1849
_Sagan, January 11, 1849._--M. Arago has at length left Berlin, where
he is detested. There seems to be some idea that the Prince of the
Moskowa will come as French Minister, though it is not thought likely
that he will make a long stay. The Grand Duchess Stephanie is going to
Paris, but will probably do no more than make a hurried and agitated
visit to her cousin, the President of the Republic, and obtain some
small reflection of his Imperial grandeur. However, Princess Mathilde
will not leave him the pleasure of doing the honours of the
Presidency, which she seems to have reserved for herself. The whole
business can hardly be taken seriously.[180]
[180] Prince Louis Bonaparte had been nominated President on
November 10, 1848. M. Molé related that on the morning of that
day General Changarnier, the commander of the troops who were to
take the President to the Elysée, after he had taken the oath,
came to M. Molé and asked for directions, and said as he went
out, "Well, supposing I take him to the Tuileries instead of to
the Elysée!" to which M. Molé replied, "Mind you do nothing of
the sort; he will go there soon enough of his own accord."
_Sagan, January 18, 1849._--The meetings preliminary to the Prussian
elections give no great hope of a definite result. The Brandenburg
Ministry, lest it should be accused of reaction, is pursuing the
barren paths of Liberalism. The Grand Duchess Stephanie, who seems to
have been aroused from long unconsciousness of my existence, writes in
great depression and anxiety concerning the fate of the German Rhine
provinces. Apparently the Grand Duke of Baden has threatened to
withdraw her settlements if she spends them in France. I have also a
letter full of dignity and affectionate trust from the Duchesse
d'Orléans. I propose to go to Dresden next week, to spend a few days
there with my sister.
_Dresden, January 28, 1849._--At Frankfort the future head of Germany
was refused hereditary rights and even life tenure of power, and it
therefore seems impossible that the King of Prussia could undertake a
position of this kind.[181] This was a clever Austrian intrigue to
disqualify the King, and to overthrow the whole of this ridiculous and
abominable invention, which has produced nothing but ruin and
disorder. The Prussian elections are not very hopeful, not so
unfavourable as those of last year, but very far from giving rise to
any real hope. What could be expected from the electoral law which has
been granted here? We have mad Chambers, which no one can govern and
no one dare dissolve. I found the Saxon Court very sad. Dresden is
full of people, but it is difficult to meet any one.
[181] The greatest confusion prevailed in Frankfort as soon as
the question arose of providing a definite head to the German
Empire, and realising the fine promises of union by means of a
practical conclusion. Austria pretended to adopt a waiting
attitude which would enable her to stand apart from all details,
as though she had no idea of entering into relations with Germany
until Germany became a constituted state. Her intention, in
short, was to take no steps with reference to her union with
Germany until the choice of the head of the empire and of
pre-eminence was decided in her favour or against her.
_Sagan, February 12, 1849._--I passed through Berlin on my return
journey. The town is now swarming with little German princes, asking
for mediatisation as the only means of safety; they offer themselves
to Prussia, who refuses them for scrupulous reasons of every kind.
Prussia thinks it dangerous to set such an example; tradition and the
historical past of the monarchy are also influential forces; in short,
these poor princes will all go as they have come, and in spite of the
somewhat vague promises of protection which they have received as a
crumb of comfort, they will probably be driven out of their homes some
day or other and reduced to beggary. Count von Bülow, Prussian
Minister at Frankfort, is inclined to support the Frankfort Assembly;
Charlottenberg takes the contrary view; the result is an unpleasant
hitch in proceedings, while the relations between Kremsier and Berlin
are characterised by marked coldness, to the great displeasure of the
King. I know nothing of this M. de Lurde who is taking the place of M.
Arago as French Minister at Berlin, but he may easily appear to
advantage in comparison with his predecessor, who could speak only of
the great-heartedness and the noble soul of Barbès!
_Sagan, March 1, 1849._--If I am to believe letters from Paris, there
is a general revival in progress, and a complete reaction in favour of
order and prosperity. Praises of the new President are general. M.
Thiers said of him, "He is not Cæsar, but he is Augustus." The
Legitimists throng his rooms, and after the ball nothing could be
heard but the shouts of servants--"The carriage of Madame la Duchesse,
of M. le Prince," &c. The President is addressed as _Monseigneur_, a
title anything but Republican. I am told that this practice is
followed in the provinces. I must say that I rather distrust these
sudden changes, but the present moment seems satisfactory.
_Sagan, March 31, 1849._--The political horizon causes me much
anxiety. Clouds seem to be rising once more, instead of dispersing.
This unfortunate proposal of an Imperial Crown does not tempt the
King, but pleases those about him, the young officers of the
bureaucracy, whose petty pride finds matter for self-satisfaction. The
Left, perfidiously supporting the proposal, are well aware that the
so-called Imperial dignity would subject the King to the orders of the
democratic professors of Frankfort. The bad weather and the abominable
state of the roads delay the subjugation of Hungary.[182] The only
consolation is the success of Radetzky, and this has been gained at
what a price! We have no details yet of his last two victories, and
have only heard of the abdication of Charles Albert. The actual names
of the victims are unknown.[183]
[182] This war, which began upon the accession of Francis Joseph
to the Austrian throne, lasted for three years. Hungary
eventually yielded before the overwhelming force of Austria in
alliance with Russia.
[183] As France and England had offered to intervene between
Austria and Sardinia, the armistice between these two powers,
which was signed on August 9, 1848, was tacitly prolonged to the
end of the negotiations. As the negotiations came to nothing,
Sardinia at length denounced the armistice on March 12, 1849, and
hostilities began again upon the 20th of the month. On March 23
the Sardinian army performed prodigies of valour in the decisive
battle of Novara, but the commanding officer, the Polish General,
Chrzanowski, made deplorable mistakes and Austria was once again
successful. King Charles Albert asked Marshal Radetzky for a
further armistice, but the conditions offered were so harsh that
the King refused to accept them, abdicated in favour of Victor
Emmanuel, and went into exile. On the 27th the new King went to
Marshal Radetzky's headquarters, and after a long conversation,
signed an armistice which lasted until the eventual conclusion of
peace.
