THE MIHIRAS OR MERS.
A.D. 470-900.
That the Guptas held sway in Káthiáváda till the time of Skandagupta
(A.D. 454-470) is proved by the fact that his Sorath Viceroy is
mentioned in Skandagupta's inscription on the Girnár rock. After
Skandagupta under the next known Gupta king Budhagupta (Gupta 165-180,
A.D. 484-499) no trace remains of Gupta sovereignty in Sorath. It is
known that Budhagupta was a weak king and that the Gupta kingdom had
already entered on its decline and lost its outlying provinces. Who
held Suráshtra and Gujarát during the period of Gupta decline until
the arrival and settlement of Bhatkárka in A.D. 514 (Gupta 195) is not
determined. Still there is reason to believe that during or shortly
after the time of Budhagupta some other race or dynasty overthrew the
Gupta Viceroy of these provinces and took them from the Guptas. These
powerful conquerors seem to be the tribe of Maitrakas mentioned
in Valabhi copperplates as people who had settled in Káthiáváda and
established a mandala or kingdom. Though these Maitrakas are mentioned
in no other records from Suráshtra there seems reason to identify the
Maitrakas with the Mihiras the well-known tribe of Mhers or Mers. In
Sanskrit both mitra and mihira are names of the sun, and it would
be quite in agreement with the practise of Sanskrit writers to use
derivatives of the one for those of the other. These Mhers or Mers
are still found in Káthiáváda settled round the Barda hills while
the Porbandar chiefs who are known as Jethvás are recognized as the
head of the tribe. The name Jethvá is not a tribal but a family name,
being taken from the proper or personal name of the ancestor of the
modern chiefs. As the Porbandar chiefs are called the kings of the
Mhers they probably belong to the same tribe, though, being chiefs,
they try, like other ruling families, to rank higher than their tribe
tracing their origin from Hanúmán. Though the Jethvás appear to have
been long ashamed to acknowledge themselves to belong to the Mher
tribe the founders of minor Mher kingdoms called themselves Mher
kings. The Porbandar chiefs have a tradition tracing their dynasty
to Makaradhvaja son of Hanúmán, and there are some Puránic legends
attached to the tradition. The historical kernel of the tradition
appears to be that the Mhers or Jethvás had a makara or fish as their
flag or symbol. One of the mythical stories of Makaradhvaja is that he
fought with Mayúradhvaja. Whatever coating of fable may have overlaid
the story, it contains a grain of history. Mayúradhvaja stands for
the Guptas whose chief symbol was a peacock mayúra, and with them
Makaradhvaja that is the people with the fish-symbol that is the Mhers
had a fight. This fight is probably the historical contest in which
the Mhers fought with and overthrew the Gupta Viceroy of Káthiáváda.
The Káthiáváda Mhers are a peculiar tribe whose language dress and
appearance mark them as foreign settlers from Upper India. Like the
Málavas, Játs, Gurjjaras, and Pahlavas, the Mhers seem to have passed
through the Punjáb Sindh and North Gujarát into Káthiáváda leaving
settlements at Ajmír, Bádner, Jesalmír, Kokalmír, and Mherváda. How
and when the Mhers made these settlements and entered Káthiáváda is not
known. It may be surmised that they came with Toramána (A.D. 470-512)
who overthrew the Guptas, and advanced far to the south and west in
the train of some general of Toramána's who may perhaps have entered
Suráshtra. This is probable as the date of Toramána who overthrew
Budhagupta is almost the same as that of the Maitrakas mentioned
as the opponents and enemies of Bhatárka. In the time of Bhatárka
(A.D. 509-520?) the Mhers were firmly established in the peninsula,
otherwise they would not be mentioned in the Valabhi grants as
enemies of Bhatárka, a tribe or mandala wielding incomparable
power. As stated above in Chapter VIII. some time after the Mher
settlement and consolidation of power, Bhatárka seems to have come
as general of the fallen Guptas through Málwa and Broach by sea to
East Káthiáváda. He established himself at Valabhi and then gradually
dislodged the Mhers from Sorath until they retired slightly to the
north settling eventually at Morbi, which the Jethvás still recognize
as the earliest seat of their ancestors. At Morbi they appear to have
ruled contemporarily with the Valabhis. In support of this it is to
be noted that no known Valabhi plate records any grant of lands or
villages in Hálár, Machhukántha, or Okhámandal in North Káthiáváda. As
the northmost place mentioned in Valabhi plates is Venuthali known as
Wania's Vanthali in Hálár it may be inferred that not the Valabhis but
the Mhers ruled the north coast of Káthiáváda, probably as feudatories
or subordinates of the Valabhis. On the overthrow of Valabhi about
A.D. 770 the Mhers appear to have seized the kingdom and ruled the
whole of Káthiáváda dividing it into separate chiefships grouped under
the two main divisions of Bardái and Gohelvádia. About A.D. 860 the
Mhers made incursions into Central Gujarát. A copperplate dated Saka
789 (A.D. 847) of the Gujarát Ráshtrakúta king Dhruva describes him
as attacked by a powerful Mihira king whom he defeated. [459] At
the height of their power the Mhers seem to have established their
capital at the fort of Bhumli or Ghumli in the Bardá hills in the
centre of Káthiáváda. The traditions about Ghumli rest mainly on modern
Jethvá legends of no historical interest. The only known epigraphical
record is a copperplate of a king named Jâchikadeva found in the Morbi
district. [460] Unfortunately only the second plate remains. Still the
fish mark on the plate, the locality where it was found, and its date
leave little doubt that the plate belongs to the Makaradhvaja or Jethvá
kings. The date of the grant is 585 Gupta era the 5th Phálguna Sudi
that is A.D. 904, about 130 years after the destruction of Valabhi,
a date with which the form of the letters agrees.
A similar copperplate in which the king's name appears in the
slightly different form Jáikadeva has been found at Dhiniki in
the same neighbourhood as the first and like it bearing the fish
mark. [461] This copperplate describes the king as ruling at
Bhúmiliká or Bhúmli in Sorath and gives him the high titles of
Parama-bhattáraka-Mahárájádhirája-Paramesvara, that is Great Lord
Great King of Kings Great King, titles which imply wide extent and
independence of rule. This grant purports to be made on the occasion of
a solar eclipse on Sunday Vikrama Samvat 794 Jyeshtha constellation,
the no-moon of the second half of Kárttika. This would be A.D. 738 or
166 years before the Jáchika of the Morbí plate. Against this it is to
be noted that the letters of this plate, instead of appearing as old
as eighth century letters, look later than the letters of the tenth
century Morbí plate. As neither the day of the week, the constellation,
nor the eclipse work out correctly Dr. Bhagvánlál believed the plate
to be a forgery of the eleventh century, executed by some one who had
seen a fish-marked copperplate of Jáchika dated in the Saka era. It
should however be noted that the names of ministers and officers
which the plate contains give it an air of genuineness. Whether the
plate is or is not genuine, it is probably true that Jáikadeva was
a great independent sovereign ruling at Bhúmli. Though the names of
the other kings of the dynasty, the duration of the Bhúmli kingdom,
and the details of its history are unknown it may be noted that the
dynasty is still represented by the Porbandar chiefs. Though at present
Bhúmli is deserted several ruined temples of about the eleventh century
stand on its site. It is true no old inscriptions have been found;
it is not less true that no careful search has been made about Bhúmli.
Early in the tenth century a wave of invasion from Sindh seems to
have spread over Kacch and Káthiáváda. Among the invading tribes
were the Jádejás of Kacch and the Chúdásamás of Sorath, who like the
Bhattis of Jesalmír call themselves of the Yaduvamsa stock. Doctor
Bhagvánlál held that the Chúdásamás were originally of the Ábhíra
tribe, as their traditions attest connection with the Ábhíras and
as the description of Graharipu one of their kings by Hemachandra
in his Dvyásraya points to his being of some local tribe and not of
any ancient Rájput lineage. Further in their bardic traditions as
well as in popular stories the Chúdásamás are still commonly called
Áhera-ránás. The position of Aberia in Ptolemy (A.D. 150) seems to show
that in the second century the Ahirs were settled between Sindh and
the Panjáb. Similarly it may be suggested that Jádejá is a corruption
of Jaudhejá which in turn comes from Yaudheya (the change of y to
j being very common) who in Kshatrapa Inscriptions appear as close
neighbours of the Ahirs. After the fall of the Valabhis (A.D. 775)
the Yaudheyas seem to have established themselves in Kacch and the
Ahirs settled and made conquests in Káthiáváda. On the decline of
local rule brought about by these incursions and by the establishment
of an Ahir or Chúdásamá kingdom at Junágadh, the Jethvás seem to have
abandoned Bhúmli which is close to Junágadh and gone to Srínagar or
Kántelun near Porbandar which is considered to have been the seat of
Jethvá power before Porbandar.
A copperplate found at Haddálá on the road from Dholka to Dhandhuka
dated A.D. 917 (Saka 839) shows that there reigned at Vadhwán a
king named Dharanívaráha of the Chápa dynasty, [462] who granted a
village to one Mahesvaráchárya, an apostle of the Ámardáka Sákhá of
Saivism. Dharanívaráha and his ancestors are described as feudatory
kings, ruling by the grace of the feet of the great king of kings the
great lord the illustrious Mahípáladeva. This Mahípála would seem to
be some great king of Káthiáváda reigning in A.D. 917 over the greater
part of the province. Dr. Bhagvánlál had two coins of this king of
about that time, one a copper coin the other a silver coin. The coins
were found near Junágadh. The copper coin, about ten grains in weight,
has one side obliterated but the other side shows clearly the words
Ráná Srí Mahípála Deva. The silver coin, about fourteen grains in
weight, has on the obverse a well-executed elephant and on the reverse
the legend Ráná Srí Mahípála Deva. From the locality where the name
Mahípála appears both in coins and inscriptions, and from the fact
that the more reliable Chúdásamá lists contain similar names, it may
be assumed as probable that Mahípála was a powerful Chúdásamá ruler
of Káthiáváda in the early part of the tenth century.
After the fall of Valabhi no other reliable record remains of any
dynasty ruling over the greater part of Gujarát. The most trustworthy
and historical information is in connection with the Chávadás of
Anahilapura. Even for the Chávadás nothing is available but scant
references recorded by Jain authors in their histories of the Solankis
and Vághelás.
[The Chúdásamás, A.D. 900-940.] [The modern traditions of the Chúdásamá
clan trace their origin to the Yádava race and more immediately to the
Samma tribe of Nagar Thatha in Sindh. [463] The name of the family is
said to have been derived from Chúdáchandra the first ruler of Vanthalí
(Káthiáwár Gazetteer, 489). Traces of a different tradition are to
be found in the Tuhfat-ul-Kirám (Elliot, I. 337) which gives a list
of Chúdásamá's ancestors from Nuh (Noah), including not only Krishna
the Yádava but also Ráma of the solar line. In this pedigree the
Musalmán element is later than the others: but the attempt to combine
the solar and lunar lines is a sure sign that the Samma clan was not
of Hindu origin, and that it came under Hindu influence fairly late
though before Sindh became a Musalmán province. This being admitted it
follows that the Sammas were one of the numerous tribes that entered
India during the existence of the Turkish empire in Transoxiana
(A.D. 560-c. 750). In this connection it is noteworthy that some of
the Jáms bore such Turkish names as Tamáchi, Tughlik, and Sanjár.
The migration of the Sammas to Kacch is ascribed by the Taríkh-i-Tahiri
(A.D. 1621) to the tyranny of the Súmra chiefs. The Sammas found
Kacch in the possession of the Cháwaras, who treated them kindly,
and whom they requited by seizing the fort of Gúntrí by a stratagem
similar to that which brought about the fall of Girnár.
The date of the Chúdásamá settlement at Vanthalí is usually fixed
on traditional evidence, at about A.D. 875, but there is reason to
think that this date is rather too early. In the first place it
is worthy of notice that Chúdáchandra, the traditional eponym of
the family, is in the Tuhfat-ul-Kirám made a son of Jádam (Yádava)
and only a great-grandson of Krishna himself, a fact which suggests
that, if not entirely mythical, he was at all events a very distant
ancestor of Múlarája's opponent Grahári, and was not an actual ruler of
Vanthalí. As regards Grahári's father Visvavaráha and his grandfather
Múlarája, there is no reason to doubt that they were real persons,
although it is very questionable whether the Chúdásamás were settled
in Káthiáváda in their time. In the first place, the Morbí grant
of Jáikadeva shows that the Jethvás had not been driven southwards
before A.D. 907. Secondly Dharanívaráha's Vadhván grant proves that the
Chápa family of Bhínmál were still supreme in Káthiáváda in A.D. 914:
whereas the Taríkh-i-Tahiri's account of the Chúdásamá conquest
of Kacch implies that the Cháwaras, who must be identified with
the Chápas of Bhínmál, were losing their power when the Chúdásamás
captured Gúntrí, an event which must have preceded the settlement
at Vanthalí in Káthiáváda. Beyond the fact that Múlarája Solanki
transferred the capital to Anahilaváda in A.D. 942, we know nothing
of the events which led to the break-up of the Bhínmál empire. But
it is reasonable to suppose that between A.D. 920 and 940 the Chápas
gradually lost ground and the Chúdásamás were able first to conquer
Sindh and then to settle in Káthiáváda.--A. M. T. J.]
