 219.
La Peltrie, Madame de, 84.
La Plata, the, 2.
La Pointe, 151.
La Prairie, 131, 134.
La Reine, Fort, 213.
La Roche, Marquis de, 39.
La Rochelle, 69, 72, 74, 78, 157, 165, 207, 289.
La Salle, 53, 106, 152, 154-69.
Latour, Fort, 173.
-- -- 175, 178.
La Tours, the, 173, 175, 177-80.
Laudonniere, Rene de, 38.
Laurel Hills, 231, 232, 285.
Lauzon, De, 82, 84.
Laval, Bishop, 84, 97.
La Valliere, 182.
La Verendrye, 212-4.
Lawrence, Fort, 223, 224.
-- Governor, 222-5, 228, 271.
Leboeuf, Fort, 294.
Le Borgne, 179, 180.
Le Caron, 68, 86.
Legardeur de St. Pierre, 245.
Leif, 6, 7.
Leisler, Jacob, 126, 128.
Le Loutre, 222-4, 266.
Le Moyne, 91, 92.
Lery, 254.
-- Baron de, 16 _n._, 20.
Levis, 260, 265, 270, 279, 288, 300, 303, 310, 315-7, 319, 323.
-- Point, 297, 300, 301, 304-6, 315.
Lewis, 214.
Lighthouse Point, 202, 273, 274.
Ligneris, 286, 295.
Lok, Michael, 27.
L'Omeroy, Fort. _See_ Fort Latour.
Longueuil, 321.
Lorette, 89, 315, 316.
Loudoun, Earl of, 252, 260-4, 271, 276, 277.
Louis XIII, 72, 76.
-- XIV, 98, 107, 138, 162, 164, 192, 343.
-- Fort. _See_ Fort Latour.
Louisbourg, 146, 172, 191-214, 216, 219, 220, 223-5, 247, 253,
259 _n._, 262-4, 270-7, 289-92, 299, 317, 320, 337, 340, 344.
Louisiana, 36, 106, 162 and _n._, 169, 211, 217, 226, 250, 252, 295,
340.
_Lowestoft_, the, 318.
Loyal, Fort, 129, 130.
Loyalhannon, 285.
Lunenburg, 221.
Lutherans, 221.
Lyman, Fort, 241-5.
-- Phineas, 241.
_Lys_, the, 234, 272.
Machault. _See_ Venango.
Machias, 176.
Mackenzie, Sir A., 214.
Maine, State of, 23, 41, 42, 123, 129, 130, 170-2, 182, 198, 298.
Maisonneuve, 84.
Mance, Jeanne, 84.
Manhattan Island, 63, 64, 124, 125, 179, 206.
March, Colonel, 139.
Marin, 229.
Markland, 6.
Marlborough, Duke of, 122, 138, 140, 142, 144, 146, 345, 346.
Marquette, Jacques, 152-4, 162.
Martha's or Martin's Vineyard, 6.
Maryland, 45, 73, 110, 142, 230, 233, 237.
Mascarene, Major, 197, 219.
Massachusetts, 131-3, 136, 138-43, 146, 147, 180, 195, 197-9, 208,
226, 230, 233, 241, 281, 340, 345.
-- Fort, 208.
Matagorda Bay, 166.
_Mathew_, the, 18.
Mattawa River, the, 52, 68.
Maumee River, 218.
May, River of, 39.
Mazarin, 179.
Menendez, 39.
Meneval, Governor, 182.
Mercer, Colonel, 256.
Merchants Discoverers' Company, 184.
_Merrimac_, the, 139.
_Meta Incognita_, the, 27.
Mexico, 17, 155, 157, 164, 165, 168.
-- Gulf of, 2, 153, 155, 159, 164-6, 169, 332.
Miami Fort, 159-61.
-- River, 218.
Miamis, the, 218, 219.
Michigan, Lake, 51, 54, 89, 149, 153, 154, 157-61, 217.
Michillimackinac, 51, 117, 121, 149, 153, 154, 158-62, 324, 336.
Micmacs, the, 54.
Minden, Battle of, 315.
Mines, Basin of, 171, 181, 183, 209, 225.
Miquelon, 327, 346.
Mississippi, the, 2-4, 36, 48, 49, 53, 148, 153, 156, 159-62, 166,
168, 169, 217, 327, 340.
Missouri, the, 153, 161, 211, 213, 214.
Mobile Bay, 169.