_Sagan, April 13, 1849._--Kind Lady Westmoreland gave me the pleasant
surprise of a two days' visit; she arrived yesterday to my great
delight. She is a clever, lively, affectionate, and really charming
friend, with warm memories of the late M. de Talleyrand, and talks of
the past and the present with keen interest and intelligence. We
discussed pleasant memories in England; tried as we both are by the
sadness of the present time, we prefer to avoid melancholy
contemplation of so deplorable a subject and to look backwards,
recovering some of those precious memories which I should be inclined
to style "the savings of my heart." Thus I take refuge in the past as
I dare not question the future.
_Sagan, April 21, 1849._--Yesterday I received letters from Paris
which say that, notwithstanding the efforts of the Union in the Rue de
Poitiers,[184] communism is making great progress in France.
[184] The Electoral Union or the famous committee of the Rue de
Poitiers, was formed at the beginning of 1849 by the conservative
right to guide the elections and to oppose the democratic
socialistic committee.
It is thought at Berlin that the Frankfort parliament will pursue a
wholly revolutionary course and form an executive committee and a
committee of public safety. In that case it would bring troops from
Baden and Nassau in the certainty that the garrison of Mayence would
not be led against Frankfort, and able thus to profit by the continual
vacillation of Prussia.[185] The asserted adherence of twenty-eight
little German governments is sheer effrontery, as their agreement is
only conditional: they will only join the Prussian banner if,
following the example of these little governments, Prussia submits to
the constitution drawn up at Frankfort. The four kings of Saxony,
Bavaria, Hanover, and Würtemberg refuse their assent.
[185] The King of Prussia had been elected on March 28 as Emperor
of the Germans at the Frankfort Assembly, and a deputation
immediately started to offer him this title. The deputation was
received by Frederick William IV. on April 3, who replied that he
would only accept the position when the kings, the princes, and
the free towns of Germany had given their voluntary assent. After
long negotiations the mission of the Frankfort deputies proved a
failure.
Were it not for the affairs of Denmark, Prussia would be able to
fortify herself at home, a necessity which she is far from meeting at
present, and make head against the Frankfort storm; but General von
Pritwitz has submitted to the so-called Frankfort government.[186]
Denmark would not be likely to treat with a Government so irregularly
constituted. The solution of the difficulty is not easy to see. The
King, who is at bottom kindly disposed towards the King of Denmark and
is afraid of Russia,[187] continues to oppose the occupation of
Jutland.
[186] General von Pritwitz had taken command of the federal army
in Schleswig-Holstein, after the appointment of General Wrangel
as Commander of the Berlin troops.
[187] Nicholas I. had threatened to declare war upon the Germanic
Confederation if the German troops did not evacuate the duchies
and retire beyond the Elbe.
_Sagan, April 30, 1849._--The state of Germany does not improve. The
King of Würtemberg has now yielded because his troops declared that
they would not fire upon the people.[188] The Frankfort parliament is
also adopting the most revolutionary means to force the sovereigns to
submit to its laws.[189] The parliament insists that governments shall
not dissolve their Chambers without the permission of the so-called
central government. This wonderful decree reached Hanover and Berlin
six hours after the dissolutions had been officially announced.
General von Pritwitz wishes to be relieved of his command against the
Danes because he is unwilling to obey orders from Frankfort and cannot
command all the little German princes who severally wish to pose as
masters. Denmark has already captured a large number of Prussian
merchant-ships. At Copenhagen, however, there is a desire for peace;
Russia and England are also anxious for peace and so is Prussia,
though Berlin cannot find courage to recall the twenty thousand men
now stationed in Holstein and Schleswig. Frankfort is utterly opposed
to peace, with the object of depriving the German princes of their
troops and thus leaving them defenceless against the hordes of
revolutionaries. In short, confusion is at its height and I think the
state of Germany is far worse than it was four months ago. However,
the dissolution of the Prussian Chamber which had become urgent since
the Red Republic was proclaimed from the Tribune, will perhaps do some
good.[190] It is especially necessary that the Austrian operations in
Hungary should come to an end. Our fate will be decided there. Russia
has entered Transylvania with a hundred thousand men: this number is
regarded at Olmütz as unnecessarily large, but the Emperor Nicholas
has declared that he will run no risks of a second failure such as
that of Hermannstadt,[191] and that he will either hold aloof
altogether or insist upon sending an imposing force. He also feels
that he is fighting his personal enemies, the Poles, upon Hungarian
soil. Twenty thousand Poles are said to follow the standards of Bem
and Kossuth.
[188] Yielding to public opinion and to avoid a catastrophe, the
King of Würtemberg eventually adopted the Constitution voted by
the Frankfort Assembly, including the article dealing with the
head of the Empire, which he had previously persisted in
rejecting.
[189] In the session of April 26 the Frankfort Assembly had
declared that the King of Prussia could not accept the proposed
position as head of the Empire if he did not also accept the
Constitution.
[190] On April 26 great agitation was produced in the Prussian
Chamber among the Left by a letter found under the seats of the
deputies. In this letter a large number of signatures from the
Red faction proclaimed the sovereignty of the people and
announced that all their efforts were being aimed at the
formation of a great Polish republic. The same evening the King's
ordinance dissolving the Chamber appeared.
[191] General Bem, of Polish origin, who had distinguished
himself in the defence of Warsaw in 1831, joined the Hungarians
who revolted against Austria in 1848 and won some great successes
in Transylvania, especially at Hermannstadt.