[Káthiáváda contains three peculiar and associated classes of Hindus,
the Mers, the Jethvás, and the Jhálás. The Mers and the Jethvás stand
to each other in the relation of vassal and lord. The Jhálás are
connected with the Jethvás by origin history and alliance. The bond
of union between the three classes is not only that they seem to be of
foreign that is of non-Hindu origin, but whether or not they belong to
the same swarm of northern invaders, that they all apparently entered
Káthiáváda either by land or sea through Sindh and Kacch. So far
as record or tradition remains the Mers and [The Jethvás.] Jethvás
reached Káthiáváda in the latter half of the fifth century after
Christ, and the Jhálás, and perhaps a second detachment of Mers and
Jethvás, some three hundred years later. [464] The three tribes differ
widely in numbers and in distribution. The ruling Jethvás are a small
group found solely in south-west Káthiáváda. [465] The Jhálás, who
are also known as Makvánas, are a much larger clan. They not only
fill north-east Káthiáváda, but from Káthiáváda, about A.D. 1500,
spread to Rájputána and have there established a second Jháláváda,
[466] where, in reward for their devotion to the Sesodia Rája of
Mewád in his struggles with the Emperor Akbar (A.D. 1580-1600), the
chief was given a daughter of the Udepur family and raised to a high
position among Rájputs. [467] The Mers are a numerous and widespread
race. They seem to be the sixth to tenth century Medhs, Meds, Mands,
or Mins of Baluchistán, South-Sindh, Kacch, and Káthiáváda. [468]
Further they seem to be the Mers of Meváda or Medapatha in Rájputána
[469] and of Mairváda in Málava, [470] and also to be the Musalmán Meos
and Minas of Northern India. [471] In Gujarát their strength is much
greater than the 30,000 or 40,000 returned as [The Mers.] Mers. One
branch of the tribe is hidden under the name Koli; another has
disappeared below the covering of Islám. [472]
Formerly except the vague contention that the Medhás, Jhetvás, and
Jhála-Makvánás were northerners of somewhat recent arrival little
evidence was available either to fix the date of their appearance in
Káthiáváda or to determine to which of the many swarms of non-Hindu
Northerners they belonged. [473] This point Dr. Bhagvánlál's remarks
in the text go far to clear. The chief step is the identification of
the Mers with the Maitrakas, the ruling power in Káthiáváda between
the decline of the Guptas about A.D. 470 and the establishment of
Valabhi rule about sixty years later. And further that they fought
at the same time against the same Hindu rulers and that both are
described as foreigners and northerners favours the identification
of the [White Húnas.] power of the Maitrakas with the North Indian
empire of the Epthalites, Yethas, or White Húnas. [474]
Though the sameness in name between the Mihiras and Mihirakula
(A.D. 508-530), the great Indian champion of the White Húnas, may
not imply sameness of tribe it points to a common sun-worship. [475]
That the Multán sun-worship was introduced under Sassanian influence
is supported by the fact (Wilson's Ariana Antiqua, 357) that the
figure of the sun on the fifth century Hindu sun coins is in the
dress of a Persian king; that the priests who performed the Multán
sun-worship were called Magas; and by the details of the dress and
ritual in the account of the introduction of sun-worship given in
the Bhavishya Purána. [476] That the Meyds or Mands had some share in
its introduction is supported by the fact that the Purána names the
third or Sudra class of the sun-worshippers Mandagas. [477] That the
Meyds were associated with the Magas is shown by the mention of the
Magas as Mihiragas. [478] The third class whom the Bhavishya Purána
associates with the introduction of sun-worship are the Mânas who
are given a place between the Magas and the Mands. The association
of the Mânas with the Mihiras or Maitrakas suggests that Mâna is
Mauna a Puránic name for the White Húnas. [479] That the Multán sun
idol of the sixth and seventh centuries was a Húna idol and Multán
the capital of a Húna dynasty seems in agreement with the paramount
position of the Rais of Alor or Rori in the sixth century. Though
their defeat by Yesodharmman of Málwa about A.D. 540 at the battle
of Karur, sixty miles east of Multán, may have ended Húna supremacy
in north and north-west India it does not follow that authority at
once forsook the Húnas. Their widespread and unchallenged dominion
in North India, the absence of record of any reverse later than the
Karur defeat, the hopelessness of any attempt to pass out of India in
the face of the combined Turk and Sassanian forces make it probable
that the Húnas and their associated tribes, adopting Hinduism and
abandoning their claim to supremacy, settled in west and north-west
India. This view finds support in the leading place which the Húnas
and Hára-Húnas, the Maitrakas or Mers, and the Gurjjaras hold in the
centuries that follow the overthrow of the White Húna empire. According
to one rendering of Cosmas [480] (A.D. 525) the chief of Orrhotha or
Sorath in common with several other coast rulers owed allegiance to
Gollas, apparently, as is suggested at page 75 of the text, to Gulla
or Mihirgulla the Indian Emperor of the White Húnas. These details
support the view that the Maitrakas, Mihiras, or Mers who in Cosmas'
time were in power in Káthiáváda, and to whose ascendancy during the
seventh and eighth centuries both the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang
(A.D. 612-640) and the Arab historians of Sindh bear witness, were a
portion of the great White Húna invasion (A.D. 480-530). [481] In the
many recorded swarmings south from Central Asia into Persia and India
no feature is commoner than the leading of the conquered by certain
families of the conquering tribe. Chinese authorities place it beyond
doubt that when, towards the middle of the fifth century A.D., the
White Húnas crossed the Oxus they found in power a cognate tribe of
northerners whose date of settlement on the Indian frontier was less
than a century old. This preceding swarm was the Yuán-Yuán, Var-Var,
or Avár, who, about the close of the fourth century (A.D. 380), had
driven from Balkh southwards into the Kábul valley Kitolo the last
ruler of the long established Yuetchi (B.C. 50-A.D. 380). [482] It
is known that in retreating before the Yuán-Yuán a division of the
Baktrian Yuetchi, under the leadership of Kitolo's son, under the
name of the Kidáras or Little Yuetchi, established their power in
Gandhára and Pesháwar. [483] This Kidára invasion must have driven a
certain share of the people of the Kábul valley to the east of the
Indus. The invasion of the White Húnas a century later, who were
welcomed as allies by some of the Panjáb chiefs, [484] would cause
fresh movements among the frontier tribes. The welcome given to the
Húnas, and the show and dash which marked their century of ascendancy
in India and Persia, make it probable that as leaders they conducted
south as far as Káthiáváda and Málava large bodies of the earlier
northern settlers. To which of the waves of earlier northerners the
Medhs belonged is doubtful. [485] The view held by Pandit Bhagvánlál
that one branch of the Medhs entered India in the first century before
Christ among the tribes of which the great Yuechi were the chief is on
the whole in agreement with General Cunningham's argument that Medus
Hydaspes, Virgil's phrase for the Jhelum, proves that the Medhs were
then (B.C. 40) already settled on its banks. [486]
Dr. Bhagvánlál's view that the Jethvás are Medhs ennobled by long
overlordship is somewhat doubtfully shared by Colonel Watson [487]
and is not inconsistent with Tod's opinions. [488] Still though the
Hindu ruler-worship, which, as in the case of the Marátha Siváji,
explains the raising to the twice-born of leaders of successful early
and foreign tribes makes it possible that the Jethvás were originally
Mers, it seems on the whole probable that the Jethvás' claim to an
origin distinct from the Mers is well founded. The evidence recorded
by Colonel Tod and the name Jethva led the late Dr. John Wilson to
trace the Jethvás to the Játs or Jits. [489] According to the bards
the name of the Káthiáváda tribe Jethva is derived from Jetha No. 85
or No. 95 of the Porbandar list, who was probably so called because he
was born under the Jyeshtha constellation. [490] The common practice of
explaining a tribal name by inventing some name-giving chief deprives
this derivation of most of its probability. [491] In the present case
it may further be noticed that the name Jethi is borne by two of the
chiefs earlier than the Jetha referred to. [492] In the absence of
any satisfactory explanation the name Jethva suggests an origin in
Yetha the shortened Chinese form of Ye-ta-i-li-to or Ephthalite the
name of the ruling class of the White Húnas. [493] It is true that so
good an authority as Specht [494] holds that the shortened form Yetha
is peculiar to the Chinese and was never in use. But the form Tetal
or Haital, adopted by Armenian Musalmán and Byzantine historians,
[495] makes probable an Indian Yethál or Jethál if not a Yetha or
Jetha. Nor does there seem any reason why Yetha the Chinese form
of the word should not be more likely to be adopted in India than
the western and otherwise less correct form Tetal or Haithal. In
any case the irregular change from a correct Yethál to an incorrect
Yetha cannot be considered of much importance, if, as seems likely,
the change was made in order to give the word an Indian meaning. [496]
The v in Jethva would come to be added when the origin from a chief
named Jetha was accepted.
[Jhálás.] Another name for the White Húnas, or for a section of the
White Húna swarm, is preserved by Cosmas [497] in the form Juvia. This
form, if it is not a misreading for Ounia or Húna, suggests Jáuvla
the recently identified name of the tribe ennobled in India by the
great Toramána (A.D. 450-500) and his son Mihirakula (A.D. 500-540),
and of which a trace seems to remain in the Jáwla and Jháwla divisions
of Panjáb Gujjars. [498] This Jáuvla, under such a fire baptism as
would admit the holders of the name among Hindus, might be turned into
Jvála flaming and Jvála be shortened to Jhála. That Jhála was formerly
punningly connected with flame is shewn by a line from the bard Chand,
'The lord of the Ránás the powerful Jhála like a flaming fire.' [499]
That the Káthiáváda bards were either puzzled by the name Jhála or
were unwilling to admit its foreign origin is shewn by the story
preserved in the Rás Málá, [500] that the tribe got the name because
the children of Hirpál Makvána, about to be crushed by an elephant,
were snatched away jhála by their witch-mother. It has been noticed
in the text that the break in Gujarát History between A.D. 480 and
520, agreeing with the term of Húna supremacy in North India, seems
to imply a similar supremacy in Gujarát. The facts that up to the
twelfth century Húnas held a leading place in Gujarát chronicles,
[501] and that while in Rájputána and other parts of Northern India
the traces of Huns are fairly widespread in Gujarát they have almost
if not altogether disappeared, support the view that the Húna strain
in Káthiáváda is hid under the names Mera, Jethva, and Jhála. [502]
PART II.
THE KINGDOM OF ANAHILAVÁDA.
A.D. 720-1300.
CHAPTER I.
THE CHÁVADÁS
(A.D. 720-956.)
The history embodied in the preceding chapters is more or less
fragmentary, pieced together from coins, stone and copperplate
inscriptions, local traditions, and other similar sources. A history
based on such materials alone must of necessity be imperfect, leaving
blanks which it may be hoped fresh details will gradually fill.
The rise of the Anahilaváda kingdom (A.D. 720) marks a new period of
Gujarát history regarding which materials are available from formal
historical writings. [503] Though this section of Gujarát history
begins with the establishment of Anahilaváda by the Chávadás
(A.D. 720-956) the details for the earlier portions are very
imperfect being written during the time of the Chálukya or Solanki
(A.D. 957-1242) successors of the Chávadás. The chief sources
of information regarding the earlier period of Chávadá rule are
the opening chapters of the Prabandhachintámani, Vichárasreni,
Sukritasankírtana, and Ratnamálá. [504]
[Pañchásar, A.D. 788.] Before the establishment of Anahilaváda a small
Chávadá chiefship centred at Pañchásar, now a fair-sized village in
Vadhiár between Gujarát and Kacch. [505] The existence of a Chávadá
chiefship at Pañchásar is proved by the Navsárí grant dated Samvat 490
(A.D. 788-89) of the Gujarát Chálukya king Pulikesí Janásraya. This
grant in recording the triumphant progress of an army of Tájikas or
Arabs from Sindh to Navsárí and mentioning the kingdoms "afflicted"
by the Arabs, names the Chávotakas next after the kings of Kacch and
Sauráshtra. These Chávotakas can be no other than the Chávadás of
Pañchásar on the borders of Kacch. The Chávadás of Pañchásar do not
appear to have been important rulers. At the most they seem to have
held Vadhiár and part of the north coast of Káthiáváda. Whatever be
the origin of the name Chávadá, which was afterwards Sanskritised
into the highsounding Chápotkata or Strongbow, it does not seem to
be the name of any great dynasty. The name very closely resembles the
Gujaráti Chor (Prakrit Chautá or Choratá) meaning thieves or robbers;
and Jávadá, which is a further corruption of Chávadá, is the word now
in use in those parts for a thief or robber. Except the mention of
the Chávotakas in the Navsárí copperplate we do not find the Chávadás
noticed in any known cotemporary Gujarát copperplates. For this reason
it seems fair to regard them as unimportant rulers over a territory
extending from Pañchásar to Anahilaváda.