Mohawk River, the, 49, 55 and _n._, 56 and _n._, 63, 206, 240, 246-7,
254, 257, 267, 270, 282, 293.
Mohawks, the, 55, 64, 65, 91, 92, 104, 105, 108, 109, 114, 115, 127,
142, 241, 244, 245, 258.
Mohicans, the, 64.
Monckton, Colonel, 224, 277, 291, 301, 305, 307.
Monongahela River, 218, 219, 225, 229-32, 237, 239.
Monro, Colonel, 264, 265.
Montagnais, the, 54.
Montcalm, 106, 216, 252-5, 259-62, 264-7, 270, 276 _n._, 279, 280,
282, 287, 293, 298, 300-3, 305-10, 313-5, 333, 339.
Montmagny, De, 81, 82.
Montmorency, Duc de, 70.
-- River, 297, 298, 300-5, 308.
Montreal, 22-4, 41, 50, 51, 54, 66, 67, 69, 81, 82, 92, 95, 102,
108-15, 131, 134, 145, 154, 157, 161, 217, 251, 255, 262, 267,
296, 303, 310, 319-25, 336, 339.
Monts, de, 40-3, 65, 66, 73.
Moody, Chaplain, 204.
Moose Fort. _See_ Fort Hayes.
-- River, 187, 188.
Moravians, the, 285, 341.
Murray, 291, 301, 302, 304, 305, 307, 310, 316-20, 323-5.
Muscovy Company, the, 26.
Nantucket, 132.
Narragansetts, the, 54.
Naxouat, Fort, 137.
Necessity, Fort, 232.
Nelson, Fort, 187, 189.
-- River, 187, 213.
Nesmond, Marquis de, 137.
Netherlands East India Company, 46, 79.
-- West India Company, 63, 79, 181 _n_.
Neutral Nation, 55, 90.
New Amsterdam, 3, 63.
-- Biscay, 164.
-- Brunswick, 23 _n._, 41, 170-2.
Newcastle, Duke of, 207, 268 and _n._, 290, 319, 326.
New England, 3, 6, 11, 23 _n._, 45, 54, 124, 139, 147, 172, 197-9,
210, 241, 248, 335-7, 341, 344, 345.
Newfoundland, 1, 6, 9, 11, 13-25, 30, 34, 37, 45, 52, 69, 76, 106,
123, 146, 171, 172, 178, 179 _n._, 234, 334, 337, 346.
New France, 22-4, 35, 66 _n._, 67, 70, 80, 81, 97, 148, 251, 314,
329, 335, 341.
-- Hampshire, 129, 135, 208, 233.
-- Jersey, 6 _n._, 141, 233.
-- Mexico, 211.
-- Netherlands, 63, 104.
-- Orleans, 169, 327.
-- Scotland, 174, 176.
-- York, Town and State of, 3, 6, 9, 49, 63, 65 _n._, 124, 128, 134,
141, 147, 183, 199, 208, 233, 237, 241, 242, 248, 263, 265, 267,
295, 314, 336.
Niagara, Falls of, 157, 158, 294, 295, 331.
-- Fort, 111 and _n._, 149, 158, 159, 196, 235, 246, 254, 258, 293-6,
303, 336.
-- River, 51, 90, 151, 157, 196, 294.
Nicholson, Colonel, 141-3, 145, 183.
Nicollet, Jean, 151.
Nicolls, Colonel, 127.
Nipigon, Fort and River, 212.
Nipissing Indians, 151.
-- Lake, 52, 54, 68, 87.
Noble, Colonel, 208, 209.
_Nonsuch_, the, 185.
Norridgewocks, the, 195.
Norsemen, 5, 6.
North-West Passage, 183-6.
Norumbega, 23 and _n_.
Nova Scotia, 6, 9, 23 _n._, 36, 39, 41, 170-6, 264, 271, 277, 326.
Ogdensburg, 322 and _n_.
Ohio, the, 4, 48, 53, 148, 150, 151, 154, 156, 161, 162 _n._, 169,
217-9, 232, 257, 283-6, 294, 345.
Oneida, Lake, 56, 246, 254, 282.
Oneidas, the, 56 and _n._, 61, 118.
Oneigra, 111 _n_.
Onondaga, 116, 118.
-- River, 196 _n_.
Onondagas, the, 56 and _n._, 59, 61, 91, 92.
Ontario, Fort, 256.
-- Lake, 48, 51-6, 61, 87, 91, 108-11, 118, 149, 151, 154, 158, 196,
235, 243, 246, 247, 254-8, 267, 270, 283, 293, 294, 319, 322.