_Sagan, May 10, 1849._--Storms are breaking in every direction and
Germany is in a state of conflagration. There has been fighting at
Dresden and at Breslau.[192] The Russians have used the Prussian
railways to invade Moravia; they have been warmly welcomed, for
anything which will check the Hungarian struggle or bring it to an end
will be a blessing not only for Austria, but for the whole of Europe,
for the proceedings in Hungary encourage the disaffected, and foment
insurrection in every direction.
[192] On May 3 the King of Saxony absolutely refused to recognise
the constitution of the empire. His palace was immediately
surrounded by the crowd, a defence committee was formed and the
arsenal was attacked. The people seized the town hall and hoisted
the German Tricolour. The Royal Family and the Ministers fled to
Königstein. Had it not been for the Prussian intervention and the
arrival of General Wrangel, the republic would have been
proclaimed. The contagion of this revolt spread to Breslau,
where, on May 7, the bands of insurgents paraded the streets with
the red flag, which they brought before the town hall and
proclaimed the republic. The military authorities stormed the
barricades after a vigorous fusillade.
_Sagan, May 17, 1849._--To-day is a solemn date which I keep whenever
it comes round with heartfelt and painful emotion.[193] The nearer the
years bring me to a final reunion, the more do I feel the serious and
decisive nature of the event that happened eleven years ago. May God
bless each of those who bore themselves as Christians should on that
occasion. This I ask of Him amid my misery with a fervour which will,
I trust, make my poor prayers acceptable.
[193] The anniversary of the death of M. de Talleyrand.
_Sagan, May 25, 1849._--It is a real misfortune for the Prussian
Government to have Bunsen at London. He is there playing an
inconceivable part. Radowitz, whose intentions are excellent, but who
is quite misled, is also complicating the situation at Berlin itself
and is preventing the desirable and speedy solutions of certain
questions. The King of Prussia has sent General von Rauch to Warsaw,
to try and sooth the Emperor Nicholas, who is angry that the Prussians
should have entered Jutland in spite of the promise given.[194]
[194] The German troops had entered Jutland after a battle
between Wisdrup and Gudsor. The Danes, however, retired behind
the ramparts of Fredericia which was bombarded by the Prussian
troops, while negotiations for peace between Denmark and Prussia
were proceeding at London under the auspices of Lord Palmerston.
Some days later a Russian fleet left Cronstadt to help Denmark
against Prussia, for the Emperor Nicholas maintained that Prussia
was fomenting among her neighbours a spirit of revolt against the
legitimate sovereign, and was doing all that she could to make
herself mistress of the movements of Germany. The note which
General von Rauch brought pointed out to the Czar that Prussia
was only making war against Denmark at the orders of the central
power and that no one was more anxious to see the end of these
complications than the Prussian Cabinet.
_Sagan, May 31, 1849._--With regard to the negotiations opened at
Berlin, I have the following upon excellent authority:[195] Four days
ago a protocol was signed at Berlin between Prussia, Saxony and
Hanover stating: (1) Everything that has been done to grant a
reasonable and satisfactory Constitution to Germany; (2) That Hanover
and Saxony in their desire to maintain order in their states,
recognise and accept the military superiority of Prussia in the case
of any measures that may become necessary to maintain peace within
their states. Herr von Beust none the less makes the following
reservations in the name of the Saxon Government: (1) That Saxony does
not claim by this arrangement to infringe the rights of Austria as a
member of the Germanic Confederation; (2) That if the great states in
Southern Germany decline to adhere to the Constitution appended to the
protocol, Saxony shall have the right to withdraw; (3) That this
Constitution is to receive the sanction of the Saxon Chambers. Hanover
has handed in a note containing identically the same reservations. The
new Constitution has been explained in a circular note addressed by
Prussia to all the German governments, inviting them to adhere. The
Bavarian Minister, Herr von Lerchenfeld, has also signed the protocol,
but only as a member of the conference and in the hope that his
Government will find some means or other of adhering to the
arrangement. Herr von Prokesch has been present only at the first
conference, as Radowitz then declared from the outset that he could
not treat with governments which would not recognise the general
superiority of Prussia as a basis of negotiation. The haughty conduct
of Radowitz is undoubtedly the cause of this deplorable want of
unanimity among the crowned heads, at a time when indissoluble union
is so necessary. With a little cleverness and without putting forward
the question of supremacy as preliminary, he might have done great
services to his King and to his country, for the other states would
then have unanimously requested Prussia to take the leading position,
whereas now they are inclined to regard these dictatorial claims as
the expression of views more ambitious than any that are really
entertained. The result is jealousy and distrust which drown the voice
of reason and blind men's eyes to the necessities of the times.
Notwithstanding the presence of a new Danish envoy in Berlin, even an
armistice seems very far distant. The last Danish concessions, though
supported by Lord Palmerston, were haughtily declined by Prussia,
which is making impossible claims and asserts that these alone can
satisfy her honour.
[195] The Prussian Cabinet had invited the other German Cabinets
to a Congress at Berlin with the object of settling the
difficulties raised by the refusal of the Frankfort Assembly to
make any change in the constitution which it had voted.
_Sagan, June 12, 1849._--Cholera has again broken out almost
everywhere in this part of Germany; at Breslau, Berlin, and Halle the
inhabitants have been decimated. In short, the state of the human race
is most deplorable. My correspondents tell me that Lord Palmerston
told Bunsen that he was tired of the Prussian demands, which required
increasingly large concessions from Denmark, and that he proposed to
abandon his position as mediator and become an active ally in
conjunction with Russia for the protection of Denmark. Bunsen in
relating this conversation to his Court added that the threat was not
seriously intended. In this he is wrong, and is also deluding his
Court.