[Jayasekhara, A.D. 696.] The author of the Ratnamálá (C. 1230
A.D.) says that in A.D. 696 (S. 752) Jayasekhara the Chávadá king of
Pañchásar was attacked by the Chaulukya king Bhuvada of Kalyánakataka
in Kanyákubja or Kanoj and slain by Bhuvada in battle. Before his
death Jayasekhara, finding his affairs hopeless, sent his pregnant
wife Rupasundarí to the forest in charge of her brother Surapála,
one of his chief warriors. After Jayasekhara's death Rupasundarí
gave birth to a son named Vanarája who became the illustrious
founder of Anahilaváda. It is hard to say how much truth underlies
this tradition. In the seventh century not Chaulukya but Pála kings
flourished in Kanoj. No place of importance called Kalyánakataka is
recorded in the Kanoj territory. And though there was a southern
Chálukya kingdom with its capital at Kalyán, its establishment
at Kalyán was about the middle of the eleventh not in the seventh
century. Further the known Dakhan Chálukya lists contain no king
named Bhuvada, unless he be the great Chálukya king Vijayáditya
(A.D. 696-733) also called Bhuvanásraya, who warred in the north and
was there imprisoned but made his escape. The inference is that the
author of the Ratnamálá, knowing the Solankis originally belonged to
a city called Kalyán, and knowing that a Chálukya king named Bhuvada
had defeated the Chávadás may have called Bhuvada king of Kalyánkataka
and identified Kalyánkataka with a country so well known to Puránic
fame as Kanyákubja. This view is supported by the absence in the
Prabandhachintámani and other old records of any mention of an invasion
from Kanoj. It is possible that in A.D. 696 some king Bhuvada of the
Gujarát Chálukyas, of whom at this time branches were ruling as far
north as Kaira, [506] invaded the Chávadás under Jayasekhara. Since
traces of a Chávotaka kingdom remain, at least as late as A.D. 720,
it seems probable that the destruction of Pañchásar was caused not by
Bhuvada in A.D. 696, but in the Arab raid mentioned above whose date
falls about A.D. 720. [507] About A.D. 720 may therefore be taken
as the date of the birth of Vanarája. Merutunga the author of the
Prabandhachintámani tells how Rupasundarí was living in the forest
swinging her son in a hammock, when a Jain priest named Sílagunasúri
noticing as he passed royal marks on the boy bought him from his
mother. The story adds that a nun named Víramatí brought up the boy
whom the sádhu called Vanarája or the forest king. When eight years
old, the priest employed Vanarája to protect his place of worship
from rats. The boy's skill in shooting rats convinced the priest he
was not fit to be a sádhu but was worthy of a kingdom. He therefore
returned the boy to his mother. These details seem invented by the
Jains in their own honour. No mention of any such story occurs in
the Ratnamálá. [508]
[Vanarája, A.D. 720-780 (?).] In the forests where Vanarája passed
his youth lived his maternal uncle Surapála, one of Jayasekhara's
generals, who, after his sovereign's defeat and death, had
become an outlaw. Vanarája grew up under Surapála's charge. The
Prabandhachintámani records the following story of the origin of
Vanarája's wealth. A Kanyákubja king married Mahánaká the daughter
of a Gujarát king. To receive the proceeds of the marriage cess
which the Gujarát king had levied from his subjects, a deputation
or panchkúla came from Kanyákubja to Gujarát. The deputation made
Vanarája their leader or sellabhrit to realize the proceeds of the
cess. In six months Vanarája collected 24 lákhs of Páruttha drammas
[509] and 4000 horse, which the deputation took and started for
Kanyákubja. Vanarája waylaid and killed them, secured the money
and horses, and remained in hiding for a year. With the wealth thus
acquired Vanarája enrolled an army and established his power assuming
the title of king. [Founding of Anahilaváda, A.D. 746-765.] He fixed
the site of a capital which afterwards rose to be the great city of
Anahilapura. The story of the choice of the site is the usual story
of a hunted hare turning on the hounds showing the place to be the
special nurse of strength and courage. Vanarája is said to have asked
a Bharvád or Shepherd named Anahila son of Sákhadá to show him the
best site. Anahila agreed on condition that the city should be called
by his name. Anahila accordingly showed Vanarája the place where a
hare had attacked and chased a dog. Though much in this tradition is
fabulous the city may have been called after some local chief since
it was popularly known as Anahilaváda (Sk. Anahilaváta) that is the
place of Anahila. In the Prabandhachintámani Merutunga gives A.D. 746
(S. 802) as the date of the installation of Vanarája, while in his
Vichárasreni the same author gives A.D. 765 (S. 821 Vaisakha Sukla
2) as the date of the foundation of the city. The discrepancy may
be explained by taking A.D. 746 (S. 802) to refer to the date of
Vanarája's getting money enough to fix the site of his capital, and
A.D. 765 (S. 821) to refer to the date of his installation in the
completed Anahilaváda. Local tradition connects the date A.D. 746
(S. 802) with an image of Ganpati which is said to be as old as
the establishment of the city and to bear the date 802. But as the
letters of the inscription on the image can be made out by ordinary
readers they cannot have been inscribed at nearly so early a date as
802. A.D. 765 (S. 821), the year given in the Vichárasreni, seems the
more probable date for the installation as the Prabandhachintámani
says that Vanarája got himself installed at Anahilapura when he
was about fifty. [510] This accords with the date fixed on other
grounds. Placing Vanarája's birth at about A.D. 720 would make him 44
in A.D. 765 (S. 821) the date at which according to the Vichárasreni
he was formally installed as sovereign of Anahilaváda. Merutunga in
both his works gives the length of Vanarája's life at 109 and of his
reign at sixty years. The figure 60 seems to mark the length of his
life and not of his reign. So long a reign as sixty years is barely
possible for a sovereign who succeeded late in life, and the 109
years of his life can hardly be correct. Taking Vanarája's age at
45 when he was installed in A.D. 765 (S. 821) and allowing fifteen
years more to complete the sixty years A.D. 780 (S. 836) would be
the closing year of his reign.
[Vanarája's Installation.] The Prabandhachintámani narrates
how generously Vanarája rewarded those who had helped him in his
adversity. His installation was performed by a woman named Srí Deví
of Kákara village whom in fulfilment of an early promise Vanarája
had taken to be his sister. [511] The story regarding the promise
is that once when Vanarája had gone with his uncle on a thieving
expedition to Kákara village and had broken into the house of a
merchant he by mistake dipped his hand into a pot of curds. As to
touch curds is the same as to dine at a house as a guest, Vanarája
left the house without taking anything from it. [512] Hearing what
had happened the merchant's sister invited Vanarája as a brother to
dinner and gave him clothes. In return Vanarája promised if he ever
regained his father's kingdom he should receive his installation as
king at her hands. [513] Vanarája chose as minister a Bania named
Jámba. The story is that while Vanarája was looting with two others
he came across a merchant Jámba who had five arrows. Seeing only
three enemies, Jámba broke and threw away two of the arrows, shouting
'One for each of you.' Vanarája admiring his coolness persuaded Jámba
to join his band and found him so useful that he promised to make
him minister. From the absence of any reference to him in these and
similar tales it is probable that his uncle Surapála died before the
installing of Vanarája. Vanarája is said to have built at Anahilváda
a Jain temple of Pañchásará Párasnáth so called because the image was
brought from the old settlement of Pañchásar. Mention of this temple
continues during the Solanki and Vághelá times.
[His Image.] Vanarája is said to have placed a bowing image of himself
facing the image of Párasnáth. The figure of Vanarája is still shown
at Sidhpur and a woodcut of it is given by the late Mr. Forbes in
his Rás Málá. It is clearly the figure of a king with the umbrella of
state and a nimbus round the head and in the ears the long ornaments
called kundalas noticed by Arab travellers as characteristic of the
Balhara or Ráshtrakúta kings who were cotemporary with Vanarája. [514]
The king wears a long beard, a short waistcloth or dhoti, a waistband
or kammarband, and a shoulder garment or uparna whose ends hang down
the back. Besides the earrings he is adorned with bracelets armlets
and anklets and a large ornament hangs across the chest from the left
shoulder to the right hip. The right hand is held near the chest in
the act of granting protection: and the left hand holds something
which cannot be made out. By his side is the umbrella-bearer and five
other attendants. The statue closely resembles the lifesize figure of
a king of the Solanki period lying in the yard of a temple at Máliá
about twenty-four miles north of Somanátha Patan. At Somanátha Patan
are similar but less rich cotemporary figures of local officers
of the Solankis. Another similar figure of which only the torso
remains is the statue of Anrája the father of Vastupála in a niche
in Vastupála's temple at Girnár. The details of this figure belong
to the Solanki period.
[Vanarája's Successors, A.D. 780-961.] The lists of Vanarája's
successors vary so greatly in the names, in the order of succession,
and in the lengths of reigns, that little trust can be placed in
them. The first three agree in giving a duration of 196 years to the
Chávadá dynasty after the accession of Vanarája. The accession of the
Solanki founder Múlarája is given in the Vichárasreni at Samvat 1017
and in the Prabandhachintámani at Samvat 998 corresponding with the
original difference of nineteen years (S. 802 and 821) in the founding
of the city. This shows that though the total duration of the dynasty
was traditionally known to be 196 years the order of succession was
not known and guesses were made as to the duration of the different
reigns. Certain dates fixed by inscriptions or otherwise known to
some compilers and not known to others caused many discrepancies in
the various accounts.
[Yogarája, A.D. 806-841.] According to the calculations given above
Vanarája's reign lasted to about A.D. 780. Authorities agree that
Vanarája was succeeded by his son Yogarája. The length of Yogarája's
reign is given as thirty-five years by the Prabandhachintámani and the
Ratnamálá, and as twenty-nine by the Vichárasreni. That is according
to the Prabandhachintámani and Ratnamálá his reign closes in A.D. 841
(S. 897) and according to the Vichárasreni in A.D. 836 (S. 891). On
the whole the Prabandhachintámani date A.D. 841 (S. 897) seems the more
probable. The author of the Vichárasreni may have mistaken the 7 of the
manuscripts for a 1, the two figures in the manuscripts of that date
being closely alike. If A.D. 780 is taken as the close of Vanarája's
reign and A.D. 806 as the beginning of Yogarája's reign an interval
of twenty-six years is left. This blank, which perhaps accounts for
the improbably long reign and life assigned to Vanarája, may have been
filled by the forgotten reign of a childless elder brother of Yogarája.
Of Yogarája the Prabandhachintámani tells the following
tale. Kshemarája one of Yogarája's three sons reported that several
ships were storm-stayed at Prabhása or Somanátha. The ships had 10,000
horses, many elephants, and millions of money and treasure. Kshemarája
prayed that he might seize the treasure. Yogarája forbad him. In spite
of their father's orders the sons seized the treasure and brought it
to the king. Yogarája said nothing. And when the people asked him why
he was silent he answered: To say I approve would be a sin; to say I
do not approve would annoy you. Hitherto on account of an ancestor's
misdeeds we have been laughed at as a nation of thieves. Our name was
improving and we were rising to the rank of true kings. This act of
my sons has renewed the old stain. Yogarája would not be comforted
and mounted the funeral pyre.
[Kshemarája, A.D. 841-880.] According to the Prabandhachintámani in
A.D. 841 (S. 898) Yogarája was succeeded by his son Kshemarája. The
Vichárasreni says that Yogarája was succeeded by Ratnáditya who reigned
three years, and he by Vairisimha who reigned eleven years. Then
came Kshemarája who is mentioned as the son of Yogarája and as coming
to the throne in A.D. 849 (S. 905). The relationship of Yogarája to
Ratnáditya and Vairisimha is not given. Probably both were sons of
Yogarája as the Prabandhachintámani mentions that Yogarája had three
sons. The duration of Kshemarája's reign is given as thirty-nine
years. It is probable that the reigns of the three brothers lasted
altogether for thirty-nine years, fourteen years for the two elder
brothers and twenty-five years for Kshemarája the period mentioned by
the Prabandhachintámani. Accepting this chronology A.D. 880 (S. 936)
will be the date of the close of Kshemarája's reign.
