[1043] Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 235 note *.

[1044] Indian Architecture, 541.

[1045] Ruins of Mándu, 9.

[1046] Ruins of Mándu, 9.

[1047] Ruins of Mándu, 13, 25, 35. Some of these extracts seem to

belong to a Bombay Subaltern, who was at Mándu about A.D. 1842,

and some to Captain Claudius Harris, who visited the hill in April

1852. Compare Ruins of Mándu, 34.

[1048] Murray's Handbook of the Panjáb, 118.

[1049] Surat was known as Báb-ul-makkah or the Gate of Makka on account

of its being the starting place of the ships annually conveying the

Muhammadan pilgrims of India to the shrine of their Prophet.

[1050] Sardeshmukhi or ten per cent on the revenue. The chauth was

nominally one-fourth, but both these claims were fluctuating in their

proportions to the total revenue.

[1051] Now the capital of the Rája of Rájpipla.

[1052] Chauth and Sardeshmukhi as settled in 1699.

[1053] On the western skirts of the Dáng forests.

[1054] Now in the British districts of the Panch Maháls.

[1055] The Muhammadan account is given in the Musalmán portion of

this history. Grant Duff's description differs considerably.

[1056] The Marátha practice was to base their demands on the standard

or tankha assessment (which was seldom if ever collected), so that

by this means they evaded all possibility of claims against them

for over-collections.

[1057] At Gala about twelve miles above Surat in the territory of

the Gáikwár.

[1058] Tálegaon in the north-west of Poona, now a station on the

railway to Bombay.

[1059] Broach was constituted part of the Nizám's personal estate on

his resigning the viceroyalty in 1722.

[1060] At the mouth of the Tápti, now belonging to the little

Muhammadan state of Sachin.

[1061] Now in the Ahmednagar district.

[1062] In the Surat district some thirty miles east of the city.

[1063] A celebrated hill fort south of Chámpáner in the Panch Maháls

district.

[1064] Oriental Memoirs.

[1065] Known as Daskroi.

[1066] The rite of passing cakes from village to village or of passing

a dog from village to village is in such complete accord with magical

and religious rites practised all over India that it seems hardly

possible to accept either as meaningless or as accidental the passing

of cakes and of a dog from one part of the country to another on the

brink of the Mutinies. Knowing how suitable such a rite is to the

state of feeling as well as to the phase of belief prevalent among

the plotters of rebellion in Northern India it seems difficult to

suppose that the passing of the cakes and the passing of the dog were

not both sacramental; that is designed to spread over the country

a spirit which had by religious or magical rites been housed in the

dog and in the cakes. The cake-spirit, like the sugar-spirit of the

Thags, was doubtless Káli, the fierce longing for unbridled cruelty,

which worked on the partaker of the Thag sugar with such power that he

entered with zest and without remorse on any scheme however cowardly

and cruel. Like the Thags those who ate the Mutiny cakes would by

partaking become of one spirit, the spirit of the indwelling Káli,

and, in that spirit would be ready to support and to take part in

any scheme of blood which the leaders of Mutiny might devise and

start. Similarly by religious rites the Central India dog, possibly

the dog of Báiza Bái of Gwálior (See Text page 437), had been made

the home of some fierce war-spirit, apparently of the dog-formed

Khandoba the Marátha Sword God and Dog of War. The inspired dog and

the inspired dogs-meat were passed through the land in the confidence

that through them the spirit of unrest would pervade every village of

Gujarát. Since the Mutinies, by the magic of letters, Káli has passed

from the wafer into the leaflet, and the paid political propagandist

has taken the place of Khandoba's pariah dog.

The correctness of the view suggested above is supported if not

established by certain passages in Kaye's Sepoy War, I. 632-642. Chuni

says; 'The circulating of cakes was supposed to foretell disturbance

and to imply an invitation to the people to unite for some secret

purpose.' According to the king of Delhi's physician (page 636) some

charm attached to the cakes. The people thought they were made by

some adept in the secret arts to keep unpolluted the religion of the

country. Another authority (page 637) says; 'The first circulation

of the cakes was on the authority of a pandit who said the people

would rise in rebellion if cakes were sent round and that the person

in whose name the cakes were sent would rule India.' The secret

comes out in Sitárám Báwá's evidence (pages 646-648); 'The cakes in

question were a charm or jádu which originated with Dása Báwa the

guru or teacher of Nána Sáheb. Dása told Nána Sáheb he would make a

charm and as far as the magic cakes should be carried so far should

the people be on his side. He then took lotusseed-dough called makána

and made an idol of it. He reduced the idol to very small pills and

having made an immense number of cakes he put a pillet in each and

said that as far as the cakes were carried so far would the people

determine to throw off the Company's yoke.' With this making of a

cake as a sacramental home of Durga or Káli compare the Buddhist of

Tibet offering in a human skull to the Máháráni or Queen, that is to

Durga or Káli, a sacramental cake made of black-goat's fat, wine,

dough, and butter. (Waddell's Buddhism in Tibet, 365.). As to the

effect of sharing in Durga's mutiny cakes compare the statement of the

Thag Faringia (Sleeman's Ramaseeana, page 216); The sugar sacrament,

gur-tapávani, changes our nature. Let a man once taste the sacramental

sugar and he will remain a Thag however skilful a craftsman, however

well-to-do. The Urdu proverb says Tapauni-ki-dhaunika gur jisne kháyá

wuh waisá huá Who eats the sugar of the sacramental Vase as he is

so he remains. The Thags are tools in the hand of the god they have

eaten. (Compare Ramaseeana, 76.)--J. M. C.

[1067] Rova in the south-east corner of Sirohi: Mandeta in Ídar in

the Máhi Kántha. P. FitzGerald Esq. Political Agent Máhi Kántha.

[1068] The translations of the inscriptions and the bulk of the history

are the work of Mr. A. M. T. Jackson of the Indian Civil Service.

[1069] Finch in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 301. Thirty years later the

traveller Tavernier (Ball's Edition, II. 87) has: Bargant (Wangam in

Jodhpur ?) to Bimál 15 kos: Bimál to Modra 15 kos. Of Jhálor Ufflet

has left the following description. Jhálor is a castle on the top of

a steep mountain three kos in ascent by a fair stone causeway broad

enough for two men. At the end of the first kos is a gate and a place

of guard where the causeway is enclosed on both sides with walls. At

the end of the second kos is a double gate strongly fortified; and

at the third kos is the castle which is entered by three successive

gates. The first is very strongly plated with iron, the second not

so strong with places above for throwing down melted lead or boiling

oil, and the third is thickly beset with iron spikes. Between each

of these gates are spacious places of arms and at the inner gate is a

strong portcullis. A bowshot within the castle is a splendid pagoda,

built by the founders of the castle and ancestors of Ghazni (Gidney)

Khán who were Gentiles. He turned Muhammadan and deprived his elder

brother of this castle by the following stratagem. Having invited him

and his women to a banquet which his brother requited by a similar

entertainment he substituted chosen soldiers well armed instead of

women, sending them two and two in a dhuli or litter who getting in

by this device gained possession of the gates and held the place for

the Great Mughal to whom it now (A.D. 1611) appertains being one of

the strongest situated forts in the world. About half a kos within

the gate is a goodly square tank cut out of the solid rock said to

be fifty fathoms deep and full of excellent water. Quoted by Finch

in Kerr's Voyages, VIII. 300-301.

[1070] The names of these gateways are Surajpul about six miles (4

kos) east of Bhinmál near Khánpur at the site of a temple of Mahádev;

Sávidár about six miles (4 kos) to the south near a temple of Hanumán;

Dharanidhar near Vandar about six miles (4 kos) west of Bhinmál at the

site of a large well; Kishánbivao about six miles (4 kos) to the north

near Nartan at the site of a large well and stones. Rattan Lal Pandit.

[1071] The Shrimáli Bráhm-Bháts are of the following subdivisions:

Dhondaleshvar, Hár, Hera, Loh, Poeshsha, Pitalia, and Varing. They

say Shrimál is their original home.

[1072] The local explanation of Reh-bári is liver out of the way. Their

subdivisions are; Ál, Barod, Bougaro, Dagalla, Gansor, Gongala,

Kalotra, Karamtha, Nangu, Panna, Pramára, Roj. All are strong dark

full-bearded men.

[1073] The importance of Bhinmál as a centre of population is shown

not only by the Shrimáli Bráhmans and Vánis who are spread all over

Gujarát, but by the Porwárs a class of Vánis now unrepresented in

their native town who are said to take their name from a suburb of

Bhinmál. Oswáls, almost all of whom are Shrávaks or followers of the

Jain religion, have practically spread from Bhinmál. The origin of the

name Osvál is (Trans. Roy. As. Soc. III. 337) from Osi the Mother or

Luck of Osianagar an ancient town and still a place of pilgrimage about

eighteen miles north of Jodhpur. The Oswáls were originally Rájputs of

several classes including Pawárs but mainly Solankis and so apparently

(Tod's Western India, 209) of Gurjjara origin. Equally of Gurjjara

origin are the Shrimáli Vánis who hold a specially high place among

Western Indian Jains. The care taken by the Jains to secure foreign

conquerors within their fold is notable. The Tirthankar is a Rája

who by piety and other virtues attained moksha or absorption. The

fifty-four worshipfuls uttamapurushas, the twenty-four tirthankars,

the twelve chakravartis, the nine báladevas, and the nine vásudevas

are Rájás, most of them great conquerors (Trans. Royal Asiatic

Society. III. 338-341). The local story is that the Solankis were

called to help the people of Shrimál to resist the Songara Rájputs of

Jhálor who took Bhinmál about A.D. 1290. Before that the Shrimális and

Solankis were enemies. This tradition of hostility is interesting as

it may go back to A.D. 740 when Múlarája Solanki transferred the seat

of power from Bhinmál to Anahilaváda Pátan. (See Below page 469.) A

class who trace to Bhinmál are the Pitals or Kalbis of Márwár (Márwár

Castes, 41). They claim descent from Rájput men and Bráhman women. In

support of the tradition the women still keep separate neither eating

with nor using the same vessels as their husbands.

[1074] These dancing girls hold land. They are said to have been

brought by the Songara Rájputs, who according to the local account

retreating from Alá-ud-dín Khilji (A.D. 1290) took Bhinmál from the

Shrimáli Bráhmans.

[1075] The Jatiyas all Hindus of the three subdivisions Baletta,

Sunkaria, and Talvaria came from Mándu near Dhár in Central India. The

name is locally derived from jatukarta a skin.

[1076] According to a local story there was a hermitage of Jangams

near the temple of Jagamdeva the Sun-God and a hermitage of Bharatis

near Chandeshvar's shrine. In a fight between the rival ascetics

many were slain and the knowledge where their treasure was stored

passed away. When repairs were made in A.D. 1814 (S. 1870) the Bharati

hermitage was cleared. Two large earthen pots were found one of which

still stands at the door of Chandeshvar's temple. These pots contained

the treasure of the Bharatis. In A.D. 1814 nothing but white dust was

found. Most of the dust was thrown away till a Jain ascetic came and

examined the white dust. The ascetic called for an iron rod, heated

the rod, sprinkled it with the white dust, and the iron became gold.

[1077] According to Alberuni (A.D. 1030) the Brahmasiddhánta was

composed by Brahmagupta the son of Jishnu from the town of Bhillamála

between Multán and Anhilwára. Sachau's Translation, I. 153. Another

light of the college was the Sanskrit poet Magha, the son of Srímálí

parents, who is said to have lived in the time of Bhoj Rája of Ujjain

(A.D. 1010-1040). Márwár Castes, 68.

[1078] The local account explains the origin of the name Kanak which

also means gold by the story of a Bhil who was drowned on the waxing

fifth of Bhádarwa. The Bhil's wife who was with him failing to drown

herself prepared a funeral pyre. Mahádeva pleased with the woman's

devotion restored her husband to life and made his body shine like

gold. As a thankoffering the Bhil enlarged the tank and built a shrine

to Kirait Mahádeva.

[1079] The local explanation of the name Yaksha's Pool is that Rávana

went to Abaka the city of the great Yaksha Kuvera god of wealth and

stole Pushpak Kuvera's vimán or carrier. Kuvera in sorrow asked his

father what he should do to recover his carrier. The father said

Worship in Shrimál. Kuvera came to Shrimál and worshipped Brahma who

appeared to him and said: When Rámchandra destroys Ravana he will

bring back Pushpak.