_Sagan, July 9, 1849._--I have had a visit from Baron von Meyendorff,
Russian Minister at Berlin. He was going to Gastein by way of Warsaw,
which is not the shortest route. His forecast of the situation was
very gloomy, and more gloomy with reference to the north than to the
south of Germany--I mean to say that he felt more forebodings
concerning the nature of the Prussian destinies than of the Austrian.
_Sagan, September 3, 1849._--General Count Haugwitz has been staying
here for a few days; he came from Vienna where Radetzky was expected.
The young Emperor, in order to receive the old Ajax, had delayed his
departure for Warsaw, where he is going to thank his powerful ally.
The latter is behaving most loyally and nobly towards his young friend
and ward, for thus he considers the Emperor Francis Joseph. Paskewitch
asked for mercy for Georgei which was immediately granted to
him.[196] Austria is anxious that a few Russian regiments should
prolong their stay in Galicia for the moment.
[196] Georgei had capitulated with twenty-two thousand combatants
at Vilagos, where he handed his sword to the Russians. He was
given up to the Austrians after a short confinement, at the
request of Paskewitch.
_Hanover, November 5, 1849._--Yesterday morning was spent in calling
upon several acquaintances in the town and paying my respects to the
Crown Princess. She is kind and gentle, and I saw her two children
with her. The third is expected this month. The Crown Princess showed
me several very interesting portraits of her family. I was especially
struck by those of the Electress Sophie, the patroness of Leibnitz and
the ancestress of the Royal Family of England. She must have been very
pretty, with the somewhat long and noble features of the Stuarts. I
also saw a charming portrait of the sister of the Crown Princess, the
Grand Duchess of Russia, wife of the Grand Duke Constantine, a clever,
lively and striking face; her character is said to correspond with her
expression, which fact makes her more suitable for the Court of St.
Petersburg than she would be here, where her elder sister seem to have
been expressly made to fulfil her sad duties.[197] There was a great
dinner given by the King. I sat between him and the Crown Prince. I
never saw a blind man eat more cleverly without any help except that
of instinct or habit. At nine o'clock I went back to tea with the
King, which was taken privately with him and the person known here as
the Countess Royal (Frau von Grote), my brother-in-law and General
Walmoden. The King lives upon oysters and ices, a strange dietary,
which seems to suit his eighty years marvellously. While we were with
him a despatch arrived from Vienna, which he asked the Countess to
read aloud.[198] It stated that Austria had sent a note to Prussia in
most serious language, protesting against the convocation of the
so-called Imperial Diet, and that at the same time the movement of the
army towards the frontiers of Bohemia and Silesia was rapidly
proceeding; some sixty thousand men were said to be there
concentrated. Prince Schwarzenberg replied to the questions of Count
Bernstorff, the Prussian Minister at Vienna, stating that the
convocation of the Diet at Erfurt had aroused democratic agitation
which threatened the realm of the Duchess of Saxony, and that these
troops were consequently intended for their protection and their
defence in case of necessity.
[197] An allusion to the blindness of the Crown Prince of
Hanover.
[198] The Vienna Cabinet, which was invariably jealous of
Prussia's position in Germany, strove by every means to destroy
Prussian influence. The Vienna Cabinet worked upon Hanover to
withdraw that State from alliance with the King of Prussia, and
pointed out that a federal State when confined by the terms of
federation, was likely to advance the cause of democracy, and
that Prussia by transforming the provisional central power into a
permanent institution, would become supreme in Germany.
The Archduke John had looked forward to a quiet unostentatious meeting
with King Leopold;[199] instead of this he was received with great
solemnity. Frau von Brandhofen and the little Count of Meran had no
part in the ceremonies, and were sent to make a railway tour in
Belgium incognito. When they reached Brussels they made an unexpected
entry into Metternich's drawing-room, which was the more remarkable,
as the relations between Prince Metternich and the Archduke John had
always been cold and strained. The politeness of Metternich simplified
the matter.
[199] The Archduke John, who possessed large properties in Styria
which he wished to develop, had come to Belgium to examine the
iron and steel factories. On October 24 the King of the Belgians
met him at Liège, and visited with him Seraing and the
establishments of the Vieille Montagne at Angleux. The Archduke
had contracted a morganatic marriage with Mlle. Plochel who was
made Baroness of Brandhofen; their only son had received the
title of Count of Meran.
_Eisenach, November 7, 1849._--I left Hanover yesterday morning and
arrived here in the afternoon. I sent word of my arrival immediately
to Madame Alfred de Chabannes, who at once came to my hotel. We talked
for a long time about the little _émigré_ Court, of which she at
present forms part; I use the term _émigré_, although the Duchesse de
Orléans is doing her utmost to avoid obtruding the anomalous nature of
her position. At the same time inconsistencies cannot be entirely
obviated, and arise from the nature of the situation: for instance,
the opposing parties are represented among those about her; there is a
coalition and a separatist party. She declines to belong definitely
to either, and does not like people to say that she is opposing
coalition though she will not take the first steps towards it. At the
same time she has not allowed any one to declare hitherto that she
would not be opposed to it. She fears that the first step to coalition
would disgust her adherents in France, whom she thinks, in my opinion,
to be more numerous than they really are, and this though she sees
that her truly reliable adherents are growing less every day. The
names which seem to cause her the most despondency from this point of
view are those of Molé and Thiers. I saw the Duchesse d'Orléans alone
for half an hour before dinner; we were interrupted by the Duc and
Duchesse de Nemours. I found the Duchesse d'Orléans in no way
outwardly changed, except that her features may have lost something of
their refinement; her spirits were more despondent, though she showed
the same placidity and even dignity, but her energy has decreased and
she is inclined to feel herself overwhelmed by unpleasant incidents,
which are due to people rather than to things. She is humiliated by
the degradation which has overtaken France, and shows much insight
into the state of Germany, characterising the so-called central power
and the parody of imperialism at its true worth. The Nemours, who are
strong supporters of Austria, refer to Lord Palmerston with much
bitterness. They are really coalitionists, and are on their way back
to Claremont from Vienna; she is fresh and pretty, and ventures to
assert her opinions, which are positive; he has grown stouter and much
more like the King, especially in his way of speaking, as he has at
last found the courage to express himself; he speaks sensibly, but
with no style or distinction, and in this respect he was always
wanting. The letters of his brothers which have been published are not
approved by him in any way. He fears that the law may be adopted which
may recall his family to France, and he does not wish to see his
brothers hastening back again.[200] This is all very well, but I
repeat he is wanting in the spirit of energy. He will never be of any
account, and will never take any practical part, and remains a
distinguished nonentity. The Comte de Paris is much grown and fairly
good-looking, as his shyness had disappeared, but he has a squeaky,
disagreeable intonation of voice. The Duc de Chartres has become much
stronger and very noisy. The three Nemours children seem quite nice.