Orleans, Island of, 85, 89, 92, 297, 299, 300.
-- Point of, 300, 305.
Oswegatchie River, 322 and _n_.
Oswego, 196 and _n._, 235, 243, 246, 254-8, 260, 262, 264, 265, 267,
269 _n._, 270, 280, 293, 294, 319, 321.
Ottawa, City of, 52.
-- River, 51, 66-9, 87, 92, 108, 114, 149, 151, 188, 295.
Oyster River, 135.
Paris, Peace of, 15, 93, 326, 327, 345.
Pean, 251.
Pemaquid, Fort, 136, 137, 182, 189.
Penalossa, Count, 164.
Pennsylvania, 141, 199, 217, 219, 230, 231, 233, 236, 239, 248, 283,
284.
Penobscot, the, 23 _n._, 42, 136, 137, 171, 176, 179, 181 and _n._,
195, 240, 266.
Pentegoet, 137, 176, 181, 182.
Pepin, Lake, 211.
Pepperell, W., 199, 202, 203, 205, 252 _n_.
Pequods, the, 54.
Perrot, Governor, 108, 113, 182, 211.
Philadelphia, 41, 284, 286.
Philip's War, 182.
Philipps, Governor, 194.
Phipps, William, 131-4, 139, 140, 145, 183, 198.
Pickawillany, 218, 219.
Pigeon River, 213.
Pique Town. _See_ Pickawillany.
Piquet, Abbe, 322 and _n_.
Pitt, 15 _n._, 216, 268 and _n._, 269, 271, 284, 286, 291 _n._, 296,
304, 314, 325-7, 346.
Pittsburg, 150, 286.
Placentia, 145, 189.
Plains of Abraham, 224, 297, 307, 314.
Points de Monts, 50, 145.
Pontgrave, 39-41, 65, 66.
Pontiac, 324.
Portland, 129, 150.
Port Royal, 41-3, 77 _n._, 131, 135, 139, 142, 146, 171-3, 175-7,
179, 183, 197, 198.
Portsmouth, 145, 207.
Portugal and Portuguese, 3, 8-10, 14-9, 29 _n._, 39, 79, 329, 330.
Potomac, the, 230, 236.
Pouchot, 294, 295, 322.
Poutrincourt, 42, 172.
Presque Ile, 151, 229, 294.
Prideaux, General, 293-6.
Prima Terra Vista, 16.
Prince Edward Island, 170, 179 _n._, 221, 277.
-- Rev. T., 204.
-- Rupert, 185.
Prudhomme, Fort, 162.
Puans, the. _See_ Winnebagos.
Puritans, the, 34, 85, 204, 338, 341.
Quakers, the, 73, 231, 240, 341, 344.
Quebec, 22-4, 35-78, 95, 97, 102, 123, 146, 172, 179, 186, 207, 224,
226, 251, 260, 262, 269 _n._, 271, 276 and _n._, 289, 291-3,
297-320, 336, 339, 340, 346.
Quiberon Bay, 311, 315, 339.
Radisson, 185, 187.
Raestown, 284, 291 _n_.
Raleigh, Sir W., 3, 28, 29, 33, 43.
-- City of, 33.
Ramesay, 141.
-- 208, 209.
-- 310.
Rasle, Sebastian, 195.
Razilly, de, 176, 177 and _n_.
Recollet Friars, the, 68, 69, 160.
Red River, the, 211.
-- -- -- 213.
Rensselaer and Rensselaerswyck, 63.
Restigouche, 324.
Rhode Island, 233.
Ribault, Jean, 38, 39.
Richelieu, 70, 72, 75, 76, 80, 94, 173, 174, 176.
-- Fort, 81.
-- River, the, 49, 50, 53, 82, 101, 102, 104, 108, 114, 128, 131,
229, 242, 243, 296, 320, 321, 331.
Rideau Canal, 52.
Rio Janeiro, 38.
Riviere aux Boeufs, 151, 229. _See also_ French Creek.
Roanoke, 32, 33.
Roberval, 14, 23.
Rochefort, 289.
Rocky Mountains, 46, 213, 214.
Rogers, Robert, 247, 261-4, 296, 320, 324, 339.
Rogers' Rock, 261.
Rollo, Lord, 277.
Roman Catholics, 41, 48, 73, 83, 88, 221.
Rome, 247.
Roquemaure, 321.
Rouen, 69, 154.
-- and St. Malo Company, 69, 70.