[1080] No local tradition throws light on the reason why this figure

is called a Yaksha. The holding a head in his hand suggests that

he may have been a guardian Bhairav in some Buddhist temple and so

remembered as a guardian or Yaksha. Or he may have been supposed to

be a statue of the builder of the temple and so have been called a

Yaksha since that word was used for a race of skilful architects and

craftsmen. Troyer's Rajatarangíní, I. 369. In the Vrijji temples in

Tirhut which Buddhist accounts make older than Buddhism the objects of

worship were ancestral spirits who were called Yakshas. If the Buddhist

legends of Saka settlements in Tirhut during Gautama's lifetime

(A.D. 540) have any historical value these Vrijjis were Sakas. As

(J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. II. page 310) Yaka is a Mongol form of Saka the

ancestral guardians would be Sakas. Compare in Eastern Siberia the

Turki tribe called Yakuts by the Russians and Sokhas by themselves,

Ency. Brit. XXIV. 725. This would explain why the mythic Yaksha was

a guardian, a builder, and a white horseman. It would explain why

the name Yaksha was given to the Baktrian Greeks who built stupas

and conquered India for Asoka (J. As. Ser. VII. Vol. VI. page 170;

Heeley in Indian Antiquary, IV. 101). It further explains how the name

came to be applied to the Yuechi or Kusháns who like the Yavanas were

guardians white horsemen and builders. In Sindh and Kachh the word

Yaksha seems to belong to the white Syrian horsemen who formed the

strength of Muhammad Kásim's army, A.D. 712. (Tod's Western India,

197; Reinaud's Fragments, 191; Briggs' Farishtah, IV. 404-409).

[1081] The measurements are: Height 4'; head round the brow to

behind the ear the back of the head not being cut free, 2' 6'';

height of head-dress, 8''; length of face, 10''; length of ringlets

or wig curls from the crown of the head, 2'; breadth of face, 9'';

across the shoulders, 2' 3''; throat to waistband, 1'; waistband

to loose hip-belt or kandora, 1' 3''; right shoulder to elbow, 1';

elbow to wrist, 9''; head in the right hand 5'' high 7'' across top;

hip to broken knee, 1'; knee to ankle, 1' 5''; foot broken off. Left

shoulder to broken upper arm, 8''; left leg broken off leaving a

fracture which shows it was drawn back like the right leg.

[1082] The Jains call the guardian figures at Sánchi

Bhairavas. Massey's Sánchi, pages 7 and 25. Bhairava is revered as a

guardian by the Buddhists of Nepál and Tibet. Compare Burgess' Bauddha

Rock Temples, page 96. A connection between Bhairav and the Sun is

shown by the practice among Ajmir Gujar women of wearing round the

neck a medal of Bhairava before marriage and of the Sun after marriage.

[1083] The Egyptians Romans and Parthians are the three chief

wig-wearers. Some of the Parthian kings (B.C. 250-A.D. 240) had

elaborate hair like peruques and frizzled beards. In Trajan's time

(A.D. 133), fashions changed so quickly that Roman statues were

hairless and provided with wigs. Gobineau Histoire Des Perses,

II. 530. Compare Wagner's Manners, 69. The number of wigs in the

Elephanta sculptures, probably of the sixth or early seventh century,

is notable. In the panel of Siva and Párvati in Kailas are several

figures with curly wigs. Burgess' Elephanta, page 33; in the marriage

panel one figure has his hair curled like a barrister's wig, Ditto

31; in the Ardhanarishwara compartment Garuda and two other figures

have wigs, Ditto 22; the dwarf demon on which one of the guardians

of the Trimurti leans has a wig, Ditto 14-15; finally in the west

wing wigged figures uphold the throne, Ditto 47. Gandharvas in the

Bráhmanic Rávan cave at Elura probably of the seventh century have

curly wigs: Fergusson and Burgess, 435. Wigged images also occur in

some of the Elura Buddhist caves of the sixth or seventh centuries:

Ditto, 370-371. In Ajanta caves I. II. and XXXIV. of the sixth and

seventh centuries are cherubs and grotesques with large wigs. Among

the Bágh carvings and paintings of the sixth or seventh century

are a king with baggy hair if not a wig and small human heads with

full wigs: MS. Notes. Finally at the Chandi Sewa temple in Java

of about the seventh century the janitor and other figures have

large full-bottomed wigs curled all over. Indian Ant. for Aug. 1876,

240-241. On the other hand except the curly haired or Astrakan-capped

music boys in Sánchi no trace of wigs seems to occur in the Bhilsa

Sánchi or Bhárut sculptures between the third century after and the

third century before the Christian era. Compare Cunningham's Bharut

and Bhilsa; Massey's Sánchi; Fergusson's Tree and Serpent Worship.

[1084] The ten feet of the pillars are thus divided: pedestal 2',

square block 2', eightsided belt 18'', sixteensided belt 18'', round

band 2', horned face belt 6'', double disc capital 6''.

[1085] This according to another account is Násik town.

[1086] Hariya Bráhman is said to mean a descendant of Hariyaji,

a well known Bráhman of Shrimál, so rich that he gave every member

of his caste a present of brass vessels.

[1087] This tradition seems correct. In the temple of Lakshmí near

the Tripolia or Triple gateway in Pátan are two standing images of

chámpa Michelia champaca wood one a man the other a woman black and

dressed. The male image which is about three feet high and thirteen

inches across the shoulders is of the Sun Jagat Shám that is Jagat

Svámi the World Lord: the female image, about 2' 6'' high and 9''

across the shoulders is Ranadevi or Randel the Sun's wife. Neither

image has any writing. They are believed to be about 1000 years old

and to have been secretly brought from Bhinmál by Shrimál Bráhmans

about A.D. 1400. Ráo Bahádur Himatlál Dharajlál. Compare (Rájputána

Gazetteer, II. 282) in the temple of Bálárikh at Bálmer about a

hundred miles south-west of Jodhpur a wooden image of the sun.

[1088] The details are: From Kausika 500, from the Ganges 10,000,

from Gaya 500, from Kálinjar 700, from Mahendra 300, from Kundad 1000,

from Veni 500, from Surpárak 808, from Gokarn 1000, from Godávari

108, from Prabhás 122, from the hill Ujjayan or Girnár 115, from the

Narbada 110, from Gometi 79, and from Nandivardhan 1000.

[1089] According to one account (Márwár Castes, 61) these Sindh

Bráhmans are represented by the present Pushkar Bráhmans. In proof the

Pushkars are said to worship Sarika as Untadevi riding on a camel. This

must be a mistake. The Pushkars are almost certainly Gujars.

[1090] Details are given above under Objects. The local legends

confuse Shripunj and Jagsom. It seems probable that Jagsom was not the

name of a king but is a contraction of Jagatsvámi the title of the

Sun. This Shripunj, or at least the restorer or founder of Shrimál,

is also called Kanak, who according to some accounts came from the

east and according to others came from Kashmír. Kanak is said also to

have founded a town Kankávati near the site of the present village of

Chhakla about eleven miles (7 kos) east of Bhinmál. This recollection

of Kanak or Kanaksen is perhaps a trace of the possession of Márwár

and north Gujarát by the generals or successors of the great Kushán

or Saka emperor Kanak or Kanishka the founder of the Saka era of

A.D. 78. According to the local Bháts this Kanak was of the Janghrabal

caste and the Pradiya branch. This caste is said still to hold 300

villages in Kashmír. According to local accounts the Shrimáli Bráhmans,

and the Dewala and Devra Rájputs all came from Kashmir with Kanak. Tod

(Western India, 213) notices that the Annals of Mewar all trace to

Kanaksen of the Sun race whose invasion is put at A.D. 100. As the

Shrimális and most of the present Rájput chiefs are of the Gujar stock

which entered India about A.D. 450 this tracing to Kanishka is a case

of the Hindu law that the conqueror assimilates the traditions of

the conquered that with the tradition he may bind to his own family

the Srí or Luck of his predecessors.

[1091] According to a local tradition the people in despair at the

ravages of Sarika turned for help to Devi. The goddess said: Kill

buffaloes, eat their flesh, and wear their hides and Sarika will

not touch you. The people obeyed and were saved. Since then a dough

buffalo has taken the place of the flesh buffalo and unwashed cloth of

the bleeding hide. Another version sounds like a reminiscence of the

Tartar origin of Krishna. The goddess Khamangiri persuaded the Lord

Krishna to celebrate his marriage clad in the raw hide of a cow. In

the present era unwashed cloth has taken the place of leather. MS. Note

from Mr. Ratan Lall Pandit.

[1092] The tradition recorded by Tod (Western India, 209) that the

Gurjjaras are descended from the Solankis of Anahilaváda, taken with

the evidence noted in the section on History that the Chávadás or

Chápas and the Parihárs are also Gurjjaras makes it probable that

the Choháns are of the same origin and therefore that the whole of

the Agnikulas were northern conquerors who adopting Hinduism were

given a place among Rájputs or Kshatriyás.

[1093] Epigraphia Indica, II. 40-41.

[1094] According to Katta, a Bráhma-Bhát of remarkable intelligence,

the Osváls include Rájputs of a large number of tribes, Aadas, Bhátis,

Boránas, Buruds, Chováns, Gehlots, Gohils, Jádavs, Makvánás, Mohils,

Parmárs, Ráhtors, Shálas, Tilars. They are said to have been converted

to the Jain religion in Osianagara in Samvat Bia Varsh 22 that is in

A.D. 165.

[1095] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237.

[1096] Elliot, I. 432.

[1097] Indian Antiquary, XI. 156 and VI. 59.

[1098] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1099] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19ff.

[1100] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91.

[1101] Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 270.

[1102] Indian Antiquary, VI. 63. That the name Bhilmál should have

come into use while the Gurjjaras were still in the height of their

power is strange. The explanation may perhaps be that Bhilmál may

mean the Gurjjara's town the name Bhil or bowman being given to

the Gurjjaras on account of their skill as archers. So Chápa the

original name of the Chávadás is Sanskritised into Chapotkatas the

strong bowmen. So also, perhaps, the Chápa or Chaura who gave its

name to Chápanir or Chámpaner was according to the local story a

Bhil. Several tribes of Mewár Bhils are well enough made to suggest

that in their case Bhil may mean Gurjjara. This is specially the case

with the Lauriyah Bhils of Nerwer, the finest of the race, whose name

further suggests an origin in the Gurjjara division of Lor. Compare

Malcolm's Trans. Bombay As. Soc. I. 71.

[1103] The Madhuban Grant: Epigraphia Indica, I. 67.

[1104] Reinaud, Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 337, in quoting this reference

through Alberuni (A.D. 1031) writes Pohlmal between Multán and

Anhalwara.

[1105] Indian Antiquary, VIII. 237.

[1106] Elliot, I. 440-41.

[1107] Indian Antiquary, XI. 109.

[1108] Arch. Surv. West. India, X. 91.

[1109] Tanka may be the northern half of the Broach District. Traces

of the name seem to remain in the two Tankáriás, one Sitpore Tankária

in north Broach and the other in Ámod. The name seems also to survive

in the better known Tankári the port of Jambusar on the Dhádhar. This

Tankári is the second port in the district of Broach and was formerly

the emporium for the trade with Málwa. Bombay Gazetteer, II. 413-569.

[1110] Indian Antiquary, VI. 59 and XI. 156.

[1111] Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1112] See the Udaipur prasasti in Ep. Ind. I. and the Harsha

Inscription in ditto.

[1113] See the Baroda grant of A.D. 812-13. Indian Antiquary, XII. 156.

[1114] Elliot, I. 4.

[1115] Indian Antiquary, XII. 179.

[1116] Rajatarangíní, 149.

[1117] B. B. R. A. Soc. Jourl. XVIII. 239.

[1118] Elliot, I. 13.

[1119] Indian Antiquary, XIX. 233.

[1120] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 313) the coins

called Tâtariya dirhams stretch from the fifth and sixth to the

eleventh century. They are frequently found in Kábul probably of the

ninth century. In the tenth century Ibn Haukal (A.D. 977) found them

current in Gandhára and the Panjáb where the Boar coin has since ousted

them. They are rare in Central India east of the Arávali range. They

are not uncommon in Rájputána or Gujarát and were once so plentiful

in Sindh, that in A.D. 725 the Sindh treasury had eighteen million

Tatariya dirhams. (See Dowson in Elliot's History, I. 3.) They are

the rude silver pieces generally known as Indo-Sassanian because they

combine Indian letters with Sassanian types. A worn fire temple is

the supposed Ass-head which has given rise to the name Gadiya Paisa

or Ass money.

[1121] Indian Antiquary, XII. 190 and XVIII. 91.

[1122] Jour. R. A. S. XIV. 19.