After dinner, which began about seven o'clock, we stayed talking until
nearly eleven o'clock. Boismilon is a strong separatist; Ary Scheffer
was also there, and seems to me to be one of the zealot party, an
attitude which M. de Talleyrand used to distrust.
[200] On October 24 M. Creton had proposed to the National
Assembly the abrogation of the laws proscribing the Bourbons.
This question aroused a keen debate. Prince Jérôme Napoléon
quoted the letters written in 1848 by the sons of Louis Philippe
protesting against their banishment and asking permission to
return to their native land on recognising the sovereignty of the
people. M. Creton's proposal was rejected by 587 votes.
The Princesse de Joinville has been confined of a still-born child and
was in considerable danger. The child's body was taken to Dreux by my
cousin, Alfred de Chabannes, who gave no notice of his intention. It
was laid in the family vault, mass was said, and only when all this
had been done did M. de Chabannes inform the Mayor of his actions. The
ceremony was very properly conducted. Madame de Chabannes also told me
that when her husband went to visit Louis Philippe at Claremont for
the first time after February, the King said, almost as soon as he saw
him, "What would you expect; I thought myself infallible." The
observation seemed to me strikingly true and to be a remarkable
admission.
The Duchesse d'Orléans proposes to return to London in the spring to
take the Comte de Paris to his first communion, for which he is being
prepared by the Abbé Guelle, who frequently instructs him at Eisenach.
_Berlin, November 8, 1849._--On my return here I found my
brother-in-law, who had come back from Dresden, where the state of
public feeling is said to be going from bad to worse. The Ministers
have been unable to obtain from the King of Saxony any decree for the
capital punishment even of the most guilty, much to the indignation
of right-minded people and to the exasperation of the troops who
fought so admirably last May. The arrogance of the rebels has greatly
increased in consequence. The King's prestige has sunk so low that his
salutations are not even returned in the streets.
Yesterday was the anniversary of the installation of the Brandenburg
Ministry, and there was a great entertainment in the rooms of Kroll in
the Tiergarten: all the Ministers were present, and a feeling of great
loyalty is said to have been manifested. However, in another part of
the town a so-called religious celebration was in progress of another
anniversary, the shooting of the famous Robert Blum.[201] There was
thus entertainment to suit every taste, and I fear that the taste for
red ruin is by no means blunted.
[201] Robert Blum assumed the leadership of the Saxon democracy
in 1848. He was sent to the Frankfort Assembly and showed some
oratorical talent, but in taking part in the Vienna revolt, he
was captured and shot by the Austrians.
A letter from Paris which I find here tells me that the situation in
France is entirely in the hands of the army which is divided between
Cavaignac and Changarnier. The former is entirely republican and the
latter will listen to nobody. Since Louise Philippe wrote his letter
to Edgar Ney[202] at Rome Changarnier is said to have appeared less
frequently at the Elysée. The President is therefore inclined to
transfer the command of the Paris troops to General Magnan.
[202] The following is the well-known letter to Edgar Ney, which
France interpreted as a future programme:
_Paris, August 18, 1849._
"MY DEAR NEY,--The French Republic has not sent an army to Rome to
crush Italian liberty, but on the contrary to regularise it by
saving it from its own excesses and to give it a solid basis by
placing on the pontifical throne the Prince, who was the first to
take the lead courageously in all useful reforms.
"I am sorry to learn that the well-meant actions of His Holiness,
as well as our measures, have been nullified by passions and
hostile influences which wish to base the Pope's return upon
proscription and tyranny. Kindly tell the General from me that he
should in no case allow any act to be committed under the
tricolour flag which could give a wrong meaning to our
intervention. I interpret the temporal power of the Pope
as follows: a general amnesty, the secularisation of the
administration, the Napoleonic code and a Liberal government.
"My feelings were wounded when I read the proclamation of the
three cardinals in which no mention was made of France or of the
sufferings of her brave soldiers. Any insult to our flag or to our
Union cuts me to the heart. Advise the General to make the fact
clear that, though France does not sell her services, she demands
some sense of gratitude for her sacrifices and her intervention.
"When our armies traversed the whole of Europe, their passage was
everywhere marked by the destruction of feudal abuse and the
sowing of the seeds of liberty. It shall not be said that in 1849
a French army could act with any other object or produce any other
result.
"Ask the General to thank the army for its noble conduct in my
name. I am sorry to learn that as regards the necessaries of life,
it did not receive the treatment it deserved. I hope that he will
be able to bring this state of affairs to an end forthwith. No
pain should be spared to secure the comfort of our troops.
"Believe me, my dear Ney,
Faithfully yours,
LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE."
We reproduce this letter from the text given by the _Journal des
Débats_ of September 7, 1849. M. Edgar Ney was orderly officer to
the Prince President who had sent him on a mission to the Papal
Government. Marshal Bugeaud was then in command of the French
troops at Rome, but as he was suddenly carried off by cholera, his
place was taken by General Oudinot who conducted all the military
operations.