Rouille, Fort, 196.
Royal Americans, 252 and _n._, 302.
-- Mount. _See_ Montreal.
Rupert, Fort or House, 185, 187, 188.
-- Land, 187.
-- River, 185, 186.
Ryswick, Peace of, 118, 137, 140, 190.
Sable Cape, 171, 173, 208.
-- Island, 16 and _n._, 31, 39.
Sackett's Harbour, 255.
Saguenay River, 13, 24 _n._, 40, 50.
St. Anne, Fort, 188.
-- Anthony, Falls of, 161.
-- Augustine, Town of, 39.
-- Castin, Baron de, 137, 181, 183, 240.
-- Charles, River, 89, 132, 298, 307-9.
-- Clair, Lake and River, 51, 158.
-- Croix, River, 41, 171, 173.
-- -- -- 153, 161.
-- Esprit, Mission of, 151, 153.
-- Francis, River of, 296.
-- Frederick, Fort, 197.
-- Germain-en-Laye, Treaty of, 76, 77 and _n._, 81, 175.
-- Ignace, Mission of, 150, 153, 158.
-- John's, 321.
-- -- (New Brunswick), 137, 171, 176, 177 _n._, 180, 181, 277.
-- -- (Newfoundland), 29-31, 326.
-- -- Lake, 186.
-- -- River (Florida), 39.
-- Joseph, River of, 159-61.
-- Lawrence, Gulf of, 20, 24 _n._, 171, 334.
-- -- River of, 2-4, 6, 9, 12 and _n._, 35-8, 43, 46, 48-55, 65-71,
108, 109, 149, 168, 173, 191, 212, 241, 255, 267, 289, 292,
298-301, 321, 331-4, 339.
-- Louis, Fort of (Illinois), 163, 169.
-- -- -- (Quebec), 71.
-- -- -- (Texas), 166.
-- Malo, 37, 39.
-- Marie, Station of, 87, 88.
-- Mary's Straits. _See_ Sault St. Marie.
-- Maurice, River of, 50.
-- Peter, Lake, 50.
-- Pierre, Island of, 327, 346.
Sainte Foy, 315, 316.
Salieres, Colonel de, 101.
Salmon Falls, 129.
Sandy Creek, 254.
-- Hill, 242.
Santa Fe, 211.
Saratoga, Fort, 208.
Saskatchewan, the, 213, 214.
Sault St. Louis, 116.
-- -- Marie, 51, 149, 151.
Saunders, Admiral, 292, 299, 304-6, 308, 310, 311.
Saurel, Monsieur de, 81 _n_.
Schenectady, 63, 104, 125, 128, 134, 246, 267-8, 294, 321.
Schuyler, 126, 142.
Scots Fort, 176.
Sedgewick, Major-General, 179.
Seignelay, 164.
Seigniors, the, 100, 101.
Senecas, the, 55 _n._, 56 and _n._, 91, 109-11, 118, 141, 158, 216,
241.
Seven Years' War, 216, 250-2, 327, 338.
Shirley, William, 198, 206-8, 219, 221, 224, 230, 235, 236, 241, 246,
252 _n._, 254-6, 260, 345.
Sillery, 297, 298.
Simcoe, Lake, 52, 55, 68, 87, 196 and _n_.
Sioux, the, 153, 161, 211.
Smith, John, 34.
Soissons, Count de, 67.
Sorel, 50, 81, 104, 320.
South Africa, 46, 47.
-- Bay, 242.
-- Carolina, 145, 226.
Spain and Spaniards, 8-21, 34, 39, 79, 153, 162, 211, 326, 329, 330.
Spanish America, 211.
-- Succession, War of, 138.
_Squirrel_, the, 31.
Stadacone, 22 and _n_.
Stanwix, Fort, 257 _n_.
-- General, 282, 293.
Stirling, Earl of. _See_ Alexander.
Stoughton, 136.
Stuarts, the, 76, 125, 176.
Sulpicians, the, 108.
Superior, Lake, 48, 51, 88, 122, 148, 149, 151-3, 161, 212, 213.
Susa, Convention of, 76 and _n._, 81.
Susquehanna River, 55, 90.
Sweden and Swedes, 124, 250.
Swift, 145 and _n_.
Sydney Harbour, 145.
Tadoussac, 40, 50, 65, 69, 75, 93.
Talon, 101, 104-6, 152, 343.
Temiscaming, Lake, 188.
Temple, Lord, 319, 326.