[1123] B. B. R. A. S. Jourl. XVIII. 239.

[1124] Kielhorn in Epig. Indica, I. 122.

[1125] Hoernle in Ind. Antiq. XIX. 233.

[1126] Details given in Khándesh Gazetteer, XII. 39.

[1127] Râs Mâlâ, 44.

[1128] Râs Mâlâ, 210ff.

[1129] Râs Mâlâ, 211.

[1130] Srí Bháunagar Prá. I. No. 30 of the list of Sanskrit

Inscriptions dated Sam. 1218.

[1131] Srí Râs Mâlâ, 161ff.

[1132] Râs Mâlâ, 211.

[1133] Inscriptions 9 and 10 are not dated in any king's reign.

[1134] Compare Tod's Rajasthán, I.

[1135] Read Srî Jagatsvâmi.

[1136] Evidently the name of his office, but the abbreviation is

not intelligible.

[1137] i.e. "Errors excepted."

[1138] Sir Stamford Raffles' Java, II. 83. From Java Hindus passed

to near Banjar Massin in Borneo probably the most eastern of

Hindu settlements (Jour. R. A. Soc. IV. 185). Temples of superior

workmanship with Hindu figures also occur at Waahoo 400 miles from the

coast. Dalton's Diaks of Borneo Jour. Asiatique (N. S.) VII. 153. An

instance may be quoted from the extreme west of Hindu influence. In

1873 an Indian architect was found building a palace at Gondar in

Abyssinia. Keith Johnson's Africa, 269.

[1139] Raffles' Java, II. 65-85. Compare Lassen's Indische

Alterthumskunde, II. 10, 40; IV. 460.

[1140] Raffles' Java, II. 87.

[1141] Compare Tod's Annals of Rájasthán (Third Reprint), I. 87. The

thirty-nine Chohán successions, working back from about A.D. 1200

with an average reign of eighteen years, lead to A.D. 498.

[1142] Compare Note on Bhinmál page 467.

[1143] According to Cunningham (Ancient Geography, 43 and Beal's

Buddhist Records, I. 109 note 92) the site of Hastinagara or the eight

cities is on the Swát river eighteen miles north of Pesháwar. In Vedic

and early Mahábhárata times Hastinapura was the capital of Gandhára

(Hewitt Jour. Roy. As. Soc. XXI. 217). In the seventh century it

was called Pushkalávatí. (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 109.) Taxila,

the capital of the country east of the Indus, was situated about forty

miles east of Attok at Sháhderi near Kálaka-sarai (Cunningham's Ancient

Geography, 105). According to Cunningham (Ditto 109), Taxila continued

a great city from the time of Alexander till the fifth century after

Christ. It was then laid waste apparently by the great White Húna

conqueror Mihirakula (A.D. 500-550). A hundred years later when Hiuen

Tsiang visited it the country was under Kashmir, the royal family were

extinct, and the nobles were struggling for power (Beal's Buddhist

Records, I. 136). Rumadesa. References to Rumadesa occur in the

traditions of Siam and Cambodia as well as in those of Java. Fleets of

Rúm are also noted in the traditions of Bengal and Orissa as attacking

the coast (Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640). Coupling the mention

of Rúm with the tradition that the Cambodian temples were the work

of Alexander the Great Colonel Yule (Ency. Brit. Article Cambodia)

takes Rúm in its Musalmán sense of Greece or Asia Minor. The variety

of references suggested to Fergusson (Architecture, III. 640) that

these exploits are a vague memory of Roman commerce in the Bay of

Bengal. But the Roman rule was that no fleet should pass east of

Ceylon (Reinaud Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. I. page 322). This rule may

occasionally have been departed from as in A.D. 166 when the emperor

Marcus Aurelius sent an ambassador by sea to China. Still it seems

unlikely that Roman commerce in the Bay of Bengal was ever active

enough to gain a place as settler and coloniser in the traditions of

Java and Cambodia. It was with the west not with the east of India

that the relations of Rome were close and important. From the time of

Mark Antony to the time of Justinian, that is from about B.C. 30 to

A.D. 550, their political importance as allies against the Parthians

and Sassanians and their commercial importance as controllers of

one of the main trade routes between the east and the west made the

friendship of the Kusháns or Sakas who held the Indus valley and

Baktria a matter of the highest importance to Rome. How close was the

friendship is shown in A.D. 60 by the Roman General Corbulo escorting

the Hyrkanian ambassadors up the Indus and through the territories

of the Kusháns or Indo-Skythians on their return from their embassy

to Rome. (Compare Rawlinson's Parthia, 271.) The close connection is

shown by the accurate details of the Indus valley and Baktria recorded

by Ptolemy (A.D. 166) and about a hundred years later (A.D. 247)

by the author of the Periplus and by the special value of the gifts

which the Periplus notices were set apart for the rulers of Sindh. One

result of this long continued alliance was the gaining by the Kushán

and other rulers of Pesháwar and the Panjáb of a knowledge of Roman

coinage astronomy and architecture. Certain Afghán or Baktrian coins

bear the word Roma apparently the name of some Afghán city. In spite of

this there seems no reason to suppose that Rome attempted to overlord

the north-west of India still less that any local ruler was permitted

to make use of the great name of Rome. It seems possible that certain

notices of the fleets of Rúm in the Bay of Bengal refer to the fleets

of the Arab Al-Rami that is Lambri or north-west Sumatra apparently

the Romania of the Chaldean breviary of the Malabár Coast. (Yule's

Cathay, I. lxxxix. note and Marco Polo, II. 243.)

[1144] Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640; Yule in

Ency. Brit. Cambodia.

[1145] Java, I. 411. Compare Fergusson's Architecture, III. 640.

[1146] See Yule in Jour. Roy. As. Soc. (N. S.), I. 356; Fergusson's

Architecture, III. 631.

[1147] Of the Java remains Mr. Fergusson writes (Architecture,

III. 644-648): The style and character of the sculptures of the

great temple of Boro Buddor are nearly identical with those of the

later caves of Ajanta, on the Western Gháts, and in Sálsette. The

resemblance in style is almost equally close with the buildings of

Takht-i-Bahi in Gandhára (Ditto, 647). Again (page 637) he says: The

Hindu immigrants into Java came from the west coast of India. They came

from the valley of the Indus not from the valley of the Ganges. Once

more, in describing No. XXVI. of the Ajanta caves Messrs. Fergusson

and Burgess (Rock-cut Temples, 345 note 1) write: The execution of

these figures is so nearly the same as in the Boro Buddor temple in

Java that both must have been the work of the same artists during the

latter half of the seventh century or somewhat later. The Buddhists

were not in Java in the fifth century. They must have begun to go soon

after since there is a considerable local element in the Boro Buddor.

[1148] Traditions of expeditions by sea to Java remain in Márwár. In

April 1895 a bard at Bhinmál related how Bhojrája of Ujjain in anger

with his son Chandrabau drove him away. The son went to a Gujarát

or Káthiáváda port obtained ships and sailed to Java. He took with

him as his Bráhman the son of a Magh Pandit. A second tale tells how

Vikram the redresser of evils in a dream saw a Javanese woman weeping,

because by an enemy's curse her son had been turned into stone. Vikram

sailed to Java found the woman and removed the curse. According to

a third legend Chandrawán the grandson of Vir Pramár saw a beautiful

woman in a dream. He travelled everywhere in search of her. At last

a Rishi told him the girl lived in Java. He started by sea and after

many dangers and wonders found the dream-girl in Java. The people

of Bhinmál are familiar with the Gujaráti proverb referred to below;

Who goes to Java comes not back. MS. Notes, March 1895.

[1149] Another version is:

Je jáe Jáve te phari na áve

Jo phari áve to parya parya kháve

Etalu dhan láve.

Who go to Java stay for aye.

If they return they feast and play

Such stores of wealth their risks repay.

[1150] Compare Crawford (A.D. 1820) in As. Res. XIII. 157 and Lassen

Ind. Alt. II. 1046.

[1151] The following details summarise the available evidence of

Gujarát Hindu enterprise by sea. According to the Greek writers,

though it is difficult to accept their statements as free from

exaggeration, when, in B.C. 325, Alexander passed down the Indus

the river showed no trace of any trade by sea. If at that time sea

trade at the mouth of the Indus was so scanty as to escape notice it

seems fair to suppose that Alexander's ship-building and fleet gave

a start to deep-sea sailing which the constant succession of strong

and vigorous northern tribes which entered and ruled Western India

during the centuries before and after the Christian era continued to

develope. ((Alexander built his own boats on the Indus. (McCrindle's

Alexander, 77.) He carried (pages 93 and 131) these boats to the

Hydaspes: on the Jhelum (134 note 1) where he found some country boats

he built a flotilla of gallies with thirty oars: he made dockyards

(pages 156-157): his crews were Phoenikians, Cyprians, Karians,

and Egyptians.)) According to Vincent (Periplus, I. 25, 35, 254)

in the time of Agatharcides (B.C. 200) the ports of Arabia and Ceylon

were entirely in the hands of the people of Gujarát. During the second

century after Christ, when, under the great Rudradáman (A.D. 143-158),

the Sinh or Kshatrapa dynasty of Káthiáváda was at the height of its

power, Indians of Tientço, that is Sindhu, brought presents by sea

to China (Journal Royal Asiatic Society for January 1896 page 9). In

A.D. 166 (perhaps the same as the preceding) the Roman emperor Marcus

Aurelius sent by sea to China ambassadors with ivory rhinoceros' horn

and other articles apparently the produce of Western India (DeGuignes'

Huns, I. [Part I.] 32). In the third century A.D. 247 the Periplus

(McCrindle, 17, 52, 64, 96, 109) notices large Hindu ships in the

east African Arab and Persian ports and Hindu settlements on the

north coast of Sokotra. About a century later occurs the doubtful

reference (Wilford in Asiatic Researches, IX. 224) to the Diveni or

pirates of Diu who had to send hostages to Constantine the Great

(A.D. 320-340) one of whom was Theophilus afterwards a Christian

bishop. Though it seems probable that the Kshatrapas (A.D. 70-400)

ruled by sea as well as by land fresh seafaring energy seems to have

marked the arrival on the Sindh and Káthiávád coasts of the Juan-Juan

or Avars (A.D. 390-450) and of the White Húnas (A.D. 450-550). During

the fifth and sixth centuries the ports of Sindh and Gujarát appear

among the chief centres of naval enterprise in the east. How the

sea ruled the religion of the newcomers is shown by the fame which

gathered round the new or revised gods Siva the Poseidon of Somnáth

and Krishna the Apollo or St. Nicholas of Dwárka. (Compare Tod's

Annals of Rájasthán, I. 525.) In the fifth century (Yule's Cathay,

I. lxxviii.) according to Hamza of Ispahán, at Hira near Kufa on the

Euphrates the ships of India and China were constantly moored. In the

early sixth century (A.D. 518-519) a Persian ambassador went by sea to

China (Ditto, I. lxxiv.) About the same time (A.D. 526) Cosmas (Ditto,

I. clxxviii.) describes Sindhu or Debal and Orhota that is Soratha or

Verával as leading places of trade with Ceylon. In the sixth century,

apparently driven out by the White Húnas and the Mihiras, the Jats

from the Indus and Kachh occupied the islands in the Bahrein gulf,

and perhaps manned the fleet with which about A.D. 570 Naushiraván the

great Sassanian (A.D. 531-574) is said to have invaded the lower Indus

and perhaps Ceylon. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 125. The statement

that Naushiraván received Karáchi from the king of Seringdip (Elliot's

History, I. 407: Tabari, II. 221) throws doubt on this expedition to

Ceylon. At the close of the sixth century Karáchi or Diul Sindhi cannot

have been in the gift of the king of Ceylon. It was in the possession

of the Sáharái kings of Aror in Upper Sindh perhaps of Sháhi Tegin

Devaja shortened to Shahindev. (Compare Cunningham Oriental Congress,

I. 242.) According to Garrez (J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIII. 182 note

2) this Serendip is Surandeb that is Syria and Antioch places which

Naushiraván is known to have taken. Several other references that seem

to imply a close connection between Gujarát and Ceylon are equally

doubtful. In the Mahábhárata (A.D. 100-300?) the Sinhalas bring

vaidúryas (rubies?) elephants' housings and heaps of pearls. The

meaning of Sainhalaka in Samudragupta's inscription (A.D. 395)