Madame de Lieven is delighted to return to Paris, and paints England
in the blackest possible colours. She wears a bonnet in the style of
Deffand, praises the president of the republic, and does her best as
formerly to attract every shade of political colour to her house. She
seems to have succeeded so far as to be frankly astonished that no one
makes any mention of M. Guizot, whom she is expecting in December.
_Berlin, November 12, 1849._--I spent almost the whole of yesterday at
Sans Souci with the King and Queen, who received me as kindly as ever.
Prince Frederick of the Low Countries, who arrived from the Hague,
gave a very bad account of the situation in that direction.
Resignation, abdication, and regency are words openly pronounced. The
young King is despised, and the young Queen is not popular or the
Dowager Queen either. In short, their position is quite precarious.
The King of Prussia is expecting the proclamation of the Empire at the
Elysée and all eyes are turned upon France.
A letter from Vienna which I received yesterday, tells me that beneath
all the military display, some new causes of anxiety are obvious. The
peasants are very displeased with the new system of land taxation, by
their obligation to redeem the tithes and to pay indemnities by way of
compensation for all that they expected to wrest from their overlords.
The nobility consider the equality of taxation to which they are
subjected is a hardship and a hateful innovation. The hodweds[203] who
have been drafted into the regiments, are disseminating very bad
ideas. The young emperor is rather short and arbitrary with his old
generals; in a word, if our neighbours have not to confront the same
difficulties that prevail here, they have many reasons for
disquietude.
[203] The reserve militia of Hungary.
_Sagan, November 21, 1849._--A letter from Paris dated the 14th says:
"An amnesty has been proclaimed by the President to seven hundred and
fifty very undesirable people: this bid for popularity may cost the
author of it dear, for these people will return in a state of
exasperation and will have to be made targets of some day or
other.[204] Underneath all the leanings to imperialism, which seem to
be spreading, there is one question which is very undecided, at any
rate where I am concerned: this is the future action of General
Changarnier,[205] for though he is on excellent terms at present with
the president, I doubt if he will adhere to him in a time of
transition, and such a time would then become an inevitable crisis."
[204] On November 12, M. Barrot, Minister of the Interior,
announced to the National Assembly at Paris that the President,
in virtue of the rights conferred upon him by the decree of June
18, 1848, had ordered the liberation of the majority of the
insurgents detained at Belle-Isle.
[205] General Changarnier was then in command of the troops at
Paris.
_Sagan, December 2, 1849._--The tall Theresa Elssler, who for several
years has been the mistress of Prince Adalbert of Prussia, is to
become his wife under the title of Frau von Fischbach, a title derived
from the estate which the old Prince William holds in the Silesian
mountains. There the late Princess William was laid in the odour of
sanctity, and it is somewhat shocking that this name of all others
should be conferred upon a quondam theatre dancer.[206] At Sans Souci
this marriage has caused considerable displeasure, but with the
habitual weakness which is there characteristic, consent has been
given.
[206] The King of Prussia refused to give T. Elssler the name of
Fischbach, but gave her the title of Baroness of Barnim.
Another scandal is about to appear at Berlin of more import. This is
the probable acquittal of Waldeck whose trial has been attracting the
general attention for a long time.[207] They have been so entirely
foolish as to choose as President of the assizes a weak-minded
magistrate, the father of a barricade hero, who shows the most
brazen-faced and clumsy partiality for Waldeck. The jury are
constantly receiving anonymous letters, and their verdict will be
given under stress of intimidation. It is deplorable, for the
consequences might be very serious.
[207] Waldeck was arrested and imprisoned in May as an accomplice
in the great revolutionary conspiracy. After a long trial he was
acquitted on December 5 by a court which was not regarded at
Berlin as entirely impartial.
_Sagan, December 6, 1849._--The ovation given to the ruffian Waldeck
after his acquittal seems to have been scandalous enough to
necessitate military interference. I have no details as yet, but the
post will doubtless bring them to-day. I am of the opinion that we are
about to enter a period of outbreaks, and this opinion is strengthened
by the fact that the Poles are beginning their processions again, and
whenever they appear, one may be sure that there is a snake in the
grass, to use a vulgar expression.
I have just finished reading the life of Madame de Krüdener. She was
quite a peculiar character, but the story of her life is somewhat
tiresome and my own conclusion is that Madame de Krüdener, who was
always deluded by her own vanity, was frivolous for that reason during
her youth; that vanity afterwards led her to literature and finally to
missionary work; but vanity has an honesty of its own, and precisely
for that reason can display prodigious credulity. As a mystic Madame
de Krüdener has not the loftiness of Saint Theresa or the quiet grace
of Madame Guyon; her would-be clever letters are heavy, and when she
tries to soar aloft the leaden structure of her wings is obvious.
There must have been some force of attraction in her speeches and
addresses, for without some special gift she could never have
produced results which contain a certain amount of humbug and on many
occasions some reality.
_Sagan, December 10, 1849._--I was very sorry to read the day before
yesterday in the newspapers the announcement of the death of Queen
Adelaide of England. The news carried me back to that pleasant time
when I had the honour of seeing her, and was treated by her with a
kindness which I shall never forget. She was a noble woman who bore
herself with grand and simple dignity in positions that were difficult
for several reasons.
There is some small excitement at Sans Souci, on account of the
concentration of the Austrian forces upon the Saxon frontier. It would
seem that General Gerlach, who at this moment has considerable
influence with the King of Prussia, has been sent to Dresden to bring
matters to a conclusion. If these troops are only intended to clear
Saxony of the Reds in case of necessity, who are more audacious there
than anywhere else, this intervention would be regarded as equivalent
to Russia's action in the Grand Duchy of Baden, and nothing would be
said; but certain would-be clever people wish to regard the movement
as a veiled threat against the Diet of Erfurt.[208] In this case it is
probable that it will not pass without comment.