[Chámunda, A.D. 880-908.] According to the Vichárasreni and the
Sukritasankírtana Kshemarája was succeeded by his son Chámunda. Instead
of Chámunda the Prabandhachintámani mentions Bhúyada perhaps another
name of Chámunda, as in the Prabandhachintámani the name Chámunda
does not occur. The Prabandhachintámani notes that Bhúyada reigned
twenty-nine years and built in Anahilaváda Patan the temple of
Bhúyadeshvar. The Vichárasreni gives twenty-seven years as the length
of Chámunda's reign an insignificant difference of two years. This
gives A.D. 908 (S. 964) as the close of Chámunda's reign according
to the Vichárasreni.
[Ghaghada, A.D. 908-937.] After Bhúyada the Prabandhachintámani
places Vairisimha and Ratnáditya assigning twenty-five and fifteen
years as the reigns of each. The Vichárasreni mentions as the
successor of Chámunda his son Ghaghada who is called Ráhada in the
Sukritasankírtana. Instead of Ghaghada the Prabandhachintámani gives
Sámantasimha or Lion Chieftain perhaps a title of Ghághada's. The
Vichárasreni gives Ghaghada a reign of twenty-seven years and mentions
as his successor an unnamed son who reigned nineteen years. The
Sukritasankírtana gives the name of this son as Bhúbhata. According
to these calculations the close of Ghághada's reign would be A.D. 936
(Samvat 965 + 27 = 992). Adding nineteen years for Bhúbhata's reign
brings the date of the end of the dynasty to A.D. 956 (Samvat 993 + 19
= 1012) that is five years earlier than S. 1017 the date given by the
Vichárasreni. Until some evidence to the contrary is shown Merutunga's
date A.D. 961 (S. 821 + 196 = 1017) may be taken as correct.
According to the above the Chávadá genealogy stands as follows:
Vanarája, born A.D. 720; succeeded A.D. 765; died A.D. 780.
|
Interval of twenty-six years.
|
Yogarája, A.D. 806-841.
|
-----------------------+--------------------
| | |
Ratnáditya, Vairisimha, Kshemarája,
A.D. 842. A.D. 845. A.D. 856.
|
Chámunda or Bhúyada (?),
A.D. 881.
|
Ghághada or Ráhada,
A.D. 908.
|
Name Unknown,
A.D. 937-961.
[The period of Chávadá rule at Anahilaváda is likely to remain obscure
until the discovery of cotemporary inscriptions throws more light upon
it than can be gathered from the confused and contradictory legends
collected by the Solanki historians, none of whom are older than the
twelfth century. For the present a few points only can be regarded
as established:
(i) The Chávadás, Chávotakas, or Chápotkatas, are connected with
the Chápas of Bhínmál and of Vadhván and are therefore of Gurjjara
race. (Compare Ind. Ant. XVII. 192.)
(ii) They probably were never more than feudatories of the Bhínmál
kings.
(iii) Though the legend places the fall of Pañchásar in A.D. 696
and the foundation of Anahilaváda in A.D. 746, the grant of Pulakesi
Janásraya shows that a Chávadá (Chávotaka) kingdom existed in A.D. 728.
As regards the chronology of the dynasty, the explanation of the
long life of 110 years ascribed to Vanarája may be that a grandson
of the same name succeeded the founder of the family. The name
of Chámunda has, as Dr. Bühler long ago pointed out, crept in
through some error from the Solanki list. But when the same author
in two different works gives such contradictory lists and dates as
Merutunga does in his Prabandhachintámani and his Vichárasreni, it
is clearly useless to attempt to extract a consistent story from the
chroniclers.--A. M. T. J.]
CHAPTER II.
THE CHAULUKYAS OR SOLANKIS
(A.D. 961-1242)
[Authorities.] The next rulers are the Chaulukyas or Solankis
(A.D. 964-1242) whose conversion to Jainism has secured them careful
record by Jain chroniclers. The earliest writer on the Solankis,
the learned Jain priest Hemachandra (A.D. 1089-1173), in his work
called the Dvyásraya, has given a fairly full and correct account
of the dynasty up to Siddharája (A.D. 1143). The work is said to
have been begun by Hemachandra about A.D. 1160, and to have been
finished and revised by another Jain monk named Abhayatilakagani
in A.D. 1255. [515] The last chapter which is in Prakrit deals
solely with king Kumárapála. This work is a grammar rather than a
chronicle, still, though it has little reference to dates, it is a
good collection of tales and descriptions. For chronology the best
guide is the Vichárasreni which its author has taken pains to make the
chief authority in dates. The Vichárasreni was written by Merutunga
about A.D. 1314, some time after he wrote the Prabandhachintámani.
[The Name Chaulukya.] According to the Vichárasreni after the Chávadás,
in A.D. 961 (Vaishakh Suddha 1017), began the reign of Múlarája the
son of a daughter of the last Chávadá ruler. The name Chaulukya is a
Sanskritised form, through an earlier form Chálukya, of the old names
Chalkya, Chalikya, Chirîkya, Chálukya of the great Dakhan dynasty
(A.D. 552-973), made to harmonise with the Puránic-looking story
that the founder of the dynasty sprang from the palm or chuluka of
Brahma. The form Chaulukya seems to have been confined to authors
and writers. It was used by the great Dakhan poet Bilhana (c. 1050
A.D.) and by the Anahilaváda chroniclers. In Gujarát the popular
form of the word seems to have been Solaki or Solanki (a dialectic
variant of Chalukya), a name till lately used by Gujarát bards. The
sameness of name seems to show the Dakhan and Gujarát dynasties to
be branches of one stock. No materials are available to trace the
original seat of the family or to show when and whence they came to
Gujarát. The balance of probability is, as Dr. Bühler holds, that
Múlarája's ancestors came from the north. [516]
[Múlarája, A.D. 961-996.] The Sukritasankírtana says that the last
Chávadá king Bhúbhata was succeeded by his sister's son Múlarája. Of
the family or country of Múlarája's father no details are given. The
Prabandhachintámani calls Múlarája the sister's son of Sámantasimha and
gives the following details. In A.D. 930 of the family of Bhuiyada (who
destroyed Jayasekhara) were three brothers Ráji, Bija, and Dandaka,
who stopped at Anahilaváda on their way back from a pilgrimage to
Somanátha in the guise of Kárpatika or Kápdi beggars. The three
brothers attended a cavalry parade held by king Sámantasimha. An
objection taken by Ráji to some of the cavalry movements pleased
Sámantasimha, who, taking him to be the scion of some noble family,
gave him his sister Líládeví in marriage. Líládeví died pregnant
and the child, which was taken alive from its dead mother's womb was
called Múlarája, because the operation was performed when the Múla
constellation was in power. Múlarája grew into an able and popular
prince and helped to extend the kingdom of his maternal uncle. In
a fit of intoxication Sámantasimha ordered Múlarája to be placed on
the throne. He afterwards cancelled the grant. But Múlarája contended
that a king once installed could not be degraded. He collected troops
defeated and slew his uncle and succeeded to the throne in A.D. 942
(S. 998). The main facts of this tale, that Múlarája's father was one
Ráji of the Chálukya family, that his mother was a Chávadá. princess,
and that he came to the Chávadá throne by killing his maternal uncle,
appear to be true. That Múlarája's father's name was Ráji is proved by
Dr. Bühler's copperplate of Múlarája. [517] Merutunga's details that
Ráji came in disguise to Anahilaváda, took the fancy of Sámantasimha,
and received his sister in marriage seem fictions in the style common
in the bardic praises of Rájput princes. Dr. Bühler's copperplate
further disproves the story as it calls Múlarája the son of the
illustrious Ráji, the great king of kings Mahárájádhirája, a title
which would not be given to a wandering prince. Ráji appears to have
been of almost equal rank with the Chávadás. The Ratnamálá calls Ráji
fifth in descent from Bhuvada, his four predecessors being Karnáditya,
Chándráditya, Somáditya, and Bhuvanáditya. But the Ratnamálá list is on
the face of it wrong, as it gives five instead of seven or eight kings
to fill the space of over 200 years between Jayasekhara and Múlarája.
Most Jain chroniclers begin the history of Anahilaváda with Múlarája
who with the Jains is the glory of the dynasty. After taking the
small Chávadá kingdom Múlarája spread his power in all directions,
overrunning Káthiáváda and Kacch on the west, and fighting Bárappa
of Láta or South Gujarát on the south, and Vigraharája king of Ajmir
on the north. The Ajmir kings were called Sapádalaksha. Why they were
so called is not known. This much is certain that Sapádalaksha is the
Sanskrit form of the modern Sewálik. It would seem that the Choháns,
whom the Gujarát Jain chroniclers call Sapádalakshíya, must have
come to Gujarát from the Sewálik hills. After leaving the Sewálik
hills the capital was at Ajmir, which is usually said to have been
first fortified by the Chohán king Ajayapála (A.D. 1174-1177). [518]
This story seems invented by the Choháns. The name Ajmir appears to
be derived from the Mehrs who were in power in these parts between
the fifth and the eighth centuries. The Hammíramahákávya begins the
Chohán genealogy with Vásudeva (A.D. 780) and states that Vásudeva's
fourth successor Ajayapála established the hill fort of Ajmir. About
this time (A.D. 840) the Choháns seem to have made settlements in the
Ajmir country and to have harassed Gujarát. Vigraharája the tenth in
succession from Vásudeva is described as killing Múlarája and weakening
the Gurjjara country. [519] The author of the Prabandhachintámani gives
the following details. The Sapádalaksha or Ajmir king entered Gujarát
to attack Múlarája and at the same time from the south Múlarája's
territory was invaded by Bárappa a general of king Tailapa of
Telingána. [520] Unable to face both enemies Múlarája at his minister's
advice retired to Kanthádurga apparently Kanthkot in Cutch. [521]
He remained there till the Navarátra or Nine-Night festival at the
close of the rains when he expected the Sapádalaksha king would have
to return to Ajmir to worship the goddess Sákambharí when Bárappa
would be left alone. At the close of the rains the Sapádalaksha
king fixed his camp near a place called Sákambharí and bringing the
goddess Sákambharí there held the Nine-Night festival. This device
disappointed Múlarája. He sent for his sámantas or nobles and gave
them presents. He told them his plans and called on them to support
him in attacking the Sapádalaksha king. Múlarája then mounted a female
elephant with no attendant but the driver and in the evening came
suddenly to the Ajmir camp. He dismounted and holding a drawn sword
in his hand said to the doorkeeper 'What is your king doing. Go and
tell your lord that Múlarája waits at his door.' While the attendant
was on his way to give the message, Múlarája pushed him on one side
and himself went into the presence. The doorkeeper called 'Here comes
Múlarája.' Before he could be stopped Múlarája forced his way in and
took his seat on the throne. The Ajmir king in consternation asked
'Are you Múlarája?' Múlarája answered 'I would regard him as a brave
king who would meet me face to face in battle. While I was thinking
no such brave enemy exists, you have arrived. I ask no better fortune
than to fight with you. But as soon as you are come, like a bee falling
in at dinner time, Bárappa the general of king Tailapa of Telingana
has arrived to attack me. While I am punishing him you should keep
quiet and not give me a side blow.' The Ajmir king said, 'Though you
are a king, you have come here alone like a foot soldier, not caring
for your safety. I will be your ally for life.' Múlarája replied
'Say not so.' He refused the Rája's invitation to dine, and leaving
sword in hand mounted his elephant and with his nobles attacked the
camp of Bárappa. Bárappa was killed and eighteen of his elephants and
10,000 of his horses fell into Múlarája's hands. While returning with
the spoil Múlarája received news that the Sapádalaksha king had fled.
This story of the author of the Prabandhachintámani differs from
that given by the author of the Hammírakávya who describes Múlarája
as defeated and slain. The truth seems to be that the Ajmír king
defeated Múlarája and on Múlarája's submission did not press his
advantage. In these circumstances Múlarája's victory over Bárappa
seems improbable. The Dvyásraya devotes seventy-five verses (27-101)
of its sixth chapter to the contest between Bárappa and Múlarája. The
details may be thus summarised. Once when Múlarája received presents
from various Indian kings Dvárappa [522] king of Látadesa sent an
ill-omened elephant. The marks being examined by royal officers and
by prince Chámunda, they decided the elephant would bring destruction
on the king who kept him. The elephant was sent back in disgrace
and Múlarája and his son started with an army to attack Látadesa and
avenge the insult. In his march Múlarája first came to the Svabhravatí
or Sábarmatí which formed the boundary of his kingdom, frightening
the people. From the Sábarmatí he advanced to the ancient Purí [523]
where also the people became confused. The Láta king prepared for
fight, and was slain by Chámunda in single combat. Múlarája advanced
to Broach where Bárappa who was assisted by the island kings opposed
him. Chámunda overcame them and slew Bárappa. After this success
Múlarája and Chámunda returned to Anahilapura. [524]
The Dvyásraya styles Bárappa king of Látadesa; the Prabandhachintámani
calls him a general of Tailapa king of Telingána; the Sukritasankírtana
a general of the Kanyákubja king; and the Kírtikaumudí [525] a general
of the Lord of Láta.