Early Gujarát History page 64 and note 5 is uncertain. Neither

Mihirakula's (A.D. 530) nor Lalitáditya's (A.D. 700) conquest of

Ceylon can be historical. In A.D. 1005 when Abul Fatha the Carmatian

ruler of Multán was attacked by Máhmud of Ghazni he retired to

Ceylon. (Reinaud's Mémoire, 225). When Somnáth was taken (A.D. 1025)

the people embarked for Ceylon (Ditto, 270).)) About the same time

(Fergusson Architecture, III. 612) Amrávati at the Krishna mouth was

superseded as the port for the Golden Chersonese by the direct voyage

from Gujarát and the west coast of India. In A.D. 630 Hiuen Tsiang

(Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 269) describes the people of Suráshtra

as deriving their livelihood from the sea, engaging in commerce,

and exchanging commodities. He further notices that in the chief

cities of Persia Hindus were settled enjoying the full practice of

their religion (Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclxxxv.) That the Jat not the

Arab was the moving spirit in the early (A.D. 637-770) Muhammadan

sea raids against the Gujarát and Konkan coasts is made probable

by the fact that these seafaring ventures began not in Arabia but

in the Jat-settled shores of the Persian Gulf, that for more than

fifty years the Arab heads of the state forbad them, and that in the

Mediterranean where they had no Jat element the Arab was powerless

at sea. (Compare Elliot, I. 416, 417.) That during the seventh and

eighth centuries when the chief migrations by sea from Gujarát to

Java and Cambodia seem to have taken place, Chinese fleets visited

Diu (Yule's Cathay, lxxix.), and that in A.D. 759 Arabs and Persians

besieged Canton and pillaged the storehouses going and returning by

sea (DeGuignes' Huns, I. [Pt. II.] 503) suggest that the Jats were

pilots as well as pirates. ((Compare at a later period (A.D. 1342)

Ibn Batuta's great ship sailing from Kandahár (Gandhár north of

Broach) to China with its guard of Abyssinians as a defence against

pirates. Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxv.)) On the Sindh Kachh and Gujarát

coasts besides the Jats several of the new-come northern tribes showed

notable energy at sea. It is to be remembered that as detailed in the

Statistical Account of Thána (Bombay Gazetteer, XIII. Part II. 433)

this remarkable outburst of sea enterprise may have been due not only

to the vigour of the new-come northerners but to the fact that some

of them, perhaps the famous iron-working Turks (A.D. 580-680), brought

with them the knowledge of the magnet, and that the local Bráhman, with

religious skill and secrecy, shaped the bar into a divine fish-machine

or machiyantra, which, floating in a basin of oil, he consulted in

some private quarter of the ship and when the stars were hid guided

the pilot in what direction to steer. Among new seafaring classes

were, on the Makrán and Sindh coasts the Bodhas Kerks and Meds and

along the shores of Kachh and Káthiáváda the closely connected Meds

and Gurjjaras. In the seventh and eighth centuries the Gurjjaras,

chiefly of the Chápa or Chávadá clan, both in Dwárka and Somnáth

and also inland, rose to power, a change which, as already noticed,

may explain the efforts of the Jats to settle along the Persian Gulf

and the Red Sea. About A.D. 740 the Chápas or Chávadás, who had for a

century and a half been in command in Dwárka and Somnáth, established

themselves at Anahilaváda Pattan. According to their tradition king

Vanarája (A.D. 720-780) and his successor Yogarája (A.D. 806-841)

made great efforts to put down piracy. Yogarája's sons plundered some

Bengal or Bot ships which stress of weather forced into Verával. The

king said 'My sons with labour we were raising ourselves to be Chávadás

of princely rank; your greed throws us back on our old nickname of

Choras or thieves.' Yogarája refused to be comforted and mounted

the funeral pyre. Dr. Bhagvánlál's History, 154. This tale seems

to be a parable. Yogarája's efforts to put down piracy seem to have

driven large bodies of Jats from the Gujarát coasts. In A.D. 834-35,

according to Ibn Alathyr (A.D. 834), a fleet manned by Djaths or Jats

made a descent on the Tigris. The whole strength of the Khiláfat had

to be set in motion to stop them. Those who fell into the hands of

the Moslems were sent to Anararbe on the borders of the Greek empire

(Renaud's Fragments, 201-2). As in the legend, the Chávadá king's sons,

that is the Chauras Mers and Gurjjaras, proved not less dangerous

pirates than the Jats whom they had driven out. ((As an example of the

readiness with which an inland race of northerners conquer seamanship

compare the Franks of the Pontus who about A.D. 279 passed in a few

years from the Pontus to the Mediterranean ports and leaving behind

them Malta the limit of Greek voyages sailed through Gibraltar to the

Baltic. Gibbon, I. 404-405.)) About fifty years later, in A.D. 892,

Al-Biláduri describes as pirates who scoured the seas the Meds and the

people of Sauráshtra that is Devpatan or Somnáth who were Choras or

Gurjjaras. ((Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 200. The traders of Chorwár,

that is of the old Chaura or Chápa country near Virával and Mangrul,

are now known in Bombay as Chápadias. The received explanation of

Chápadia is the roofed men it is said in derisive allusion to their

large and heavy headdress. But as the Porbandar headdress is neither

specially large nor ungraceful the common explanation can be hardly

more than a pun. This suggests that the name Chápadia is a trace

of the early Chápa tribe of Gurjjaras who also gave their name to

Chápanir. Tod's (Western India, 250, 256) description of the Chauras

race with traditions of having come from the Red Sea and as a nautical

Arabia is the result of taking for Sokotra Sankodwára that is Bet to

the north of Dwárka.)) Biláduri (Reinaud Sur L'Inde, 169) further

notices that the Jats and other Indians had formed the same type

of settlement in Persia which the Persians and Arabs had formed in

India. During the ninth and tenth centuries the Gujarát kingdom which

had been established in Java was at the height of its power. (Ditto,

Abulfeda, ccclxxxviii.) Early in the tenth century (A.D. 915-930)

Masudi (Yule's Marco Polo, II. 344; Elliot, I. 65) describes Sokotra

as a noted haunt of the Indian corsairs called Bawárij which chase Arab

ships bound for India and China. The merchant fleets of the early tenth

century were not Arab alone. The Chauras of Anahilaváda sent fleets

to Bhot and Chin (Rás Mála, I. 11). Nor were Mers and Chauras the

only pirates. Towards the end of the tenth century (A.D. 980) Grahári

the Chúdásamá, known in story as Graharipu the Ahir of Sorath and

Girnár, so passed and repassed the ocean that no one was safe (Ditto,

I. 11). In the eleventh century (A.D. 1021) Alberuni (Sachau, II. 104)

notes that the Bawárij, who take their name from their boats called

behra or bira, were Meds a seafaring people of Kachh and of Somnáth

a great place of call for merchants trading between Sofala in east

Africa and China. About the same time (A.D. 1025) when they despaired

of withstanding Máhmud of Ghazni the defenders of Somnáth prepared to

escape by sea, ((According to Abulfeda A.D. 1334 (Reinaud's Abulfeda,

cccxlix.) some of the besieged fled to Ceylon. Farishtah (Briggs'

Muhammadan Powers, I. 75) records that after the fall of Somnáth Máhmud

intended to fit out a fleet to conquer Ceylon and Pegu. According to

Bird (Mirát-i-Ahmedi, 146) Ceylon or Sirandip remained a dependency of

Somnáth till A.D. 1290 when the king Vijayabáhu became independent.))

and after his victory Máhmud is said to have planned an expedition

by sea to conquer Ceylon (Tod's Rajasthán, I. 108). In the twelfth

century Idrísi (A.D. 1135) notices that Tatariya dirhams, that is

the Gupta (A.D. 319-500) and White Húna (A.D. 500-580) coinage

of Sindh and Gujarát, were in use both in Madagascar and in the

Malaya islands (Reinaud's Mémoires, 236), and that the merchants

of Java could understand the people of Madagascar (Ditto, Abulfeda,

cdxxii). ((The common element in the two languages may have been the

result of Gujarát settlements in Madagascar as well as in Java and

Cambodia. This is however doubtful as the common element may be either

Arabic or Polynesian.)) With the decline of the power of Anahilaváda

(A.D. 1250-1300) its fleet ceased to keep order at sea. In A.D. 1290

Marco Polo (Yule's Ed. II. 325, 328, 341) found the people of Gujarát

the most desperate pirates in existence. More than a hundred corsair

vessels went forth every year taking their wives and children with

them and staying out the whole summer. They joined in fleets of twenty

to thirty and made a sea cordon five or six miles apart. Sokotra

was infested by multitudes of Hindu pirates who encamped there and

put up their plunder to sale. Ibn Batuta (in Elliot, I. 344-345)

fifty years later makes the same complaint. Musalmán ascendancy had

driven Rájput chiefs to the coast and turned them into pirates. The

most notable addition was the Gohils who under Mokheráji Gohil, from

his castle on Piram island, ruled the sea till his power was broken

by Muhammad Tughlak in A.D. 1345 (Rás Mála, I. 318). Before their

overthrow by the Muhammadans what large vessels the Rájput sailors

of Gujarát managed is shown by Friar Oderic, who about A.D. 1321

(Stevenson in Kerr's Voyages, XVIII. 324) crossed the Indian ocean

in a ship that carried 700 people. How far the Rájputs went is shown

by the mention in A.D. 1270 (Yule's Cathay, 57 in Howorth's Mongols,

I. 247) of ships sailing between Sumena or Somnáth and China. Till

the arrival of the Portuguese (A.D. 1500-1508) the Ahmedábád Sultáns

maintained their position as lords of the sea. ((When in A.D. 1535 he

secured Bahádur's splendid jewelled belt Humáyún said These are the

trappings of the lord of the sea. Bayley's Gujarát, 386.)) In the

fifteenth century Java appears in the state list of foreign bandars

which paid tribute (Bird's Gujarát, 131), the tribute probably being a

cess or ship tax paid by Gujarát traders with Java in return for the

protection of the royal navy. ((Compare in Bombay Public Diary 10,

pages 197-207 of 1736-37, the revenue headings Surat and Cambay with

entries of two per cent on all goods imported and exported from either

of these places by traders under the Honourable Company's protection.))

In east Africa, in A.D. 1498 (J. As. Soc. of Bengal, V. 784) Vasco da

Gama found sailors from Cambay and other parts of India who guided

themselves by the help of the stars in the north and south and had

nautical instruments of their own. In A.D. 1510 Albuquerque found

a strong Hindu element in Java and Malacca. Sumatra was ruled by

Parameshwara a Hindu whose son by a Chinese mother was called Rájput

(Commentaries, II. 63; III. 73-79). After the rule of the sea had

passed to the European, Gujarát Hindus continued to show marked courage

and skill as merchants seamen and pirates. In the seventeenth century

the French traveller Mandelslo (A.D. 1638, Travels 101, 108) found

Achin in north Sumatra a great centre of trade with Gujarát. During

the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Sanganians or Sangar

Rájputs of Mándvi in Kachh and of Navánagar in north Káthiáváda were

much dreaded. In A.D. 1750 Grose describes the small cruisers of the

Sanganians troubling boats going to the Persian Gulf, though they

seldom attacked large ships. Between A.D. 1803 and 1808 (Low's Indian

Navy, I. 274) pirates from Bet established themselves in the ruined

temple at Somnáth. In 1820, when the English took Bet and Dwárka

from the Wághels, among the pirates besides Wághels were Badhels

a branch of Ráhtors, Bhattis, Khárwás, Lohánás, Makwánás, Ráhtors,

and Wagharis. A trace of the Chauras remained in the neighbouring

chief of Aramra. ((These Badhels seem to be Hamilton's (A.D. 1720)

Warels of Chance (New Account, I. 141). This Chance is Chách near Diu

apparently the place from which the Bhátiás get their Bombay name

of Cháchiás. Towards the close of the eighteenth century Bhátiás

from Chách seem to have formed a pirate settlement near Dáhánu

on the Thána coast. Major Price (Memoirs of a Field Officer, 322)

notes (A.D. 1792 June) the cautionary speed with which in travelling

from Surat to Bombay by land they passed Dáhánu through the Chánsiáh

jungle the district of a piratical community of that name.)) Nor had

the old love of seafaring deserted the Káthiáváda chiefs. In the

beginning of the present century (A.D. 1825) Tod (Western India,

452; compare Rás Mála, I. 245) tells how with Biji Singh of Bhávnagar

his port was his grand hobby and shipbuilding his chief interest and

pleasure; also how Ráo Ghor of Kachh (A.D. 1760-1778) built equipped

and manned a ship at Mándvi which without European or other outside

assistance safely made the voyage to England and back to the Malabár

Coast where arriving during the south-west monsoon the vessel seems

to have been wrecked. ((According to Sir. A. Burnes (Jl. Bombay

Geog. Soc. VI. (1835) 27, 28) the special skill of the people of

Kachh in navigation and ship-building was due to a young Rájput

of Kachh. Rámsingh Málani, who about a century earlier had gone to

Holland and learned those arts. See Bombay Gazetteer, V. 116 note 2.))