[208] Driven from Frankfort, the remnants of the National
Assembly collected at Stuttgart, and the Revolutionary party,
giving the signal for open insurrection in Germany, took up arms
in Saxony, in the Rhine Palatinate, and in the Duchy of Baden,
overthrowing governments and securing victory everywhere until
the Prussian troops established order. Saxony and Hanover then
agreed with Prussia upon a new Constitution, and concluded the
so-called alliance of the Three Kings; but Austria, who desired
to become predominant in Germany, opposed the Prussian views and
induced Saxony and Hungary to withdraw. Frederick William IV.
then organised the Union with the remainder of his adherents and
opened the Diet of Erfurt where the new Constitution was
accepted. Then Austria, to prevent the recurrence of any similar
project, induced the German States to re-establish the old
Germanic Confederation, and this plan was executed in spite of
Prussian opposition.
_Sagan, December 12, 1849._--I have read the speech delivered at the
admission of the Duc de Noailles to the French Academy.[209] It is
written in very fine language with real loftiness of style and
thought, and is marked by a correctness and purity worthy of the best
epochs of taste and literature: the ideas are noble and both prudent
and dignified; some passages especially please me, notably those
concerning Pascal and Voltaire, with a clever transition, bringing the
subject back to M. de Chateaubriand. However, the speech has one
defect in my opinion, that it places its subject upon too high a
pedestal, and that if it does not exaggerate his talent it certainly
gives too high an estimate of his character. The Duc de Noailles
with very correct taste touched but lightly on the _Mémoires
d'outre-tombe_, for this gloomy legacy reveals the writer's barrenness
of heart, excessive vanity and acrimonious character, while his talent
often disappears beneath the exaggerations and bad taste for which
clumsy imitators of this school are often blamed. However, all
eulogies before the Academy are prone to exaggerate the merits of
their subjects; as they are condemned to draw a portrait without
shadows, the truth of their colouring suffers in consequence, and the
real features are often obscured. These faults are due rather to the
accepted style of oration than to the orator, and for them he cannot
be blamed. Yesterday I began the sixth volume of the _Mémoires
d'outre-tombe_. This contains a sketch of Napoleon's history with
which M. de Chateaubriand padded his own _Mémoires_ in reference to
himself; the whole is written with a view to effect, but with no great
feeling for truth. I was greatly struck to find a passing eulogy upon
M. Caulaincourt in spite of the Duc d'Enghien; in other respects the
same malevolence towards the human race is obvious, and the same
hatred for M. de Talleyrand.
[209] The Duc de Noailles had been elected to the Academy in the
place of Chateaubriand. He, with M. de Broglie and M. Pasquier,
there formed a small clique, known as the dukes' party.
_Sagan, December 14, 1849._--I hear from Paris that Madame de Lieven
sometimes lays aside her Deffant bonnet in favour of a toque of black
velvet with white feathers, which is the last word of fashion. She
goes into society and is seen everywhere; she has even procured an
introduction to Madame de Circourt where the ultra-Catholic society
meets; she is trying to find recruits there for her salon, and is
especially anxious to attract M. de Montalembert.
To judge by an article in the _Friend of Religion_, our dear Bishop of
Orléans[210] has gained another triumph at Notre Dame, a triumph for
the faith by which he is inspired and for the friendship of which he
is the object. I expect a hymn of praise from my good Pauline on this
subject.
[210] The Abbé Dupanloup had recently been appointed Bishop of
Orléans under the Ministry of Falloux, then Minister of Worship
and Education.
_Sagan, December 16, 1849._--A letter from Berlin of yesterday's date
says: "The German question is more confused than ever, and no one can
foresee the issue. The only decided point seems to be that of the
elections for Erfurt, in spite of Austria, whose language, though
moderate, none the less shows a strong determination not to give way.
From this you may deduce the probable consequences, none of which I
should care to guarantee."
My perusal of the sixth volume of the _Mémoires d'outre-tombe_ brings
on a succession of nervous shocks. M. de Talleyrand appears at every
moment, and is treated with a fury which of itself counterbalances the
author's malicious tendencies, though of these a good proportion
survive; in any case in which M. de Talleyrand really acted, the
author is silent: where his influence was small, he attacks him with
furious invective, and all this because he is trying to prove that his
pamphlet, _Bonaparte and the Bourbons_, brought about the restoration
of 1814. For instance, when he is driven into a corner a cry of grief
escapes him, and he says: "My poor pamphlet was crushed by the foul
intrigues of the Rue de Florentin." In this outcry we see the true
explanation of his furious rage. Vanity of vanities! I trust for the
sake of this hero of vanity that he seriously asked pardon from God
before he was taken to the rock of St. Malo, which his vanity again
has chosen as his last resting-place. As he could not choose his
cradle, for which he would doubtless have selected an eagle's nest, he
has been careful to ensure that his tomb should be a picturesque point
of pilgrimage. But who will say that while tied to this rock he is not
devoured by the vulture of conscience? I would not deny that my poor
uncle has been a great sinner, but I would prefer to stand with his
feeble conscience before the Throne than with this mind full of anger,
malice, gall and enmity, the revelation of which now permits us all to
judge and to condemn him.