-- Sir T., 180, 181.
Terra de Corte Reall. _See_ Corte Real.
Texas, 165, 166, 168.
Thorne, Robert, 13.
Thousand Islands, the, 51, 322.
Three Rivers, 50, 69, 81, 82, 92, 95, 112, 129, 131, 331.
Thunder Bay, 212.
Ticonderoga, 66, 242, 243, 246, 255, 257, 262, 264, 270, 278-80, 282,
283, 287, 293, 296, 303.
Tonty, Henri de, 155, 157, 159-63, 167-9.
Toronto, 196 and _n._, 254.
Tourmente, Cape, 75.
Townshend, 291, 301, 304, 305, 307, 309-12.
Trent River, the, 68.
Trinity River, 167.
_Troupes de la Marine_, 253.
Troy, 49.
Troyes, de, 188.
Turtle Creek, 237.
Tuscaroras, the, 61.
Utrecht, Treaty of, 122 and _n._, 123, 126, 138, 145 _n._, 146, 170,
172, 183, 190-2, 205, 219, 221, 228, 277, 327, 339, 340, 345, 346.
Valois, House of, 24, 38.
_Vanguard_, the, 318.
Varin, 251.
Vasco de Gama, 8.
Vaudreuil, Governor (father), 118, 140, 195.
-- (son), 234, 251, 252, 254, 255, 267, 270, 287, 299, 309, 310, 320,
323, 324, 333.
-- Rigaud de, 262.
Vaughan, William, 198, 201.
Vauquelin, 318.
Venango, 231, 294.
Venice and Venetians, 13 and _n._, 18.
Ventadour, Duc de, 70, 71.
Vercheres, Madeleine de, 115.
-- Seignory of, 114.
Vergor, de, 224, 306.
Vermont, 49, 242.
Verrazano, 7 _n._, 12, 14, 20, 337.
Vetch, Samuel, 140, 143.
_Vigilant_, the, 201.
Vignau, Nicholas de, 67.
Villebon, 135, 137, 139.
Villegagnon, 38.
Ville Marie, 85. _See_ Montreal.
Villiers, Coulon de, 209, 254, 255.
Vinland, 6.
Virginia, 11, 25, 31-4, 42, 43, 45, 53 _n._, 110, 123, 127, 172, 219,
230, 231, 234, 236, 239, 248, 283, 284, 337.
-- Company, 42.
Virginians, the, 217, 219, 231, 239.
Walker, Admiral, 144-6.
Walley, Major, 132.
Walpole, Horace, 235, 236, 250, 257, 263, 269 _n._, 275, 276, 290,
291, 309, 315, 319.
Warren, Commodore, 199-203, 205, 206, 208, 240.
Washington, George, 217, 230-2, 236, 237, 239, 247, 285.
Webb, Colonel D., 257, 258, 260, 262, 264, 265, 267.
Wells, 135, 138.
Westerham, 289.
West Indies, the, 1, 8-10, 32, 103, 134, 180, 199, 326.
Westminster, Treaty of, 179.
-- -- -- 63.
Wheeler, Admiral, 134.
White, John, 33.
Whitehall, Town of, 242.
-- Treaty of, 189.
Whitfield, George, 199.
William III, 122, 140.
-- Henry, Fort, 245, 246, 261, 262, 264, 266, 269, 295.
Williams, Fort, 247, 257 _n._, 282.
-- Rev. J., 138.
Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 26.
Wills Creek, 230, 231, 237.
Winnebago, Lake, 150, 153.
Winnebagos, the, 152.
Winnipeg, Lake, 211-3.
Winslow, J., 224, 261.
Winthrop, Governor, 123.
Wisconsin, River, 148, 150, 153, 161, 217.
Wolfe, General, 216, 235, 236, 239, 248, 253 _n._, 259 _n._, 260,
271, 272, 274-7, 281, 283, 287, 289-93, 296-317, 337, 339.
-- Island, 255.
Wolfe's Cove, 306.
Wood Creek (Lake Champlain), 141, 144, 242, 243, 282.
-- -- (Lake Oneida), 56, 246, 247, 254, 257, 258, 267.
Wyandots, the, 54, 89.
Wye, the, 87.
Wyoming, 213.
Yellowstone Park and River, 213.
York, Duke of, 63, 104, 125, 182. _See also_ James II.
-- Fort, 189.
-- Settlement of, 135.
Yorktown, 220.
Youghiogany, the, 230.
Zeni, the brothers, 5, 13 _n_.