[1152] Crawford (A.D. 1820) held that all Hindu influence in Java came

from Kalinga or north-east Madras. Fergusson (Ind. Arch. 103, Ed. 1876)

says: The splendid remains at Amrávati show that from the mouths of

the Krishna and Godávari the Buddhist of north and north-west India

colonised Pegu, Cambodia, and eventually the Island of Java. Compare

Tavernier (A.D. 1666: Ball's Translation, I. 174.) Masulipatam is the

only place in the Bay of Bengal from which vessels sail eastwards

for Bengal, Arrakan, Pegu, Siam, Sumatra, Cochin China, and the

Manillas and west to Hormuz, Makha, and Madagascar. Inscriptions

(Indian Antiquary, V. 314; VI. 356) bear out the correctness of the

connection between the Kalinga coast and Java which Java legends have

preserved. As explained in Dr. Bhandarkar's interesting article on

the eastern passage of the Sakas (Jour. B. B. R. A. S. XVII.) certain

inscriptions also show a Magadhi element which may have reached

Java from Sumatra and Sumatra from the coast either of Bengal or of

Orissa. Later information tends to increase the east and south Indian

share. Compare Notices et Extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliotheque

Nationale Vol. XXVII. (Partie II) 2 Fasicule page 350.

[1153] Compare Hiuen Tsiang in Beal's Buddhist Records, II. 222 note

102. Táhia may be Tochara that is Baktria, but the Panjáb seems more

likely. Compare Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang, 136 note 2.

[1154] Idrísi A.D. 1135 (Elliot, I. 92) has a Romala a middling town

on the borders of the desert between Multán and Seistán. Cunningham

(Ancient Geog. 252) has a Romaka Bazaar near where the Nára the old

Indus enters the Ran of Kachh.

[1155] Cunningham's Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. VIII. 241. The Mahábhárata

Romakas (Wilson's Works, VII. 176: Cunningham's Anc. Geog. 187)

may have taken their name from one of these salt stretches. Ibn

Khurdádbah (A.D. 912) mentions Rumála (Elliot, I. 14, 87, 92, 93)

as one of the countries of Sindh. In connection with the town Romala

Al Idrísi A.D. 1153 (Elliot, I. 74, 93) has a district three days'

journey from Kalbata.

[1156] Cunningham's Numismatic Chronicle 3rd Ser. VIII. 236. The

date of Kárur is uncertain. Fergusson (Arch. III. 746) puts it

at A.D. 544. It was apparently earlier as in an inscription of

A.D. 532 Yasodharmman king of Málwa claims to hold lands which were

never held by either Guptas or Húnas. Cunningham Num. Chron. 3rd

Ser. VIII. 236. Compare History Text, 76, 77.

[1157] Jour. As. Soc. Bl. VII. (Plate I.) 298; Burnes' Bokhára,

III. 76; Elliot's History, I. 405. Diu which is specially mentioned

as a Sáharái port was during the seventh and eighth centuries a place

of call for China ships. Yule's Cathay, I. lxxix.

[1158] Phra like the Panjáb Porus of the embassy to Augustus in

B.C. 30 (though this Porus may be so called merely because he ruled

the lands of Alexander's Porus) may seem to be the favourite Parthian

name Phraates. But no instance of the name Phraates is noted among

White Húna chiefs and the use of Phra as in Phra Bot or Lord Buddha

seems ground for holding that the Phra Thong of the Cambodia legend

means Great Lord.

[1159] Epigraphia Indica, I. 67.

[1160] In A.D. 637 raiders attacked Thána from Oman and Broach and

Sindh from Bahrein. Reinaud's Mémoire Sur L'Inde, 170, 176.

[1161] The passage of a Chinese army from Magadha to the Gandhára river

about A.D. 650 seems beyond question. The emperor sent an ambassador

Ouang-h-wuentse to Srí Harsha. Before Ouang-h-wuentse arrived Srí

Harsha was dead (died A.D. 642), and his place taken by an usurping

minister (Se-na-fu-ti) Alana-chun. The usurper drove off the envoy,

who retired to Tibet then under the great Songbtsan. With help from

Tibet and from the Rája of Nepál Ouang returned, defeated Alana,

and pursued him to the Gandhára river (Khien-to-wei). The passage

was forced, the army captured, the king queen and king's sons were

led prisoners to China, and 580 cities surrendered, the magistrates

proclaimed the victory in the temple of the ancients and the emperor

raised Ouang to the rank of Tch'ao-sau-ta-fore. Journal Asiatique

Ser. IV. Tom. X. pages 81-121. The translator thinks the whole

war was in the east of India and that the mention of the Gandhára

river is a mistake. The correctness of this view is doubtful. It

is to be remembered that this was a time of the widest spread of

Chinese power. They held Balk and probably Bamian. Yule's Cathay,

I. lxviii. Compare Julien in Jour. As. Soc. Ser. IV. Tom. X. 289-291.

[1162] Regarding these disturbances see Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang,

155; Max Müller's India, 286. The Arab writers (A.D. 713) notice to

what a degraded state Chach had reduced the Jats. In comparing the

relative importance of the western and eastern Indian strains in Java

it is to be remembered that the western element has been overlaid by a

late Bengal and Kalinga layer of fugitives from the Tibetan conquest

of Bengal in the eighth century, the Babu with the Gurkha at his

heels, and during the ninth and later centuries by bands of Buddhists

withdrawing from a land where their religion was no longer honoured.

[1163] In A.D. 116 after the capture of Babylon and Ctesiphon Hadrian

sailed down the Tigris and the Persian Gulf, embarked on the waters

of the South Sea, made inquiries about India and regretted he was

too old to get there. Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, VI. 313.

[1164] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cccxc.

[1165] The origin of the name Kámboja seems to be Kámbojápura an

old name of Kábul preserved almost in its present form in Ptolemy's

(A.D. 160) Kaboura. The word is doubtfully connected with the

Achæmenian Kambyses (B.C. 529-521) the Kambujiya of the Behistun

inscription. In the fifth of the Asoka edicts (B.C. 240) Kámboja

holds the middle distance between Gandhára or Pesháwar and Yona

or Baktria. According to Yáska, whose uncertain date varies from

B.C. 500 to B.C. 200, the Kambojas spoke Sanskrit (Muir's Sanskrit

Texts, II. 355 note 145). In the last battle of the Mahábhárata,

A.D. 100 to 300 (Jl. Roy. As. Soc. [1842] VII. 139-140), apparently

from near Bamian the Kambojas ranked as Mlechchhas with Sakas Daradas

and Húnas. One account (Fergusson, III. 665) places the original site

of the Kambojas in the country round Taxila east of the Indus. This

is probably incorrect. A trace of the Kambojas in their original seat

seems to remain in the Kaumojas of the Hindu Kush.

[1166] See Hunter's Orissa, I. 310.

[1167] Yavana to the south-west of Siam. Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang,

xxxii.

[1168] Quoted in Bunbury's Ancient Geography, II. 659. Bunbury suggests

that Pausanias may have gained his information from Marcus Aurelius'

(A.D. 166) ambassador to China.

[1169] Jour. Bengal Soc. VII. (I.) 317.

[1170] Remusat Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, I. 77 in Jour. Asiatique

Series, VI. Tom. XIX. page 199 note 1; Fergusson's Architecture,

III. 678.

[1171] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 150.

[1172] Barth in Journal Asiatique, X. 57.

[1173] Barth in Jour. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190; Journal Royal

Asiatic Society, XIV. (1882) cii.

[1174] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. pages 181, 186.

[1175] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture page 666) and Colonel Yule

(Ency. Brit. Cambodia) accept the local Buddhist rendering of Nakhonwat

as the City Settlement. Against this it is to be noted (Ditto ditto)

that nagara city corrupts locally into Angkor. Nagara therefore

can hardly also be the origin of the local Nakhon. Farther as the

local Buddhists claim the temple for Buddha they were bound to find

in Nakhon some source other than its original meaning of Snake. The

change finds a close parallel in the Nága that is snake or Skythian

now Nágara or city Bráhman of Gujarát.

[1176] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 190.

[1177] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 108; Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxvi.

[1178] Barth in Journal Asiatique Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 174.

[1179] Mr. Fergusson at first suggested the fourth century as

the period of migration to Cambodia. He afterwards came to the

conclusion that the settlers must have been much the same as the

Gujarát conquerors of Java. Architecture, III. 665-678.

[1180] Fergusson, Architecture, 665. Compare Tree and Serpent Worship,

49, 50. The people of Cambodia seem Indian serpent worshippers:

they seem to have come from Taxila.

[1181] The name Khmer has been adopted as the technical term for

the early literature and arts of the peninsula. Compare Barth

J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. 193; Renan in ditto page 75 note 3 and

Ser. VII. Tom. VIII. page 68; Yule in Encyclopædia Britannica

Art. Cambodia. The resemblance of Cambodian and Kábul valley work

recalls the praise by Chinese writers of the Han (B.C. 206-A.D. 24) and

Wei (A.D. 386-556) dynasties of the craftsmen of Kipin, that is Kophene

or Kamboja the Kábul valley, whose skill was not less remarkable in

sculpturing and chiselling stone than in working gold silver copper

and tin into vases and other articles. Specht in Journal Asiatique,

II. (1883), 333 and note 3. A ninth century inscription mentions the

architect Achyuta son of Ráma of Kámboja. Epigraphia Indica, I. 243.

[1182] Reinaud's Abulfeda, cdxxi.; Sachau's Alberuni, I. 210.

[1183] Fergusson's Architecture, III. 666.

[1184] For the joint Kedarite-Ephthalite rule in Kashmir see

Cunningham's Ninth Oriental Congress, I. 231-2. The sameness of names,

if not an identity of rulers, shows how close was the union between

the Ephthalites and the Kedarites. The coins preserve one difference

depicting the Yuechi or Kedarite ruler with bushy and the White Húna

or Ephthalite ruler with cropped hair.

[1185] About A.D. 700 Urumtsi Kashgar Khoten and Kuche in the Tarim

valley became Tibetan for a few years. Parker's Thousand Years of

the Tartars, 243. In A.D. 691 the western Turks who for some years

had been declining and divided were broken by the great eastern Turk

conqueror Mercho. The following passage from Masúdi (Prairies D'Or,

I. 289) supports the establishment of White Húna or Mihira power in

Tibet. The sons of Amúr (a general phrase for Turks) mixed with the

people of India. They founded a kingdom in Tibet the capital of which

they called Med.

[1186] Encyclopædia Britannica Articles Tibet and Turkestan.

[1187] Both Ibn Haukal and Al Istakhri (A.D. 950) call the Bay of

Bengal the sea of Tibet. Compare Reinaud's Abulfeda, ccclviii.;

Encyclopædia Britannica Article Tibet page 345.

[1188] Yule's Cathay, I. lxxxi.

[1189] Ency. Brit. China, 646.

[1190] Thisrong besides spreading the power of Tibet (he was important

enough to join with Mámún the son of the great Harun-ar-Rashid

(A.D. 788-809) in a league against the Hindus) brought many learned

Hindus into Tibet, had Sanskrit books translated, settled Lamaism,

and built many temples. It is remarkable that (so far as inscriptions

are read) the series of Nakhonwat temples was begun during Thisrong's

reign (A.D. 803-845).

[1191] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 39-42; J. R. A. Soc. I. 355.

[1192] Yule Jour. R. A. Soc. (N. S.) I. 356.

[1193] Compare Yule in Jour. R. A. S. (N. S.) I. 355. Kandahár in

south-west Afghanistán is another example of the Kedarite or Little

Yuechi fondness for giving to their colonies the name of their

parent country.

[1194] Compare Yule's Marco Polo, II. 82-84.

[1195] Yule in Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia, 724, 725, 726.

[1196] Fa Hian (A.D. 400) about fifty miles north-west of Kanauj found

a dragon chapel (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 40) of which a white-eared

dragon was the patron. The dragon, he notes, gives seasonable showers

and keeps off all plagues and calamities. At the end of the rains

the dragon turns into a little white-eared serpent and the priests

feed him. At the deserted Kapilavastu in Tirhut Fa Hian was shown a

tank and in it a dragon who, he says, constantly guards and protects

a tower to Buddha and worships there night and morning (Ditto, I. 50).