Other evidence proves that at the time of Múlarája a Chaulukya king
named Bárappa did reign in Látadesa. The Surat grant of Kírtirája
grandson of Bárappa is dated A.D. 1018 (Saka 940). This, taking twenty
years to a king, brings Bárappa's date to A.D. 978 (Saka 900), a year
which falls in the reign of Múlarája (A.D. 961-996; S. 1027-1053). The
statement in the Prabandhachintámani that Bárappa was a general of
Tailapa seems correct. The southern form of the name Bárappa supports
the statement. And as Tailapa overthrew the Ráshtrakútas in A.D. 972
(Saka 894) he might well place a general in military charge of Láta,
and allow him practical independence. This would explain why the
Dvyásraya calls Bárappa king of Látadesa and why the Kírtikaumudí
calls him general of the Lord of Láta.
One of Múlarája's earliest wars was with Graharipu the Ábhíra
or Chúdásamá ruler of Sorath. [526] According to Múlarája's
bards, the cause of war was Graharipu's oppression of pilgrims to
Prabhása. Graharipu's capital was Vámanasthalí, the modern Vanthalí
nine miles west of Junágadh, and the fort of Durgapalli which Graharipu
is said to have established must be Junágadh itself which was not
then a capital. Graharipu is described as a cow-eating Mlechha and
a grievous tyrant. He is said to have had much influence over Lákhá
son of king Phula of Kacch and to have been helped by Turks and
other Mlechhas. When Múlarája reached the Jambumáli river, he was
met by Graharipu and his army. With Graharipu was Lákhá of Kacch,
the king of Sindh probably a Sumrá, Mewás Bhilas, and the sons of
Graharipu's wife Nílí who had been summoned from near the Bhadar
river by a message in the Yavana language. [527] With Múlarája were
the kings of Siláprastha, [528] of Márwár, of Kásí, of Arbuda or Abu,
and of Srímála or Bhínmál. Múlarája had also his own younger brother
Gangámah, his friend king Revatímitra, and Bhils. It is specially
mentioned that in this expedition Múlarája received no help from
the sons of his paternal uncles Bíja and Dandaka. The fight ended in
Graharipu being made prisoner by Múlarája, and in Lákhá being slain
with a spear. After the victory Múlarája went to Prabhása, worshipped
the linga, and returned to Anahilaváda with his army and 108 elephants.
According to the author of the Prabandhachintámani Lákhá met his death
in a different contest with Múlarája. Lákhá who is described as the
son of Phuladá, and Kámalatá daughter of Kírttirája a Parmár king,
is said to have been invincible because he was under the protection
of king Yasovarman of Málwa. He defeated Múlarája's army eleven
times. In a twelfth encounter Múlarája besieged Lákhá in Kapilakot,
slew him in single combat, and trod on his flowing beard. Enraged at
this insult to her dead son Lákhá's mother called down on Múlarája's
descendants the curse of the spider poison that is of leprosy. [529]
Mr. Forbes, apparently from bardic sources, states that on his
wife's death Ráji the father of Múlarája went to the temple of
Vishnu at Dwárká. On his return he visited the court of Lákhá
Phuláni and espoused Lákhá's sister Ráyáji by whom he had a son
named Rákháich. This marriage proved the ruin of Ráji. In a dispute
about precedence Lákhá slew Ráji and many of his Rájput followers,
his wife Ráyáji becoming a Satí. Bíja the uncle of Múlarája urged his
nephew to avenge his father's death and Múlarája was further incited
against Lákhá because Lákhá harboured Rákháich the younger son of
Ráji at his court as a rival to Múlarája.
According to the Dvyásraya, either from the rising power of his son
or from repentance for his own rough acts, after Chámunda's victory
over Bárappa Múlarája installed him as ruler and devoted himself to
religion and charity. According to the Prabandhachintámani Múlarája
built in Anahilaváda a Jain temple named Múlavasatiká. But as the
Nandi symbol on his copperplate shows that Múlarája was a devoted
Saivite, it is possible that this temple was built by some Jain guild
or community and named after the reigning chief. [530] Múlarája built
a Mahádeva temple called Múlasvámi in Anahilaváda, and, in honour of
Somanátha, he built the temple of Mulesvara at Mandali-nagara where
he went at the bidding of the god. [531] He also built at Anahilaváda
a temple of Mahádeva called Tripurushaprásáda on a site to which the
tradition attaches that seeing Múlarája daily visiting the temple of
Múlanáthadeva at Mandali, Somanátha Mahádeva being greatly pleased
promised to bring the ocean to Anahilaváda. Somanátha came, and the
ocean accompanying the god certain ponds became brackish. In honour
of these salt pools Múlarája built the Tripurushaprásáda. Looking
for some one to place in charge of this temple, Múlarája heard of an
ascetic named Kanthadi at Siddhapura on the banks of the Sarasvatí
who used to fast every other day and on the intervening day lived on
five morsels of food. Múlarája offered this sage the charge of the
temple. The sage declined saying 'Authority is the surest path to
hell.' Eventually Vayajalladeva a disciple of the sage undertook the
management on certain conditions. Múlarája passed most of his days at
the holy shrine of Siddhapura, the modern Sidhpur on the Sarasvatí
about fifteen miles north-east of Anahilaváda. At Sidhpur Múlarája
made many grants to Bráhmans. Several branches of Gujarát Bráhmans,
Audíchyas Srígaudas and Kanojias, trace their origin in Gujarát to
an invitation from Múlarája to Siddhapura and the local Puránas and
Máhátmyas confirm the story. As the term Audíchya means Northerner
Múlarája may have invited Bráhmans from some such holy place as
Kurukshetra which the Audíchyas claim as their home. From Kanyákubja
in the Madhyadesa between the Ganges and the Yamuná another equally
holy place the Kanojías may have been invited. The Srí Gaudas appear
to have come from Bengal and Tirhut. Gauda and Tirhut Bráhmans are
noted Tántriks and Mantrasástris a branch of learning for which both
the people and the rulers of Gujarát have a great fondness. Grants
of villages were made to these Bráhmans. Sidhpur was given to the
Audíchyas, Simhapura or Sihor in Káthiáváda to some other colony,
and Stambhatírtha or Cambay to the Srí Gaudas. At Siddhapura
Múlarája built the famous temple called the Rudramahálaya or the
great shrine of Rudra. According to tradition Múlarája did not
complete the Rudramahálaya and Siddharája finished it. In spite
of this tradition it does not appear that Múlarája died leaving
the great temple unfinished as a copperplate of A.D. 987 (S. 1043)
records that Múlarája made the grant after worshipping the god of the
Rudramahálaya on the occasion of a solar eclipse on the fifteenth
of the dark half of Mágha. It would seem therefore that Múlarája
built one large Rudramahálaya which Siddharája may have repaired or
enlarged. Múlarája is said while still in health to have mounted the
funeral pile, an act which some writers trace to remorse and others
to unknown political reasons. The Vichárasreni gives the length of
Múlarája's reign at thirty-five years A.D. 961-996 (S. 1017-1052);
the Prabandhachintámani begins the reign at A.D. 942 (S. 998) and ends
it at A.D. 997 (S. 1053) that is a length of fifty-five years. [532]
Of the two, thirty-five years seems the more probable, as, if the
traditional accounts are correct, Múlarája can scarcely have been a
young man when he overthrew his uncle's power.
[Chámunda, A.D. 997-1010.] Of Múlarája's son and successor
Chámunda no historical information is available. The author of
the Prabandhachintámani assigns him a reign of thirteen years. The
author of the Dvyásraya says that he had three sons Vallabha Rája,
Durlabha Rája, and Nága Rája. According to one account Chámunda
installed Vallabha in A.D. 1010 (S. 1066) and went on pilgrimage to
Benares. On his passage through Málwa Muñja the Málwa king carried
off Chámunda's umbrella and other marks of royalty. [533] Chámunda
went on to Benares in the guise of a hermit. On his return he prayed
his son to avenge the insult offered by the king of Málwa. Vallabha
started with an army but died of small-pox. The author of the
Prabandhachintámani gives Chámunda a reign of six months, while the
author of the Vichárasreni entirely drops his name and gives a reign of
fourteen years to Vallabha made up of the thirteen years of Chámunda
and the six months of Vallabha. This seems to be a mistake. It would
seem more correct, as is done in several copperplate lists, to omit
Vallabha, since he must have reigned jointly with his father and his
name is not wanted for purposes of succession. The Vichárasreni and
the Prabandhachintámani agree in ending Vallabha's reign in A.D. 1010
(S. 1066). The author of the Dvyásraya states that Chámunda greatly
lamenting the death of Vallabha installed Vallabha's younger brother
Durlabha, and himself retired to die at Suklatírtha on the Narbadá.
[Durlabha, A.D. 1010-1022.] Durlabha whom the Sukritasankírtana
also calls Jagatjhampaka or World Guardian came to the throne in
A.D. 1010 (S. 1066). The Prabandhachintámani gives the length of his
reign at eleven years and six months while the Vichárasreni makes
it twelve years closing it in A.D. 1022 (S. 1078). The author of
the Dvyásraya says that along with his brother Nága Rája, Durlabha
attended the Svayamvara or bridegroom-choosing of Durlabha Deví the
sister of Mahendra the Rája of Nadol in Márwár. The kings of Anga,
Kásí, Avantí, Chedí, Kuru, Húna, Mathurá, Vindhya, and Andhra were
also present. [534] The princess chose Durlabha and Mahendra gave his
younger sister Lakshmí to Durlabha's brother Nága Rája. The princess'
choice of Durlabha drew on him the enmity of certain of the other kings
all of whom he defeated. The brothers then returned to Anahilaváda
where Durlabha built a lake called Durlabhasarovara. The author of the
Prabandhachintámani says that Durlabha gave up the kingdom to his son
(?) Bhíma. [535] He also states that Durlabha went on pilgrimage and
was insulted on the way by Muñja king of Málwa. This seems the same
tale which the Dvyásraya tells of Chámunda. Since Muñja cannot have
been a cotemporary of Durlabha the Dvyásraya's account seems correct.
[Bhíma I. A.D. 1022-1064.] Durlabha was succeeded by his nephew Bhíma
the son of Durlabha's younger brother Nága Rája. The author of the
Dvyásraya says that Durlabha wishing to retire from the world offered
the kingdom to his nephew Bhíma; that Bhíma declined in favour of his
father Nága Rája; that Nága Rája refused; that Durlabha and Nága Rája
persuaded Bhíma to take the government; and that after installing
Bhíma the two brothers died together. Such a voluntary double death
sounds unlikely unless the result was due to the machinations of
Bhíma. The Prabandhachintámani gives Bhíma a reign of fifty-two
years from A.D. 1022 to 1074 (S. 1078-1130), while the Vichárasreni
reduces his reign to forty-two years placing its close in A.D. 1064
(S. 1120). Forty-two years would seem to be correct as another copy
of the Prabandhachintámani has 42.
Two copperplates of Bhíma are available one dated A.D. 1030 (S. 1086)
eight or nine years after he came to the throne, the other from Kacch
in A.D. 1037 (S. 1093).
Bhíma seems to have been more powerful than either of his
predecessors. According to the Dvyásraya his two chief enemies were
the kings of Sindh and of Chedí or Bundelkhand. He led a victorious
expedition against Hammuka the king of Sindh, who had conquered the
king of Sivasána and another against Karna king of Chedí who paid
tribute and submitted. The Prabandhachintámani has a verse, apparently
an old verse interpolated, which says that on the Málwa king Bhoja's
death, while sacking Dhárápuri, Karna took Bhíma as his coadjutor, and
that afterwards Bhíma's general Dámara took Karna captive and won from
him a gold mandapiká or canopy and images of Ganesa and Nílakanthesvara
Mahádeva. Bhíma is said to have presented the canopy to Somanátha.
When Bhíma was engaged against the king of Sindh, Kulachandra the
general of the Málwa king Bhoja with all the Málwa feudatories, invaded
Anahilaváda, sacked the city, and sowed shell-money at the gate where
the time-marking gong was sounded. So great was the loss that the
'sacking of Kulachandra' has passed into a proverb. Kulachandra also
took from Anahilaváda an acknowledgment of victory or jayapatra. On his
return Bhoja received Kulachandra with honour but blamed him for not
sowing salt instead of shell-money. [536] He said the shell-money is
an omen that the wealth of Málwa will flow to Gujarát. An unpublished
inscription of Bhoja's successor Udayáditya in a temple at Udepur
near Bhilsá confirms the above stating that Bhíma was conquered by
Bhoja's officers. [537]
The Solanki kings of Anahilapura being Saivites held the god Somanátha
of Prabhása in great veneration. The very ancient and holy shrine
of Prabhása has long been a place of special pilgrimage. As early as
the Yádavas of Dwárká, [538] pilgrimages to Prabhása are recorded but
the Mahábhárata makes no mention either of Somanátha or of any other
Saivite shrine. The shrine of Somanátha was probably not established
before the time of the Valabhis (A.D. 480-767). As the Valabhi kings
were most open-handed in religious gifts, it was probably through their
grants that the Somanátha temple rose to importance. The Solankis were
not behind the Valabhis in devotion to Somanátha. To save pilgrims from
oppression Múlarája fought Graharipu the Ábhíra king of Sorath. [539]
Múlarája afterwards went to Prabhása and also built temples in Gujarát
in honour of the god Somanátha. As Múlarája's successors Chámunda
and Durlabha continued firm devotees of Somanátha during their reigns
(A.D. 997-1022) the wealth of the temple must have greatly increased.