Salvandy has paid a visit to Claremont, and reports that some words of
wisdom were spoken. Apparently the inhabitants have learned by
experience and now recognise the value of right. Young and old say
that they are ready to lower their flag to this principle, and to
serve it. I fear that those at Eisenach are by no means so advanced as
yet, for I have had a letter from Madame de Chabannes; on leaving
Eisenach she went through Brussels and spent two days there to see the
Queen. When at length she returned to Versailles, she found her
husband was also returning from Claremont. She writes to me as
follows: "To my great regret I found the Queen of the Belgians
extremely anxious for coalition. England wishes to maintain the
_status quo_ in France in order that this poor country may plunge
deeper in the mire. Hence Lord Palmerston is intriguing in every
possible way to avoid the possibility of regeneration. King Leopold
simply echoes Downing Street[211] upon French but not upon German
questions, and Queen Louise is of her husband's opinion. A snare has
been spread for the Duchesse d'Orléans by inviting her to consider a
new combination--a proposal to induce the Duc de Bordeaux to abdicate,
to which he will certainly never consent. In this you may recognise
the punic faith of the modern Carthage. My husband has been
commissioned by Claremont to give the password to our leaders here,
and I know that the Legitimists have been informed of Louis Philippe's
conciliatory attitude; but parties are broken in the numberless
factions. The Legitimists are no longer drilled as they were, and some
would prefer the Comte de Montemolin to the Comte de Paris. I often
think of your prophetic words at Eisenach, to the effect that this
desirable coalition, which might have produced such great results six
months ago, has now missed its opportunity, and that every day's delay
diminishes its possible importance and utility. But how is one to
destroy such inveterate prejudices, in which self-esteem is so
powerful a factor and petty subordinate ambition so energetic?"
[211] Lord Palmerston's residence in 1849.
The following is an extract from a letter which I have written to the
Duc de Noailles to thank him for his speech before the Academy: "My
dear Duc, you have gained a brilliant success before a great and
sensitive audience. I propose to offer you one less brilliant and more
remarkable from the depths of my solitude. I was busy reading
_d'Outre-tombe_ when the _Journal des Débats_ brought me a report of
your magnificent speech; I admired it, although it contains nothing
but praise of a man against whom my instinct has always revolted, and
who has become the object of my deep aversion on account of the
persistent jealousy manifested in his acrimonious confessions. But as
I read your speech I had only to consider yourself, and I understood
that you were not allowed to be a judge, but were forced to be a
eulogist. I can therefore honestly say that my applause is the
greatest triumph that your words can have gained, and perhaps also the
greatest proof of my friendship. I am also convinced that precisely
because you were thinking of me, it must have been difficult for you
to draw a portrait without shadow, and to deprive it of truth
precisely as you have added to its lustre. Disregarding the question
of truth, I have been keenly delighted by the purity, simplicity, and
taste--unfortunately now so rare--of your language which has given me
infinite pleasure. The elevation of thought corresponds to the
delicacy of feeling; political prudence has nowhere infringed literary
dignity, while supporting it with a tactfulness alike clever and
felicitous."
_Sagan, December 21, 1849._--A letter from Paris, which I received
yesterday, contains the following passage: "Political conditions are
calmer for the moment, but the majority of the Assembly are divided by
several class divisions, and apparently the dangers of the street
alone can force them to unite. This is no great guarantee of security,
and gives a touch of bitterness and sadness to all conversations. The
best of friends entertain opposite ideas, and argue vehemently, so
that social relations become difficult and unpleasant. Madame de
Lieven alone seems perfectly contented, and quite delighted with her
stay in Paris; she continues to make as many new acquaintances as she
can, and is especially attentive to people in power, and sorry that
she cannot go to the Elysée."
_Sagan, December 26, 1849._--An incident which I regard as very
vexatious has struck me--the discussion proceeding in the daily Press
concerning the advantages, the inconveniences, the forms and
conditions of the coalition, so long desired by all the true friends
of France. It seems to me that nothing could be more fatal to the
chance of a successful issue than thus to bring discussion before a
public which is partial, prejudiced, ill-informed and often both
malicious and ignorant. I fear I was correct at Eisenach, when I said
that I feared it might be already too late to take a step which should
have been burst upon the public unexpectedly, and have made the
impression of an accomplished fact. Such a step would then have
produced its full effect--would have decided waverers, gathered
together all right-minded people, united the recalcitrants, and apart
from a few courageous spirits, a vast number of timid minds would have
been soon gathering round this one standard. Now, if it should be
unfurled, it will appear shattered and torn by the missiles of
journalists and the invectives of the wretched subordinate intriguers
whom I was sorry to see about the Duchesse d'Orléans.
Apparently Vienna wishes to make some social effort to please the
young Emperor. Last year the Emperor was greatly attracted at Olmütz
by his cousin, the Archduchess Elizabeth, who has just lost her
husband: though the Emperor consoled himself, it is said that some
sparks of his early ardour remain to him and that very possibly the
young Archduchess, who can easily be consoled, might become Empress
when her mourning is over. She is nineteen years of age, is pretty and
has one child.[212]
[212] The Archduchess Elizabeth had lost her husband, the
Archduke Ferdinand Charles Victor of Este, on December 15, 1849:
in 1854 she married the Archduke Charles Ferdinand. She was the
mother of Queen Marie Christina of Spain and the Archdukes
Frederick, Charles Stephen, and Eugène.
_Sagan, December 30, 1849._--In France the conflict of opinion is
obvious. One party are confident that they will secure the empire
within a month; the other party are equally certain that the principle
of legitimacy is immutable and universally recognised, so that their
triumph is assured; the merchants say that they would prefer the
family of Orléans, while the Socialists mock at all these dreams and
regard their own accession to power as certain. As the parties would
only unite in order to combat the Socialists, these last may very well
find a favourable opportunity eventually.
In two days we are to begin a new year and to begin also the second
half of the nineteenth century. What a half-century this last has
been, and what catastrophes have marked the conclusion of this epoch
of disturbance and madness! During the first years of this
half-century we were emerging from chaos, and in chaos the last years
of it have plunged us. Heaven alone knows to what depths we shall
fall. May we at least be able to die peacefully in our beds; desires
and hopes can go no further than that wish, although to desire even so
much may seem excessive.