Sung-Yun (A.D. 519) notices (Beal's Buddhist Records, I. 69) in Swát

(Udyána) a tank and a temple with fifty priests called the temple

of the Nága Rája because the Nága supplies it with funds. In another

passage (Ditto, 92) he notices that in a narrow land on the border of

Posse (Fars) a dragon had taken his residence and was stopping the

rain and piling the snow. Hiuen Tsiang (Ditto, I. 20) notes that in

Kucha, north of the Tarim river east of the Bolor mountains, the Shen

horses are half dragon horses and the Shen men half dragon men. In

Aksu, 150 miles west of Kucha, fierce dragons molest travellers with

storms of flying sand and gravel (Ditto, 25); the hot lake or Johai,

100 miles north-east of Aksu, is jointly inhabited by dragons and fish;

scaly monsters rise to the surface and travellers pray to them (Ditto,

26). An Arhat (page 63) prays that he may become a Nágarája. He becomes

a Nágarája, kills the real Nágarája, takes his palace, attaches the

Nágas to him, and raises winds and tempests; Kanishka comes against him

and the Arhat takes the form of a Bráhman and knocks down Kanishka's

towers. A great merit-flame bursts from Kanishka's shoulders and

the Bráhman Nágarája apologises. His evil and passionate spirit,

the fruit of evil deeds in a former birth, had made the Arhat pray

to be a Nágarája. If clouds gathered the monks knew that the Nágarája

meant mischief. The convent gong was beaten and the Nágarája pacified

(or scared) Ditto, 64-66. Nágas were powerful brutes, cloud-riding

wind-driving water-walking brutes, still only brutes. The account

of the Nága or dragon of Jelalábád (in Kambojia) is excellent. In

Buddha's time the dragon had been Buddha's milkman. He lost his temper,

laid flowers at the Dragon's cave, prayed he might become a dragon,

and leaped over the cliff. He laid the country waste and did so much

harm that Tathágata (or Buddha) converted him. The Nága asked Buddha

to take his cave. Buddha said No. I will leave my shadow. If you get

angry look at my shadow and it will quiet you (Ditto, 94). Another

typical dragon is Apalála of the Swát river (Ditto, 68). In the time

of Kasyapa Buddha Apalála was a weaver of spells named Gangi. Gangi's

spells kept the dragons quiet and saved the crops. But the people were

thankless and paid no tithes. May I be born a dragon, cursed Gangi,

poisonous and ruinous. He was born the dragon of the Swát valley,

Apalála, who belched forth a salt stream and burned the crops. The

ruin of the fair and pious valley of Swát reached Sakya's (Buddha's)

ears. He passed to Mangala and beat the mountain side with Indra's

mace. Apalála came forth was lectured and converted. He agreed to do no

more mischief on condition that once in twelve years he might ruin the

crops. (Ditto, 122.) In a lake about seven miles west of Takshasilá,

a spot dear to the exiled Kambojan, lived Elápatra the Nágarája,

a Bhikshu or ascetic who in a former life had destroyed a tree. When

the crops wanted rain or fair weather, the Shamans or medicine-men led

the people to pray at Elápatra's tank (page 137). In Kashmir, perhaps

the place of halt of the Kambojan in his conquests eastwards, in old

times the country was a dragon lake. ((Kashmir has still a trace of

Gandhára. Compare (Ency. Brit. Art. Kashmir page 13: The races of

Kashmir are Gandháras, Khasás, and Daradas.))) Madhyantika drove

out the waters but left one small part as a house for the Nága king

(I. 150). What sense have these tales? In a hilly land where the people

live in valleys the river is at once the most whimsical and the most

dangerous force. Few seasons pass in which the river does not either

damage with its floods or with its failure and at times glaciers

and landslips stop the entire flow and the valley is ruined. So

great and so strange an evil as the complete drying of a river must

be the result of some one's will, of some one's temper. The Dragon

is angry he wants a sacrifice. Again the river ponds into a lake,

the lake tops the earth bank and rushes in a flood wasting as only a

dragon can waste. For generations after so awful a proof of power all

doubts regarding dragons are dead. (Compare Drew's Cashmere and Jummoo,

414-421.) In India the Chinese dragon turns into a cobra. In China the

cobra is unknown: in India than the cobra no power is more dreaded. How

can the mighty unwieldy dragon be the little silent cobra. How not? Can

the dragon be worshipful if he is unable to change his shape. To the

spirit not to the form is worship due. Again the worshipped dragon

becomes the guardian. The great earth Bodhisattva transforms himself

into a Nágarája and dwells in lake Anavatapta whose flow of cool

water enriches the world (Buddhist Records, II. 11). In a fane in

Swát Buddha takes the form of a dragon and the people live on him

(125). A pestilence wasted Swát. Buddha becomes the serpent Suma,

all who taste his flesh are healed of the plague (126). A Nága maiden,

who for her sins has been born in serpent shape and lives in a pool,

loves Buddha who was then a Sakya chief. Buddha's merit regains for

the girl her lost human form. He goes into the pool slays the girl's

snake-kin and marries her. Not even by marriage with the Sakya is

her serpent spirit driven out of the maiden. At night from her head

issues a nine-crested Nága. Sakya strikes off the nine crests and

ever since that blow the royal family has suffered from headaches

(132). This last tale shows how Buddhism works on the coarser and

fiercer tribes who accept its teaching. The converts rise to be men

though a snake-head may peep out to show that not all of the old leaven

is dead. In other stories Buddha as the sacramental snake shows the

moral advance in Buddhism from fiend to guardian worship. The rest

of the tales illustrate the corresponding intellectual progress from

force worship to man, that is mind, worship. The water force sometimes

kindly and enriching sometimes fierce and wasting becomes a Bodhisattva

always kindly though his goodwill may have to give way to the rage of

evil powers. So Bráhmanism turns Náráyana the sea into Siva or Somnáth

the sea ruler. In this as in other phases religion passes from the

worship of the forces of Nature to which in his beginnings man has

to bow to the worship of Man or conscious Mind whose growth in skill

and in knowledge has made him the Lord of the forces. These higher

ideals are to a great extent a veneer. The Buddhist evangelist may dry

the lake; he is careful to leave a pool for the Nágarája. In times

of trouble among the fierce struggles of pioneers and settlers the

spirit of Buddha withdraws and leaves the empty shrine to the earlier

and the more immortal spirit of Force, the Nágarája who has lived on

in the pool which for the sake of peace Buddha refrained from drying.

[1197] Mr. Fergusson (Architecture, 219) places the Káshmir temples

between A.D. 600 and 1200 and allots Mártand the greatest to about

A.D. 750. The classical element, he says, cannot be mistaken. The

shafts are fluted Grecian Doric probably taken from the Gandhára

monasteries of the fourth and fifth centuries. Fergusson was satisfied

(Ditto, 289) that the religion of the builders of the Káshmir temples

was Nága worship. In Cambodia the Bráhman remains were like those of

Java (Ditto, 667). But the connection between the Nakhonwat series

and the Káshmir temples was unmistakeable (Ditto, 297, 665). Nága

worship was the object of both (Ditto, 677-679). Imperfect information

forced Fergusson to date the Nakhonwat not earlier than the thirteenth

century (Ditto, 660, 679). The evidence of the inscriptions which

(J. As. Ser. VI. Tom. XIX. page 190) brings back the date of this the

latest of a long series of temples to the ninth and tenth centuries

adds greatly to the probability of some direct connection between the

builders of the Mártand shrine in Káshmir and of the great Nakhonwat

temple at Angkor.

[1198] Ency. Brit. Art. Tibet, 344.

[1199] Ency. Brit. Art. Cambodia.

[1200] Yule's Marco Polo, II. 45, 47.

[1201] Contributed by Khán Sáheb Fazlulláh Lutfulláh Farídi of Surat.

[1202] This account which is in two parts is named

Silsilát-ut-Tawáríkh, that is the Chain of History. The first part was

written in A.D. 851-52 by Sulaimán and has the advantage of being the

work of a traveller who himself knew the countries he describes. The

second part was written by Abu Zeid-al-Hasan of Siráf on the Persian

Gulf about sixty years after Sulaimán's account. Though Abu Zeid

never visited India, he made it his business to read and question

travellers who had been in India. Abul Hasan-el-Masúdi (A.D. 915-943)

who met him at Basrah is said to have imparted to and derived much

information from Abu Zeid. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 2.

[1203] Ahmed bin Yahyâ, surnamed Abu Jaâfar and called Biláduri

or Bilázuri from his addiction to the electuary of the Malacca

bean (bilázur) or anacardium, lived about the middle of the ninth

century of the Christian era at the court of Al-Mutawakkil the Abbási,

as an instructor to one of the royal princes. He died A.H. 279

(A.D. 892-93). His work is styled the Futúh-ul-Buldán The Conquest of

Countries. He did not visit Sindh, but was in personal communication

with men who had travelled far and wide.

[1204] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 115-116.

[1205] The reason of Umar's dislike for India is described by Al Masúdi

(Murúj Arabic Text, Cairo Edition, III. 166-171), to have originated

from the description of the country by a philosopher to whom Umar had

referred on the first spread of Islám in his reign. The philosopher

said: India is a distant and remote land peopled by rebellious

infidels. Immediately after the battle of Kadesiah (A.D. 636) when

sending out Utbah, his first governor to the newly-founded camp-town

of Basrah Umar is reported to have said: I am sending thee to the

land of Al-Hind (India) as governor. Remember it is a field of the

fields of the enemy. The third Khalífah Usmán (A.D. 643-655) ordered

his governor of Irák to depute a special officer to visit India and

wait upon the Khalífah to report his opinion of that country. His

report of India was not encouraging. He said: Its water is scarce,

its fruits are poor, and its robbers bold. If the troops sent there

are few they will be slain; if many they will starve. (Al-Biláduri

in Elliot, I. 116.)

[1206] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 116.

[1207] Sir H. Elliot (Hist. of India) transliterates this as Básia. But

neither Básea nor his other supposition (Note 4 Ditto) Budha seem to

have any sense. The original is probably Bátiah, a form in which other

Arab historians and geographers also allude to Baet, the residence

of the notorious Bawárij who are referred to a little farther on as

seafarers and pirates. Ditto, I. 123.

[1208] This important expedition extended to Ujjain. Details Above

page 109 and also under Bhínmál. Raids by sea from Sindh were repeated

in A.D. 758, 760, 755, and perhaps A.D. 830. Reinaud's Fragments,

212. See Above Bhagvánlál's Early History page 96 note 3.

[1209] Details Above pages 94-96.

[1210] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 129.

[1211] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 129) calls it Kállari

though (Ditto note 3) he says the text has Máli.

[1212] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 129.

[1213] Ibni Khurdádbah a Musalmán of Magian descent as his name

signifies, died H. 300 (A.D. 912). He held high office under the

Abbási Khalífahs at Baghdád (Elliot's History of India, I. 13).

[1214] Abul Hasan Al Masudi, a native of Baghdád, who visited India

about A.D. 915 and wrote his "Meadows of Gold" (Murúj-uz-zahab)

about A.D. 950-51 and died A.D. 956 in Egypt. (Sir Henry Elliot's

History of India, I. 23-25.)

[1215] Abu Is-hák Al Istakhri, a native (as his cognomen signifies)

of Persepolis who flourished about the middle of the tenth century

and wrote his Book of Climes (Kitábul Akálím) about A.H. 340

(A.D. 951). Elliot's History of India, I. 26.

[1216] See Appendix A. Volume I. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India.

[1217] Elliot's History of India, 394, where Sir Henry Elliot

calculates a parsang or farsang (Arabic farsakh) to be 3 1/2 miles. Al

Bírúni, however, counts four kroh or miles to a farsakh. Sachau's Al

Bírúni Arabic Text, chapter 18 page 97.

[1218] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 403) locates Surabáya

somewhere near Surat. The mouth of the Tápti is still known in Surat

as the Bára.

[1219] Ibni Haukal (Muhammad Abul Kásim) a native of Baghdád, left

that city in H. 331 (A.D. 943), returned to it H. 358 (A.D. 968),

and finished his work about H. 366 (A.D. 976). Sir Henry Elliot's

History of India, I. 31.

[1220] Elliot, I. 34.

[1221] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 363) correctly takes

Fámhal to be a misreading for Anhal that is Anhilwára. Al Bírúni

(A.D. 970-1039) uses the name Anhilwára without any Arab peculiarity

of transliteration or pronunciation. Sachau's Arabic Text, 100. Al

Idrísi (end of the eleventh century) styles Anhilwára "Nahrwára"

(Elliot, I. 84) an equally well known name.