[Mahmúd's Invasion, A.D. 1024.] No Gujarát Hindu writer refers to the
destruction of the great temple soon after Bhíma's accession. [540]
But the Musalmán historians place beyond doubt that in A.D. 1024
the famous tenth raid of [Somanátha, A.D. 1024.] Mahmúd of Ghazni,
ended in the destruction and plunder of Somanátha. [541]
Of the destruction of Somanátha the earliest Musalmán account, of
Ibn Asír (A.D. 1160-1229), supplies the following details: In the
year A.D. 1024 (H. 414) Mahmúd captured several forts and cities
in Hind and he also took the idol called Somanátha. This idol was
the greatest of all the idols of Hind. At every eclipse [542] the
Hindus went on pilgrimage to the temple, and there congregated to
the number of a hundred thousand persons. According to their doctrine
of transmigration the Hindus believe that after separation from the
body the souls of men meet at Somanátha; and that the ebb and flow
of the tide is the worship paid to the best of its power by the sea
to the idol. [543] All that is most precious in India was brought to
Somanátha. The temple attendants received the most valuable presents,
and the temple was endowed with more than 10,000 villages. [544]
In the temple were amassed jewels of the most exquisite quality and
of incalculable value. The people of India have a great river called
Ganga to which they pay the highest honour and into which they cast
the bones of their great men, in the belief that the deceased will thus
secure an entrance to heaven. Though between this river and Somanátha
is a distance of about 1200 miles (200 parasangs) water was daily
brought from it to wash the idol. [545] Every day a thousand Bráhmans
performed the worship and introduced visitors. [546] The shaving of
the heads and beards of pilgrims employed three hundred barbers. [547]
Three hundred and fifty persons sang and danced at the gate of the
temple, [548] every one receiving a settled daily allowance. When
Mahmúd was gaining victories and demolishing idols in North India,
the Hindus said Somanátha is displeased with these idols. If Somanátha
had been satisfied with them no one could have destroyed or injured
them. When Mahmúd heard this he resolved on making a campaign to
destroy Somanátha, believing that when the Hindus saw their prayers
and imprecations to be false and futile they would embrace the Faith.
So he prayed to the Almighty for aid, and with 30,000 horse besides
volunteers left Ghazni on the 10th Sha'bán (H. 414, A.D. 1024). He took
the road to Multán and reached it in the middle of Ramzán. The road
from Multán to India lay through a barren desert without inhabitants
or food. Mahmúd collected provisions for the passage and loading
30,000 camels with water and corn started for Anahilaváda. After he
had crossed the desert he perceived on one side a fort full of people
in which place there were wells. [549] The leaders came to conciliate
him, but he invested the place, and God gave him victory over it,
for the hearts of the people failed them through fear. He brought
the place under the sway of Islám, killed the inhabitants, and broke
in pieces their images. His men carrying water with them marched for
Anahilaváda, where they arrived at the beginning of Zílkáda.
The Chief of Anahilaváda, called Bhím, fled hastily, and abandoning
his city went to a certain fort for safety and to prepare for
war. Mahmúd pushed on for Somanátha. On his march he came to several
forts in which were many images serving as chamberlains or heralds
of Somanátha. These Mahmúd called Shaitán or devils. He killed the
people, destroyed the fortifications, broke the idols in pieces,
and through a waterless desert marched to Somanátha. In the desert
land he met 20,000 fighting men whose chiefs would not submit. He sent
troops against them, defeated them, put them to flight, and plundered
their possessions. From the desert he marched to Dabalwárah, [550]
two days' journey from Somanátha. The people of Dabalwárah stayed
in the city believing that the word of Somanátha would drive back
the invaders. Mahmúd took the place, slew the men, plundered their
property, and marched to Somanátha.
Reaching Somanátha on a Thursday in the middle of Zílkáda Mahmúd
beheld a strong fortress built on the sea-shore, so that its walls
were washed by the waves. [551] From the walls the people jeered at
the Musalmáns. Our deity, they said, will cut off the last man of you
and destroy you all. On the morrow which was Friday the assailants
advanced to the assault. When the Hindus saw how the Muhammadans
fought they abandoned their posts and left the walls. The Musalmáns
planted their ladders and scaled the walls. From the top they raised
their war-cry, and showed the might of Islám. Still their loss was
so heavy that the issue seemed doubtful. A body of Hindus hurried
to Somanátha, cast themselves on the ground before him, and besought
him to grant them victory. Night came on and the fight was stayed.
Early next morning Mahmúd renewed the battle. His men made greater
havoc among the Hindus till they drove them from the town to the house
of their idol Somanátha. At the gate of the temple the slaughter was
dreadful. Band after band of the defenders entered the temple and
standing before Somanátha with their hands clasped round their necks
wept and passionately entreated him. Then they issued forth to fight
and fought till they were slain. The few left alive took to the sea
in boats but the Musalmáns overtook them and some were killed and
some were drowned.
The temple of Somanátha rested on fifty-six pillars of teakwood
covered with lead. [552] The idol was in a dark chamber. The height
of the idol was five cubits and its girth three cubits. This was what
appeared to the eye; two cubits were hidden in the basement. It had no
appearance of being sculptured. Mahmúd seized it, part of it he burnt,
and part he carried with him to Ghazni, where he made it a step at the
entrance of the Great Mosque. [553] The dark shrine was lighted by
exquisitely jewelled chandeliers. Near the idol was a chain of gold
200 mans in weight. To the chain bells were fastened. And when each
watch of the night was over the chain was shaken and the ringing of
the bells roused a fresh party of Bráhmans to carry on the worship. In
the treasury which was near the shrine were many idols of gold and
silver. Among the treasures were veils set with jewels, every jewel
of immense value. What was found in the temple was worth more than
two millions of dinárs. Over fifty thousand Hindus were slain. [554]
After the capture of Somanátha, Mahmúd received intelligence that
Bhím the chief of Anahilaváda had gone to the fort of Khandahat,
[555] about 240 miles (40 parasangs) from Somanátha between that
place and the desert. Mahmúd marched to Khandahat. When he came
before it he questioned some men who were hunting as to the tide. He
learned that the ford was practicable, but that if the wind blew a
little the crossing was dangerous. Mahmúd prayed to the Almighty and
entered the water. He and his forces passed safely and drove out the
enemy. From Khandahat he returned intending to proceed against Mansúra
in central Sindh, whose ruler was an apostate Muhammadan. At the news
of Mahmúd's approach the chief fled into the date forests. Mahmúd
followed, and surrounding him and his adherents, many of them were
slain, many drowned, and few escaped. Mahmúd then went to Bhátiá,
and after reducing the inhabitants to obedience, returned to Ghazni
where he arrived on the 10th Safar 417 H. (A.D. 1026).
The Rauzatu-s-safá of Mirkhand supplements these details with the
following account of Mahmúd's arrangements for holding Gujarát:
'It is related that when Sultán Mahmúd had achieved the conquest of
Somanátha he wished to fix his residence there for some years because
the country was very extensive and possessed many advantages among
them several mines which produced pure gold. Indian rubies were brought
from Sarandíp, one of the dependencies of the kingdom of Gujarát. His
ministers represented to Mahmúd that to forsake Khurásán which had
been won from his enemies after so many battles and to make Somanátha
the seat of government was very improper. At last the king made up
his mind to return and ordered some one to be appointed to hold and
carry on the administration of the country. The ministers observed
that as it was impossible for a stranger to maintain possession he
should assign the country to one of the native chiefs. The Sultán
accordingly held a council to settle the nomination, in concurrence
with such of the inhabitants as were well disposed towards him. Some
of them represented to him that amongst the ancient royal families no
house was so noble as that of the Dábshilíms of whom only one member
survived, and he had assumed the habit of a Bráhman, and was devoted
to philosophical pursuits and austerity.' [556]
That Mahmúd should have found it necessary to appoint some local
chief to keep order in Gujarát is probable. It is also probable that
he would choose some one hostile to the defeated king. It has been
suggested above that Bhíma's uncle Durlabha did not retire but was
ousted by his nephew and that the story of Vallabha and Durlabha
dying together pointed to some usurpation on the part of Bhíma. The
phrase the Dábshilíms seems to refer either to Durlabhasena or his
son. Whoever was chosen must have lost his power soon after Mahmúd's
departure. [557]
[Bhíma I. A.D. 1022-1064.] An inscription at Somanátha shows that soon
after Mahmúd was gone Bhímadeva began to build a temple of stone in
place of the former temple of brick and wood.
A few years later Bhíma was on bad terms with Dhandhuka the Paramára
chief of Ábu, and sent his general Vimala to subdue him. Dhandhuka
submitted and made over to Vimala the beautiful Chitrakûta peak of
Ábu, where, in A.D. 1032 (S. 1088), Vimala built the celebrated Jain
temples known as Vimalavasahi still one of the glories of Ábu. [558]
Bhíma had three wives Udayámatí who built a step-well at Anahilaváda,
Bukuládeví, and another. These ladies were the mothers of Karna,
Kshemarája, and Múlarája. Of the three sons Múlarája, though his
mother's name is unknown, was the eldest and the heir-apparent. Of
the kindly Múlarája the author of the Prabandhachintámani tells the
following tale: In a year of scarcity the Kutumbikas or cultivators
of Vishopaka and Dandáhi found themselves unable to pay the king his
share of the land-produce. Bhímarája sent a minister to inquire and
the minister brought before the king all the well-to-do people of the
defaulting villages. One day prince Múlarája saw these men talking
to one another in alarm. Taking pity on them he pleased the king by
his skilful riding. The king asked him to name a boon and the prince
begged that the demand on the villagers might be remitted. The boon was
granted, the ryots went home in glee, but within three days Múlarája
was dead. Next season yielded a bumper harvest, and the people came
to present the king with his share for that year as well as with the
remitted share for the previous year. Bhímdev declined to receive the
arrears. A jury appointed by the king settled that the royal share
of the produce for both years should be placed in the king's hands
for the erection of a temple called the new Tripurushaprásáda for
the spiritual welfare of prince Múlarája. [559]
Bhíma reigned forty-two years. Both the Prabandhachintámani and
the Vichárasreni mention Karna as his successor. According to the
Dvyásraya Bhíma, wishing to retire to a religious life, offered the
succession to Kshemarája. But Kshemarája also was averse from the
labour of ruling and it was settled that Karna should succeed.
Bhíma died soon after and Kshemarája retired to a holy place on the
Sarasvatí named Mundakesvara not far from Anahilaváda. Karna is said
to have granted Dahithalí a neighbouring village to Devaprasáda the
son of Kshemarája that he might attend on his father in his religious
seclusion. But as the Kumárapálacharita mentions Kshemarája being
settled at Dahithalí as a ruler not as an ascetic it seems probable
that Dahithalí was granted to Kshemarája for maintenance as villages
are still granted to the bháyás or brethren of the ruler.
[Karna, A.D. 1064-1094.] Karna who came to the throne in A.D. 1064
(S. 1120) had a more peaceful reign than his predecessors. He was able
to build charitable public works among them a temple called Karna-meru
at Anahilaváda. His only war was an expedition against Áshá Bhil,
chief of six lákhs [560] of Bhils residing at Áshápallí the modern
village of Asával near Ahmadábád. [561] Áshá was defeated and slain. In
consequence of an omen from a local goddess named Kochharva, [562]
Karna built her a temple in Asával and also built temples to Jayantí
Deví and Karnesvara Mahádeva. He made a lake called Karnaságara and
founded a city called Karnávatí which he made his capital.
Karna had three ministers Muñjála, Sántu, and Udaya. Udaya was a
Srímálí Vániá of Márwár, who had settled in Anahilaváda and who was
originally called Udá. Sántu built a Jain temple called Sántu-vasahi
and Udá built at Karnávatí a large temple called Udaya-varáha,
containing seventy-two images of Tirthankars, twenty-four past
twenty-four present and twenty-four to come. By different wives Udá
had five sons, Áhada or Asthada, Cháhada, Báhada, Ámbada, and Sollá,
of whom the last three were half brothers of the first two. [563]
Except Sollá, who continued a merchant and became very wealthy, all
the sons entered the service of the state and rose to high stations
during the reign of Kumárapála.