[1222] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 34.

[1223] M. Gildemeister's Latin translation of Ibni Haukal's

Ashkál-ul-Bilád (Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 39).

[1224] Abu Rihán Al Bírúni was a native of Balkh in Central

Asia. He accompanied Mahmúd of Ghazni to India in his expeditions

and acquired an accurate knowledge of Sanskrit. His acquaintance

with this language and Greek and his love of enquiry and research

together with his fairness and impartiality, make his Indica a most

valuable contribution to our information on India in the end of the

tenth and beginning of the eleventh centuries. He finished his work

after the death of his patron in A.D. 1030-31. See Sachau's Preface

to the Arabic Text of the Indica, ix.

[1225] Al Bírúni makes his farsakh of four miles. Sachau's Arabic

Text, 97.

[1226] Sir Henry Elliot's translation and transliteration of Rahanjúr

(History of India, I. 61) are, be it said with all respect to the

memory of that great scholar, inaccurate. He cannot make anything of

the word (note 3) while in the Arabic Text of Sachau (page 100) the

first letter is a plain r and not d. From the context also the ancient

town of Rándir seems to be meant. It is plainly written Rahanjúr and

is very likely the copyist's mistake for the very similar form

Ráhandúr.

[1227] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 98 and Sir Henry Elliot's

History of India, I. 61.

[1228] Elphinstone's History of India, Book V. Chapter I. 263 Note 25

(John Murray's 1849 Edition) on the authority of Captain MacMurdo

and Captain Alexander Burnes inclines to the opinion that Debal was

somewhere near the site of the modern Karáchi.

[1229] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 65. Sachau's Text of

Al Bírúni, chapter 18 page 102.

[1230] Al Biláduri uses the word Barija for a strong built war

vessel. Sir Henry Elliot derives the word from the Arabic and gives

an interesting note on the subject in his Appendix I. 539. The word

is still used in Hindustáni as beda (by'dA) to signify a boat or bark.

[1231] Sachau's Arabic Text, 102.

[1232] According to Richardson (Arabic Dictionary voce myrrh) though

rendered gum by all translators. According to the Makhzan the word

mukl (Urdu gughal) is Balsamodendron and Bádrud the corruption

of Báruz (Urdu biroza) is balsam or bezoar.

[1233] Sachau's Arabic Text page 99 chapter 18.

[1234] After giving the distances in days or journeys the Text (page

102 Sachau's Text of Al Bírúni) does not particularise the distances

of the places that follow in journeys or farsakhs.

[1235] Elliot's History of India, I. 67.

[1236] Abu Abdallah Muhammad Al Idrísi, a native of Ceuta in Morocco

and descended from the royal family of the Idrísis of that country,

settled at the court of Roger II. of Sicily, where and at whose

desire he wrote his book The Nuzhat-ul-Mushták or The Seeker's

Delight. Elliot's History of India, I: 74. Almost all Al Idrísi's

special information regarding Sindh and Western India is from

Al-Jauhari governor of Khurásán (A.D. 892-999), whose knowledge of

Sindh and the Indus valley is unusually complete and accurate. Compare

Reinaud's Abulfeda, lxiii.

[1237] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 77.

[1238] Bombay Gazetteer, II. 69.

[1239] Elliot's History of India, I. 76.

[1240] Elliot's History of India, I. 79.

[1241] Elliot's History of India, I. 79.

[1242] Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1243] The details of Kulámmali given by Al Kazwíni (A.D. 1263-1275)

seem to show it is Quilon on the Malabár Coast. When a ruler died

his successor was always chosen from China.

[1244] Elliot (I. 363-364) on the authority of Al Istakhri thinks that

all the names Ámhal, Fámhal, Kámhal, and Mámhal are faulty readings

of Anhal (Anhil)wára owing to irregularity in the position or absence

of diacritical points.

[1245] This is probably Ránder, a very natural Arab

corruption. Instance Al Bírúni's Ranjhur. See page 507 note 11 and

page 520.

[1246] Rumála is mentioned at pages 14, 87, 92 and 93 volume I. of

Elliot. It is first mentioned (page 14) by Ibni Khurdádbah (A.D. 912)

as one of the countries of Sindh. It is next mentioned by Al Idrísi

(end of the eleventh century according to Elliot, I. 74) as one of the

places of the eighth section describing the coast of India, but is

mentioned along with Nahrwára, Kandhár, and Kalbata (?). At page 92

(Ditto) the same writer (Idrísi) says that Kalbata and Rumála are on

the borders of the desert which separates Multán from Sijistán. Again

at page 93 (Ditto) Idrísi gives the distance between Kalbata and

Rumála as a distance of three days.

[1247] Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1248] Sir H. Elliot's History of India, I. 85.

[1249] Elliot, I. 90-93.

[1250] Elliot's History of India, I. 89.

[1251] Zakariah Ibni Muhammad Al Kazwíni, a native of Kazwín (Kasbin)

in Persia, wrote his Ásár-ul-Bilád or "Signs or Monuments of Countries"

about A.H. 661 (A.D. 1263) compiling it chiefly from the writings of

Al Istakhri (A.D. 951) and Ibni Haukal (A.D. 976). He also frequently

quotes Misâr bin Muhalhil, a traveller who (A.D. 942) visited India

and China. Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 94.

[1252] Barbier De Meynard's Text of Al Masúdi's Les Prairies D'Or,

I. 382.

[1253] Sir Henry Elliot misreads Tamraz for Al Bírúni's Arabic form

of Narmaza. He says: It comes from the city of Tamraz and the eastern

hills; it has a south-easterly course till it falls into the sea

near Báhruch about 60 yojanas to the east of Somnáth. The literal

translation of the text of Al Bírúni (see Sachau's Al Bírúni's India,

130) is that given above: It is hard to believe that the accurate Al

Bírúni while in one place (see Sachau's Text, 99) giving the name of

the Narbada faultlessly, should in another place fall into the error of

tracing it from Tirmiz a city of Central Asia. A comparison of Elliot's

version with the text sets the difficulty at rest. Compare Sir Henry

Elliot's History of India, I. 49 and note 3 ditto and Sachau's Arabic

Text of Al Bírúni, 180 chapter 25.

[1254] Compare Sachau's Al Bírúni with Sir Henry Elliot, I. 49,

who is silent as to the distance.

[1255] See Ahmedábád Gazetteer, IV. 338; also Elliot's History of

India, I. 356-357.

[1256] See Appendix Elliot's History of India, I. 363.

[1257] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1258] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1259] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 32-34.

[1260] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34-38.

[1261] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 39.

[1262] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 40.

[1263] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 61.

[1264] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77.

[1265] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 79.

[1266] Bánia seems to be a copyist's error for Bazána or Náráyana. The

distances agree and the fact that to this day the neighbourhood of

Jaipur is noted for its flocks of sheep bears additional testimony

to the correctness of the supposition.

[1267] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1268] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 9. The Balháras or

Ráshtrakútas lost their power in A.D. 974. The only explanation of

Idrísi's (A.D. 1100) Balháras at Anhilwára is that Idrísi is quoting

from Al Bírúni A.D. 950.

[1269] Farishtah Persian Text Lithographed Bombay Edition, I. 57.

[1270] Farishtah Persian Text Lithographed Bombay Edition, IV. 48. The

Rauzat-us-Safa states that it was at Somnáth the Ghaznavide wanted to

fix his capital (IV. 42 Persian Text, Lakhnau Edition). Anahilaváda

seems more likely.

[1271] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, II. 155.

[1272] The Jámi-ûl-Hikáyát in Elliot (History of India), II. 162.

[1273] Elliot's History of India, II. 200.

[1274] Elliot's History of India, II. 229-30.

[1275] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, III. 74.

[1276] Sachau's Text, 102.

[1277] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1278] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 88.

[1279] Elliot's History of India, III. 260.

[1280] Bayley's Gujarát, 81.

[1281] Elliot's History of India, IV. 39; History of Gujarát, 81.

[1282] Bayley's Gujarát, 90.

[1283] Al Biláduri (A.D. 892) in Elliot's History of India, I. 116.

[1284] Al Biláduri (A.D. 892) in Elliot's History of India,

I. 126. Details of this far-stretching affliction of Sindh, Kachh,

the Chávadás, Chitor, Bhínmál, and Ujjain are given above, History 109.

[1285] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot (History of India), I. 14.

[1286] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India, I. 49-66), and Sachau's

Arabic Text, 100.

[1287] Barbier DeMeynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 239.

[1288] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1289] Elliot's History of India, III. 256-260.

[1290] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1291] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1292] Prairies D'Or (Barbier DeMeynard's Arabic Text), I. 253-54.

[1293] Prairies D'Or (Arabic Text), III. 47.

[1294] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34.

[1295] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38.

[1296] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 39.

[1297] Rashíd-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot's History of India,

I. 66 and Sachau's Arabic Text, chapter 18 pages 99-102.

[1298] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 67.

[1299] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 77.

[1300] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1301] Tazjiyat-ul-Amsar in Elliot, III. 32.

[1302] Saâdi's patron mentioned by him in his Garden of Roses.

[1303] The word dínár is from the Latin denarius (a silver coin

worth 10 oz. of brass) through the Greek dênarion. It is a Kuráanic

word, the ancient Arabic equivalent being mithkál. The dínár sequin

or ducat varied in value in different times. In Abu Haúfah's (the

greatest of the four Sunni Jurisconsults') time (A.D. 749) its value

ranged from 10 to 12 dirhams. Then from 20 to 25 dirhams or drachmas.

As a weight it represented a drachma and a half. Though generally

fluctuating, its value may be assessed at 9s. or 10 francs to half

a sovereign. For an elaborate article on the Dínár see Yule's Cathay,

II. 439; Burton's Alf Leilah, I. 32. The word Dirham is used in

Arabic in the sense of "silver" (vulg. siller) the Greek drachmê

and the drachuma of Plautus. This silver piece was 9 3/4d. and as

a weight 66 1/2 grains. Sir Henry Elliot does not speak more at

length of the dínár and the dirham than to say (History of India,

I. 461) that they were introduced in Sindh in the reign of Abdul

Malik (A.D. 685) and Elliot, VII. 31) that the dínár was a Rúm and

the dirham a Persian coin. The value of the dínár in modern Indian

currency may be said to be Rs. 5 and that of the dirham nearly annas 4.

[1304] Wassáf gives the date of this event as A.D. 1298, but the

Tárikh-i-Alái of Amír Khusrao places it at A.D. 1300. See Elliot's

History of India, III. 43 and 74.

[1305] Elliot's History of India, III. 256-57.

[1306] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 24.

[1307] Prairies D'Or, II. 85.

[1308] He was called a Hairam or Hairamah in the language of the

country. Al Masúdi's Murúj Arabic Text Cairo Edition, II. 56.

[1309] Al Masúdi's Murúj Arabic Text Cairo Edition, II. 56-57.

[1310] One born in India of an Arab father and an Indian mother

probably from the Gujaráti word Ádh-besra meaning mixed blood. This

seems the origin of the Bais Rájput. The performer in the case in the

text was a Hindu. Al Masúdi (Murúj Arabic Text II. 57 Cairo Edition)

says that the singular of Bayásirah is Besar.

[1311] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1312] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1313] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 33-34.

[1314] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38.

[1315] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 38.

[1316] Al Bírúni Sachau's Arabic Text, 102; Elliot's History of India,

I. 39, 66.

[1317] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77.

[1318] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77, 85.

[1319] Al Kazwíni in Elliot (History of India), I. 97.

[1320] Though Al Kazwíni wrote in the thirteenth century, he derives

his information of India from Misâar bin Muhalhil, who visited India

about A.D. 942. Elliot (History of India), I. 94.

[1321] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1322] Tárikh-i-Fírúz Sháhi by Ziá Barni (Elliot's History of India),

III. 264-65.

[1323] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History

of India, I. 65.

[1324] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History

of India, I. 49.

[1325] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) from Al Birúni in Elliot's History

of India, I. 66.

[1326] Written A.D. 1600 (Elliot, I. 213).

[1327] Táríkh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 16.

[1328] Tuhfat-ul-Kirám in Elliot, I. 344.

[1329] Táríkh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 217.

[1330] Tárikh-i-Maâsumi in Elliot, I. 218.

[1331] Tárikh-i-Táhiri (Elliot's History of India), I. 267-68.

[1332] Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal for February 1838, 102.

[1333] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 268.

[1334] Tárikh-i-Fírúz Sháhi in Elliot, II. 260.

[1335] In his Arabic Text of the Murúj (Prairies D'Or, Cairo Edition)

Al Masúdi writes the name of the Kanauj king as Farwarah. (If the F

stands for P and the w for m, as is quite possible in Arab writing,

then this can be Parmárah the Arab plural for Parmár.) At volume

I. page 240 the word Farwarah is twice used. Once: "And the king

of Kanauj, of the kings of Sindh (India) is Farwarah." Again at the

same page (240): "And Farwarah he who is king of Kanauj is opposed to

Balhara." Then at page 241: Farwarah is again used in the beginning

of the account quoted by Elliot in I. 23.

[1336] Elliot's History of India, I. 23. In the Cairo Edition of the

Arabic Text of Al Masúdi's Murúj (Prairies D'Or) vol. I. page 241 is

the original of this account.

[1337] Elliot's History of India, I. 33.

[1338] Elliot's History of India. I. 45.

[1339] Elliot's History of India, I. 49.

[1340] Elliot, I. 90.

[1341] Elliot's History of India, I. 147.

[1342] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 15.

[1343] Táj-ul-Mâásir in Sir Henry Elliot's History of India,

II. 222. 'After staying some time at Dehli he (Kutb-ud-dín) marched

in A.D. 1194 (H. 590) towards Kol and Banâras passing the Jumna which

from its exceeding purity resembled a mirror.' It would seem to place

Kol near Banâras.

[1344] Al Masúdi's Prairies D'Or (Arabic Text), I. 168.

[1345] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 19, 20, 21 and

Prairies D'Or, I. 178.

[1346] Al Masúdi Arabic Text Prairies D'Or, (I. 381); Al Masúdi in

Elliot (History of India), I. 24.

[1347] That is an Arab dirhem and a half. Al Istakhri in Elliot

(History of India), I. 27. These Tártariyya dirhems are mentioned

by almost all Arab writers. Al Idrísi says they were current

in Mansúrah in Sindh and in the Malay archipelago. See Elliot,

I. 3 note 4. According to Sulaimán (A.D. 851) the Tártariya dirham

weighed "a dirham and a half of the coinage of the king." Elliot,

I. 3. Al Masúdi (Prairies D'Or, I. 382) calls these "Tátiriyyah"

dirhams, giving them the same weight as that given by Sulaimán to

the Tártariyah dirhams. Ibni Haukal calls it the Titari dirhem and

makes its weight equal to "a dirham and a third" (Elliot, I. 85).

[1348] Kumlah is rauma salt land. There is a Rúm near Kárur about

sixty miles south-east of Multán. Al Idrísi (A.D. 1135) has a Rumálah

three days from Kalbata the salt range. Elliot, I. 92.

[1349] Probably Okhámandal. See Appendix vol. I. page 390 Elliot's

History of India.

[1350] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni's Indica, 99.

[1351] Persian Text Bombay Edition of 1832, I. 53.

[1352] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, 100.

[1353] Elliot's History of India, I. 84.

[1354] Al Biláduri in Elliot (History of India), I. 129. The word

sáj in the Arabic text means besides a teak-spar (which seems to be

an improbable present to be sent to a Khalifáh), a large black or

green turban or sash.

[1355] Ibni Khurdádbha in Elliot (History of India), I. 14 and 15.

[1356] De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, III. 47-48.

[1357] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27 and 30.

[1358] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34 and 38.

[1359] Al Bírúni in Elliot, I. 66.

[1360] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 77-85.

[1361] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 403 Appendix.

[1362] Lee's Ibni Batuta, 166.

[1363] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 21.

[1364] Rashid-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot, I. 68.

[1365] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 89.

[1366] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 65; Sachau's Arabic

Text of Al Bírúni, 102.

[1367] Elliot's History of India, I. 67.

[1368] Sachau's Text of Al Bírúni, 252.

[1369] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253.

[1370] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253 chapter 58.

[1371] It appears that at the time of his expedition to Somnáth Mahmúd

had not adopted the title of Sultán.

[1372] Sachau's Arabic Text, 253 chapter 58.

[1373] Sachau's Text, 253 chapter 58.

[1374] The Táríkh-i-Kámil. Ibni Asír (A.D. 1160-1232) is a voluminous

and reliable historian. Ibni Khallikán, the author of the famous

biographical dictionary, knew and respected Asír always alluding to

him as "our Sheikh." See Elliot, II. 245.

[1375] From the term 'sculptured' it would seem the idol was of

stone. It is curious how Ibni Asír states a little further that a

part of the idol was "burned by Mehmúd." See Elliot, II. 471. The

Tárikh-i-Alfi says (Elliot, II. 471) that the idol was cut of solid

stone. It however represents it as hollow and containing jewels, in

repeating the somewhat hackneyed words of Mahmúd when breaking the

idol regardless of the handsome offer of the Bráhmans, and finding

it full of jewels.

[1376] The Rauzat-us-Safa (Lithgd. Edition, IV. 48) speaks of Mahmúd's

project of making Somnáth his capital and not Anhilwára as stated

by Farishtah (I. 57, Original Persian Text). The Rauzát-us-Safa

says that when Mahmúd had conquered Somnáth he wished to fix his

residence there for some years as the country was very large and

had a great many advantages including mines of pure gold and rubies

brought from Sarandíb or Ceylon which he represents as a dependency

of Gujarát. At last he yielded to his minister's advice and agreed

to return to Khurásán.

[1377] Prairies D'Or (DeMeynard's Arabic Text, I. 381); also Al Masúdi

in Elliot (History of India. I. 24).

[1378] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 27.

[1379] Al Istakhri in Elliot (History of India), I. 30.

[1380] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34, 39.

[1381] Thus in Sachau's Arabic Text page 102, but Elliot (I. 66)

spells the word Sufára in his translation. It might have assumed

that form in coming from the Arabic through Rashíd-ud-dín's Persian

version from which Sir Henry Elliot derives his account.

[1382] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 77 and 85.

[1383] Al Bilázuri in Elliot, I. 116.

[1384] Barbier DeMeynard's Text of Masúdi's Prairies D'Or, I. 330

and 381.

[1385] Sachau's Arabic Text of Al Bírúni, chapters 18, 99, 102 and

Elliot's History of India, I. 60-61, 66-67.

[1386] Al Idrísi in Elliot, 1-89.

[1387] Al Idrísi says the real tabáshír is extracted from the root of

the reed called sharki. Sarki is Gujaráti for reed. It is generally

applied to the reeds growing on river banks used by the poor for

thatching their cottages. Tabáshír is a drug obtained from the pith

of the bamboo and prescribed by Indian physicians as a cooling drink

good for fever.

[1388] The name Barádah in Arabic orthography bears a close

resemblance to Barâbah, Bárlabah, Barlabah, all three being the forms

or nearly the forms in which the word Walabah or Walabi would be

written by an Arab, supposing the diacritical points to be, as they

often are, omitted. Besides as Barádah the word has been read and

miswritten Nárand or Bárand and Bárad or Barid. In the shikastah or

broken hand Nárand or Bárand would closely resemble Bárlabah or

Báradah. Al Bilázuri in Elliot's History of India I. 127, writes

the word Nárand or Bárand. Sir Henry Elliot (History, I. 444) reads

the word Barada and would identify the place with the Barda hills

inland from Porbandar in south-west Káthiávád. The objection to this

is that the word used by the Arab writers was the name of a town as

well as of a coast tract, while the name of Barda is applied solely

to a range of hills. On the other hand Balaba the coast and town

meets all requirements.

[1389] Reigned A.D. 754-775.

[1390] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, II. 246 and Frag. Arabes 3,

120, 212; Weil's Geschichte der Chalifen, II. 115.

[1391] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 444.

[1392] Sir Henry Elliot (History of India, I. 445) identifies Kandhár

with Kandadár in north-west Káthiávád.

[1393] Sachau's Original Text, 205.

[1394] Sachau's Original Text, 17-94.

[1395] Details above in Dr. Bhagvánlál's History, 96 note 3.

[1396] Elliot's History of India, I. 7.

[1397] Elliot's History of India, I. 22, 24, 25.

[1398] Elliot's History of India, I. 34.

[1399] Elliot's History of India, I. 86.

[1400] Al Masúdi Les Prairies D'Or, II. chapter 18 page 85.

[1401] Giving an account of the diviners and jugglers of India Abu

Zaid says: These observations are especially applicable to Kanauj,

a large country forming the empire of Jurz. Abu Zaid in Elliot's

History of India, I. 10. References given in the History of Bhínmál

show that the Gurjjara power spread not only to Kanauj but to Bengal.

[1402] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 13.

[1403] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 25.

[1404] Ibni Haukal in Elliot (History of India), I. 34.

[1405] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 67.

[1406] Al Bírúni in Elliot (History of India), I. 59.

[1407] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 76.

[1408] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 86.

[1409] The merchant Sulaimán (851 A.D.) in Elliot's History of India,

I. 5.

[1410] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot (History of India), I. 13.

[1411] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 23.

[1412] Al Masúdi in Elliot (History of India), I. 25.

[1413] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 14.

[1414] Al Masúdi in History of India by Sir Henry Elliot, I. 25.

[1415] Lane's Notes on his Translation of the Alf Leilah, III. 80.

[1416] Al Masúdi's Murúj (Arabic Text Cairo Edition, I. 221).

[1417] The merchant Sulaimán (Elliot's History of India), I. 4 and 5.

[1418] See page 519 note 8.

[1419] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 11.

[1420] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 14.

[1421] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 15.

[1422] Al Masúdi (Elliot's History of India), I. 23.

[1423] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or,

III. 47-48.

[1424] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 239.

[1425] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 253.

[1426] Barbier De Meynard's Arabic Text of Les Prairies D'Or, I. 384.

[1427] Ibni Haukal (Ashkál-ul-Bilád) and Elliot's History of India,

I. 39.

[1428] Elliot's History of India, III. 33.

[1429] Mámhal is by some numbered among the cities of India. Al Idrísi

in Elliot, I. 84.

[1430] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 79.

[1431] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 85.

[1432] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 85.

[1433] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 85.

[1434] Rashíd-ud-dín in Elliot's History of India, I. 67-68.

[1435] Ibni Haukal (A.D. 968) in Elliot, I. 39.

[1436] Al Idrísi (A.D. 968) in Elliot, I. 84 and 87.

[1437] Al Idrísi speaking of Cambay in Elliot's History of India,

I. 84.

[1438] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 85.

[1439] Al Idrísi in Elliot, I. 88.

[1440] Al Masúdi in Elliot's History of India, I. 9.

[1441] Ibni Haukal in Elliot, I. 35.

[1442] Ibni Haukal in Elliot, I. 39.

[1443] Al Idrísi in Elliot's History of India, I. 88.

[1444] Rashíd-ud-dín (A.D. 1310) in Elliot's History of India,

I. 67. The passage seems to be a quotation from Al Bírúni (A.D. 1031).

[1445] Ibni Haukal in Elliot's History of India, I. 34-38, also Al

Kazwíni, I. 97.

[1446] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 29.

[1447] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 7.

[1448] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 6.

[1449] The merchant Sulaimán in Elliot's History of India, I. 7.

[1450] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 10.

[1451] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 9-10.

[1452] Abu Zaid in Elliot's History of India, I. 11.

[1453] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot, I. 17.

[1454] See Elliot, I. 76, where Al Idrísi calls the first class

'Sákariá' the word being a transliteration of the Arabic Thákariyah

or Thákurs.

[1455] The Arabic plural of the word Barahman.

[1456] Ibni Khurdádbah in Elliot's History of India, I. 13-17.

[1457] Text Les Prairies D'Or, I. 149-154 and Elliot's History of

India, I. 19.

[1458] Arabic Text Les Prairies D'Or, I. 149-154, and Elliot's History

of India, I. 20.

[1459] Al Masúdi's Prairies D'Or, I. 169, and Elliot's History of

India, I. 20.

[1460] Rashíd-ud-dín from Al Bírúni in Elliot's History of India,

I. 67-68.

[1461] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 76.

[1462] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 85.

[1463] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 87.

[1464] Sir Henry Elliot's History of India, I. 88.

[1465] Al Idrísi in Elliot (History of India), I. 88.

[1466] Contributed by Mr. A. M. T. Jackson, M.A., I.C.S.

[1467] We learn from Pliny (VI. 22) that Palaisimoundou was the name

of a town and a river in Ceylon, whence the name was extended to the

whole island.

End of Project Gutenberg's History of Gujarát, by James McNabb Campbell