In late life Karna married Miyánalladeví daughter of Jayakesi son of
Subhakesi king of the Karnátaka. According to the Dvyásraya a wandering
painter showed Karna the portrait of a princess whom he described
as daughter of Jayakesi the Kadamba king [564] of Chandrapura [565]
in the Dakhan, and who he said had taken a vow to marry Karna. In
token of her wish to marry Karna the painter said the princess had
sent Karna an elephant. Karna went to see the present and found on
the elephant a beautiful princess who had come so far in the hope
of winning him for a husband. According to the Prabandhachintámani
Karna found the princess ugly and refused to marry her. On this the
princess with eight attendants determined to burn themselves on a
funeral pyre and Udayámatí Karna's mother also declared that if he
did not relent she too would be a sacrifice. Under this compulsion
Karna married the princess but refused to treat her as a wife. The
minister Muñjála, learning from a kañchukí or palace-servant that the
king loved a certain courtezan, contrived that Miyánalladeví should
take the woman's place, a device still practised by ministers of native
states. Karna fell into the snare and the queen became pregnant by him,
having secured from the hand of her husband his signet ring as a token
which could not be disclaimed. Thus in Karna's old age Miyánalladeví
became the mother of the illustrious Siddharája Jayasimha, who,
according to a local tradition quoted by Mr. Forbes, first saw the
light at Pálanpur. [566] When three years old the precocious Siddharája
climbed and sat upon the throne. This ominous event being brought to
the king's notice he consulted his astrologers who advised that from
that day Siddharája should be installed as heir-apparent.
The Gujarát chronicles do not record how or when Karna died. It appears
from a manuscript that he was reigning in A.D. 1089 (S. 1145). [567]
The Hammíramahákávya says 'The illustrious Karnadeva was killed in
battle by king Dussala of Sákambharí,' and the two appear to have been
cotemporaries. [568] The author of the Dvyásraya says that Karna died
fixing his thoughts on Vishnu, recommending to Siddharája his cousin
Devaprasáda son of Kshemarája. According to the Prabandhachintámani
Vichárasreni and Sukritasankírtana Karna died in A.D. 1094 (S. 1150).
[Siddharája Jayasingha, A.D. 1094-1143.] As, at the time of his
father's death, Siddharája was a minor [569] the reins of government
must have passed into the hands of his mother Miyánalladeví. That
the succession should have been attended with struggle and intrigue
is not strange. According to the Dvyásraya Devaprasáda, the son
of Kshemarája burned himself on the funeral pile shortly after
the death of Karna, an action which was probably the result of
some intrigue regarding the succession. Another intrigue ended in
the death of Madanapála brother of Karna's mother queen Udayámatí,
at the hands of the minister Sántu, who along with Muñjála and Udá,
helped the queen-mother Miyánalladeví during the regency. Muñjála and
Sántu continued in office under Siddharája. Another minister built a
famous Jain temple named Mahárájabhuvana in Sidhpur at the time when
Siddharája built the Rudramálá. An inscription from a temple near
Bhadresar in Kacch dated A.D. 1139 (S. 1195 Áshádha Vad 10, Sunday),
in recording grants to Audíchya Bráhmans to carry on the worship in an
old temple of Udalesvara and in a new temple of Kumárapálesvara built
by Kumárapála son of the great prince Ásapála, [570] notes that Dádáka
was then minister of Siddharája. Among his generals the best known was
a chief named Jagaddeva (Jag Dev), commonly believed to be a Paramára,
many of whose feats of daring are recorded in bardic and popular
romances. [571] Though Jag Dev is generally called a Paramára nothing
of his family is on record. The author of the Prabandhachintámani
describes Jagaddeva as a thrice valiant warrior held in great respect
by Siddharája. After Siddharája's death Jagaddeva went to serve king
Permádi to whose mother's family he was related. [572] Permádi gave
him a chiefship and sent him to attack Málava.
When Siddharája attained manhood his mother prepared to go in great
state on pilgrimage to Somanátha. She went with rich offerings as
far as Báhuloda apparently the large modern village of Bholáda on
the Gujarát-Káthiáváda frontier about twenty-two miles south-west of
Dholká. At this frontier town the Anahilaváda kings levied a tax on
all pilgrims to Somanátha. Many of the pilgrims unable to pay the
tax had to return home in tears. Miyánalladeví was so saddened by
the woes of the pilgrims that she stopped her pilgrimage and returned
home. Siddharája met her on the way and asked her why she had turned
back. Miyánalladeví said, I will neither eat nor go to Somanátha
until you order the remission of the pilgrim tax. Siddharája called
the Bholáda treasurer and found that the levy yielded 72 lákhs a
year. [573] In spite of the serious sacrifice Siddharája broke the
board authorizing the levy of the tax and pouring water from his
hand into his mother's declared that the merit of the remission was
hers. The queen went to Somanátha and worshipped the god with gold
presenting an elephant and other gifts and handing over her own weight
in money.
According to the Prabandhachintámani while Miyánalladeví and
Siddharája were on pilgrimage Yasovarman king of Málwa continually
harassed the Gurjjara-Mandala. Sántu who was in charge of the kingdom
asked Yasovarman on what consideration he would retire. Yasovarman
said he would retire if Siddharája gave up to him the merit of the
pilgrimage to Somesvara. Sántu washed his feet and taking water in
his hand surrendered to Yasovarman the merit of Siddharája, on which,
according to his promise, Yasovarman retired. On his return Siddharája
asked Sántu what he meant by transferring his sovereign's merit to a
rival. Sántu said, 'If you think my giving Yasovarman your merit has
any importance I restore it to you.' [574] This curious story seems
to be a Jain fiction probably invented with the object of casting
ridicule on the Bráhmanical doctrine of merit. Yasovarman was not a
cotemporary of Siddharája. The Málwa king referred to is probably
Yasovarman's predecessor Naravarman, of whom an inscription dated
A.D. 1134 (S. 1190) is recorded. [575]
Under the name Sadharo Jesingh, Siddharája's memory is fresh in
Gujarát as its most powerful, most religious, and most charitable
ruler. Almost every old work of architectural or antiquarian interest
in Gujarát is ascribed to Siddharája. In inscriptions he is styled The
great king of kings, The great lord, The great Bhattáraka, The lord
of Avantí, The hero of the three worlds, The conqueror of Barbaraka,
The universal ruler Siddha, The illustrious Jayasimhadeva. Of these
the commonest attributes are Siddhachakravartín the Emperor of Magic
and Siddharája the Lord of Magic, titles which seem to claim for
the king divine or supernatural powers. [576] In connection with his
assumption of these titles the Kumárapálaprabandha, the Dvyásraya,
and the Prabandhachintámani tell curious tales. According to the
Dvyásraya, the king wandering by night had subdued the Bhútas, Sákinís,
and other spirits. He had also learnt many mantras or charms. From
what he saw at night he would call people in the day time and say 'You
have such a cause of uneasiness' or 'You have such a comfort.' Seeing
that he knew their secrets the people thought that the king knew the
hearts of all men and must be the avatára of some god. A second story
tells how Siddharája helped a Nága prince and princess whom he met by
night on the Sarasvatí. [577] According to a third story told in the
Kumárapálaprabandha two Yoginís or nymphs came from the Himálayas and
asked the king by what mystic powers he justified the use of the title
Siddharája. The king agreed to perform some wonders in open court
in the presence of the nymphs. With the help of a former minister,
Haripála, the king had a dagger prepared whose blade was of sugar and
its handle of iron set with jewels. When the king appeared in court
to perform the promised wonders a deputation of ambassadors from king
Permádi of Kalyánakataka [578] was announced. The deputation entered
and presented the prepared dagger as a gift from their lord. The king
kept the prepared dagger and in its stead sent all round the court
a real dagger which was greatly admired. After the real dagger had
been seen and returned the king said: I will use this dagger to show
my mystic powers, and in its place taking the false dagger ate its
sugar blade. When the blade was eaten the minister stopped the king
and said Let the Yoginís eat the handle. The king agreed and as the
Yoginís failed to eat the handle which was iron the superiority of
the king's magic was proved.
A fourth story in the Dvyásraya tells that when the king was planning
an invasion of Málwa a Yoginí came from Ujjain to Patan and said
'O Rája, if you desire great fame, come to Ujjain and humbly entreat
Kálika and other Yoginís and make friends with Yasovarman the Rája
of Ujjain.' The king contemptuously dismissed her, saying, 'If you
do not fly hence like a female crow, I will cut off your nose and
ears with this sword.'
So also the king's acts of prowess and courage were believed to
be due to magical aid. According to the common belief Siddharája
did his great acts of heroism by the help of a demon named Bábaro,
whom he is said to have subdued by riding on a corpse in a burying
ground. The story in the Prabandhachintámani is similar to that
told of the father of Harshavardhana who subdued a demon with the
help of a Yogí. It is notable that the story had passed into its
present form within a hundred years of Siddharája's death. Somesvara
in his Kírtikaumudí says, 'This moon of kings fettered the prince of
goblins Barbaraka in a burial-place, and became known among the crowd
of kings as Siddharája.' Older records show that the origin of the
story, at least of the demon's name, is historical being traceable to
one of Siddharája's copperplate attributes Barbaraka-jishnu that is
conqueror of Barbaraka. The Dvyásrayakosha represents this Barbara
as a leader of Rákshasas or Mlechhas, who troubled the Bráhmans at
Srísthala-Siddhapura. Jayasimha conquered him and spared his life at
the instance of his wife Pingaliká. Afterwards Barbara gave valuable
presents to Jayasimha and 'served him as other Rájputs.' [579]
Barbaraka seems to be the name of a tribe of non-Áryans whose modern
representatives are the Bábariás settled in South Káthiáváda in the
province still known as Bábariáváda.
A Dohad inscription of the time of Siddharája dated A.D. 1140
(S. 1196) says of his frontier wars: 'He threw into prison the lords
of Suráshtra and Málwa; he destroyed Sindhurája and other kings; he
made the kings of the north bear his commands.' The Suráshtra king
referred to is probably a ruler of the Áhír or Chúdásamá tribe whose
head-quarters were at Junágadh. According to the Prabandhachintámani
Siddharája went in person to subdue Noghan or Navaghani the Áhír
ruler of Suráshtra; he came to Vardhamánapura that is Vadhván and
from Vadhván attacked and slew Noghan. Jinaprabhasúri the author
of the Tírthakalpa says of Girnár that Jayasimha killed the king
named Khengár and made one Sajjana his viceroy in Suráshtra. So many
traditions remain regarding wars with Khengár that it seems probable
that Siddharája led separate expeditions against more than one king of
that name. According to tradition the origin of the war with Khengár
was a woman named Ránakadeví whom Khengára had married. Ránakadeví
was the daughter of a potter of Majevádi village about nine miles
north of Junágadh, so famous for her beauty that Siddharája determined
to marry her. Meanwhile she had accepted an offer from Khengár whose
subject she was and had married him. Siddharája enraged at her marriage
advanced against Khengár, took him prisoner, and annexed Sorath. That
Khengár's kingdom was annexed and Sajjana, mentioned by Jinaprabhasúri,
was appointed Viceroy is proved by a Girnár inscription dated A.D. 1120
(S. 1176).
An era called the Simha Samvatsara connected with the name of Jayasimha
and beginning with A.D. 1113-1114 (S. 1169-70), occurs in several
inscriptions found about Prabhása and South Káthiáváda. This era was
probably started in that year in honour of this conquest of Khengár
and Sorath. [580] The earliest known mention of the Simha Samvatsara
era occurs in a step-well at Mángrol called the Sodhali Váv. The
inscription is of the time of Kumárapála and mentions Sahajiga the
father of Múlaka the grantor as a member of the bodyguard of the
Chálukyas. The inscription states that Sahajiga had several sons
able to protect Sauráshtra, one of whom was Somarája who built the
temple of Sahajigesvara, in the enclosure of the Somanátha temple at
Prabhása; another was Múlaka the náyaka of Suráshtra, who is recorded
to have made grants for the worship of the god by establishing cesses
in Mangalapura or Mángrol and other places. The inscription is dated
A.D. 1146 (Monday the 13th of the dark half of Asvín Vikrama S. 1202
and Simha S. 32). This inscription supports the view that the Simha
era was established by Jayasimha, since if the era belonged to some
other local chief, no Chálukya viceroy would adopt it. The Simha era
appears to have been kept up in Gujarát so long as Anahilapura rule
lasted. The well known Verával inscription of the time of Arjunadeva
is dated Hijri 662, Vikrama S. 1320, Valabhi S. 945, Simha S. 151,
Sunday the 13th of Áshádha Vadi. This inscription shows that the
Simha era was in use for a century and a half during the sovereignty
of Anahilaváda in Suráshtra.
Regarding Sajjana Siddharája's first viceroy in Suráshtra, the
Prabandhachintámani says that finding him worthy the king appointed
Sajjana the dandádhipati of Suráshtradesa. Without consulting his
master Sajjana spent three years' revenue in building a stone temple of
Neminátha on Girnár instead of a wooden temple which he removed. In
the fourth year the king sent four officers to bring Sajjana to
Anahilaváda. The king called on Sajjana to pay the revenues of the
past three years. In reply Sajjana asked whether the king would
prefer the revenue in cash or the merit which had accrued from
spending the revenue in building the temple. Preferring the merit
the king sanctioned the spending of the revenues on the Tírtha and
Sajjana was reappointed governor of Sorath. [581] This stone temple of
Sajjana would seem to be the present temple of Neminátha, though many
alterations have been made in consequence of Muhammadan sacrilege and
a modern enclosure has been added. The inscription of Sajjana which
is dated A.D. 1120 (S. 1176) is on the inside to the right in passing
to the small south gate. It contains little but the mention of the
Sádhu who was Sajjana's constant adviser. On his return from a second
pilgrimage to Somanátha Siddharája who was encamped near Raivataka that
is Girnár expressed a wish to see Sajjana's temple. But the Bráhmans
envious of the Jains persuaded the king that as Girnár was shaped like
a ling it would be sacrilege to climb it. Siddharája respected this
objection and worshipped at the foot of the mountain. From Girnár
he went to Satruñjaya. Here too Bráhmans with drawn swords tried to
prevent the king ascending the hill. Siddharája went in disguise at
night, worshipped the Jain god Ádísvara with Ganges water, and granted
the god twelve neighbouring villages. On the hill he saw so luxuriant
a growth of the sállaki a plant dear to elephants, that he proposed
to make the hill a breeding place for elephants a second Vindhya. He
was reminded what damage wild elephants would cause to the holy place
and for this reason abandoned his plan.
Siddharája's second and greater war was with Málwa. The cotemporary
kings of Málwa were the Paramára ruler Naravarman who flourished from
A.D. 1104 to 1133 (S. 1160-1189) and his son and successor Yasovarman
who ruled up to A.D. 1143 (S. 1199) the year of Siddharája's death As
the names of both these kings occur in different accounts of this war,
and, as the war is said to have lasted twelve years, it seems that
fighting began in the time of Naravarman and that Siddharája's final
victory was gained in the time of Yasovarman in Siddharája's old age
about A.D. 1134 (S. 1190). This view is supported by the local story
that his expedition against Yasovarman was undertaken while Siddharája
was building the Sahasralinga lake and other religious works. It is not
known how the war arose but the statement of the Prabandhachintámani
that Siddharája vowed to make a scabbard of Yasovarman's skin seems to
show that Siddharája received grave provocation. Siddharája is said
to have left the building of the Sahasralinga lake to the masons and
architects and himself to have started for Málwa. The war dragged on
and there seemed little hope of victory when news reached Siddharája
that the three south gates of Dhárá could be forced. With the help
of an elephant an entrance was effected. Yasovarman was captured and
bound with six ropes, and, with his captured enemy as his banner
of victory, Siddharája returned to Anahilapura. He remembered his
vow, but being prevented from carrying it out, he took a little of
Yasovarman's skin and adding other skin to it made a scabbard. The
captured king was thenceforward kept in a cage. It was this complete
conquest and annexation of Málwa that made Siddharája assume the style
of Avantínátha 'Lord of Avantí,' which is mentioned as his biruda or
title in most of the Chaulukya copperplates. [582] Málwa henceforward
remained subject to Anahilaváda. On the return from Málwa an army of
Bhíls who tried to block the way were attacked by the minister Sántu
and put to flight.
Siddharája's next recorded war is with king Madanavarman the Chandela
king of Mahobaka the modern Mahobá in Bundelkhand. Madanavarman, of
whom General Cunningham has found numerous inscriptions dating from
A.D. 1130 to 1164 (S. 1186-1220), [583] was one of the most famous
kings of the Chandela dynasty. An inscription of one of his successors
in Kálanjar fort records that Madanavarman 'in an instant defeated
the king of Gurjjara, as Krishna in former times defeated Kamsa, [584]
a statement which agrees with the Gujarát accounts of the war between
him and Jayasimha. In this conflict the Gujarát accounts do not seem
to show that Siddharája gained any great victory; he seems to have
been contented with a money present. The Kírtikaumudí states that the
king of Mahobaka honoured Siddharája as his guest and paid a fine and
tribute by way of hospitality. The account in the Kumárapálacharita
suggests that Siddharája was compelled to come to terms and make
peace. According to the Kírtikaumudí, and this seems likely, Siddharája
went from Dhárá to Kálanjara. The account in the Prabandhachintámani
is very confused. According to the Kumárapálacharita, on Siddharája's
way back from Dhárá at his camp near Patan a bard came to the court
and said to the king that his court was as wonderful as the court of
Madanavarman. The bard said that Madanavarman was the king of the city
of Mahobaka and most clever, wise, liberal, and pleasure-loving. The
king sent a courtier to test the truth of the bard's statement. The
courtier returned after six months declaring that the bard's account
was in no way exaggerated. Hearing this Siddharája at once started
against Mahobaka and encamping within sixteen miles of the city sent
his minister to summon Madanavarman to surrender. Madanavarman who
was enjoying himself took little notice of the minister. This king,
he said, is the same who had to fight twelve years with Dhárá; if,
as is probable, since he is a kabádi or wild king, he wants money,
pay him what he wants. The money was paid. But Siddharája was so
struck with Madanavarman's indifference that he would not leave until
he had seen him. Madanavarman agreed to receive him. Siddharája went
with a large bodyguard to the royal garden which contained a palace
and enclosed pleasure-house and was guarded by troops. Only four
of Siddharája's guards were allowed to enter. With these four men
Siddharája went in, was shown the palace garden and pleasure-houses
by Madanavarman, was treated with great hospitality, and on his return
to Patan was given a guard of 120 men.
The Dvyásraya says that after his conquest of Ujjain Siddharája seized
and imprisoned the king of a neighbouring country named Sim. We have
no other information on this point.
The Dohad inscription dated A.D. 1140 mentions the destruction of
Sindhurája that is the king of Sindh and other kings. The Kírtikaumudí
also mentions the binding of the lord of Sindhu. Nothing is known
regarding the Sindh war. The Kírtikaumudí mentions that after a
war with Arnorája king of Sámbhar Siddharája gave his daughter to
Arnorája. This seems to be a mistake as the war and alliance with
Arnorája belong to Kumárapála's reign.
Siddharája, who like his ancestors was a Saiva, showed his zeal for
the faith by constructing the two grandest works in Gujarát the
Rudramahálaya at Sidhpur and the Sahasralinga lake at Patan. The
Jain chroniclers always try to show that Siddharája was favourably
inclined to Jainism. But several of his acts go against this claim
and some even show a dislike of the Jains. It is true that the Jain
sage Hemáchárya lived with the king, but the king honoured him as a
scholar rather than as a Jain. On the occasion of the pilgrimage to
Somanátha the king offered Hemáchárya a palanquin, and, as he would
not accept the offer but kept on walking, the king blamed him calling
him a learned fool with no worldly wisdom. Again on one occasion while
returning from Málwa Siddharája encamped at a place called Srínagara,
where the people had decorated their temples with banners in honour
of the king. Finding a banner floating over a Jain temple the king
asked in anger who had placed it there, as he had forbidden the use
of banners on Jain shrines and temples in Gujarát. On being told that
it was a very old shrine dating from the time of Bharata, the king
ordered that at the end of a year the banner might be replaced. This
shows the reverse of a leaning to Jainism. Similarly, according to the
Prabandhachintámani, Hemáchárya never dared to speak to the king in
favour of Jainism but used to say that all religions were good. This
statement is supported by the fact that the opening verses of all
works written by Hemáchárya in the time of Siddharája contain no
special praise of Jain deities.
So great is Siddharája's fame as a builder that almost every old work
in Gujarát is ascribed to him. Tradition gives him the credit of the
Dabhoi fort which is of the time of the Vághelá king Víradhavala,
A.D. 1220-1260. The Prabandhachintámani gives this old verse
regarding Siddharája's public works: 'No one makes a great temple
(Rudramahálaya), a great pilgrimage (to Somanátha), a great Ásthána
(darbár hall), or a great lake (Sahasralinga) such as Siddharája
made.' [585] Of these the Rudramahálaya, though very little is
left, from its size and the beauty of its carving, must have been
a magnificent work the grandest specimen of the architecture of the
Solanki period. The remains of the Sahasralinga lake at Anahilapura
show that it must have been a work of surprising size and richness
well deserving its title of mahásarah or great lake. Numerous other
public works are ascribed to Siddharája. [586]
At this period it seems that the kings of Gujarát Sámbhar and other
districts, seeing the great reputation which his literary tastes had
gained for Bhoja of Dhárá used all to keep Pandits. Certain carvings
on the pillars of a mosque at the south-west of the modern town of
Dhárá show that the building almost as it stands was the Sanskrit
school founded by Bhoja. The carvings in question are beautifully cut
Sanskrit grammar tables. Other inscriptions in praise of Naravarman
show that Bhoja's successors continued to maintain the institution. In
the floor of the mosque are many large shining slabs of black marble,
the largest as much as seven feet long, all of them covered with
inscriptions so badly mutilated that nothing can be made out of
them except that they were Sanskrit and Prakrit verses in honour of
some prince. On a rough estimate the slabs contain as many as 4000
verses. [587] According to the old saying any one who drank of the
Sarasvatí well in Dhárá became a scholar. Sarasvatí's well still exists
near the mosque. Its water is good and it is still known as Akkal-kui
or the Well of Talent. As in Dhárá so in Ajmir the Arháí-dinká
Jhopdá mosque is an old Sanskrit school, recent excavations having
brought to light slabs with entire dramas carved on them. So also the
Gujarát kings had their Pandits and their halls of learning. Srípála,
Siddharája's poet-laureate, wrote a poetical eulogium or prasasti on
the Sahasralinga lake. According to the Prabandhachintámani Siddharája
gathered numerous Pandits to examine the eulogium. As has already
been noticed Siddharája's constant companion was the great scholar
and Jain áchárya Hemachandra also called Hemáchárya, who, under the
king's patronage, wrote a treatise on grammar called Siddhahema,
and also the well-known Dvyásrayakosha which was intended to teach
both grammar and the history of the Solankis. Hemachandra came into
even greater prominence in the time of Kumárapála, when he wrote
several further works and became closely connected with the state
religion. Several stories remain of Siddharája assembling poets,
and holding literary and poetic discussions.
Record is preserved of a sabhá or assembly called by the king to
hear discussions between a Svetámbara Jaina áchárya named Bhattáraka
Devasúri and a Digambara Jaina áchárya named Kumudachandra who had come
from the Karnátak. Devasúri who was living and preaching in the Jain
temple of Arishtanemi at Karnávatí, [588] that is the modern Ahmadábád,
was there visited by Kumudachandra. Devasúri treated his visitor with
little respect telling him to go to Patan and he would follow and hold
a religious discussion or váda. Kumudachandra being a Digambara or
skyclad Jaina went naked to Patan and Siddharája honoured him because
he came from his mother's country. Siddharája asked Hemachandra to
hold a discussion with Kumudachandra and Hemachandra recommended that
Devasúri should be invited as a worthy disputant. At a discussion held
before a meeting called by the king Kumudachandra was vanquished,
probably because the first principle of his Digambara faith that no
woman can attain nirvána, was insulting to the queen-mother, and the
second that no clothes-wearing Jain can gain mukti or absorption,
was an insult to the Jain ministers. The assembly, like Bráhmanical
sabhás at the present day, appears to have declined into noise and
Siddharája had to interfere and keep order. Devasúri was complimented
by the king and taken by one Áhada with great honour to his newly
built Jaina temple. [589]
[Kumárapála, A.D. 1143-1174.] In spite of prayers to Somanátha,
of incantations, and of gifts to Bráhmans, Siddharája Jayasimha
had no son. The throne passed into the line of Tribhuvanapála
the great-grandson of Bhímadeva I. (A.D. 1074-62) who was
ruling as a feudatory of Siddharája at his ancestral appanage
of Dahithalí. Tribhuvanapála's pedigree is Bhímadeva I.; his son
Kshemarája by Bakuládeví a concubine; his son Haripála; his son
Tribhuvanapála. By his queen Kásmíradeví Tribhuvanapála had three sons
Mahípála, Kírttipála, and Kumárapála, and two daughters Premaladeví
and Devaladeví. Premaladeví was married to one of Siddharája's
nobles a cavalry general named Kánhada or Krishnadeva: Devaladeví was
married to Arnorája [590] or Anarája king of Sákambhari or Sámbhar,
the Ánalladeva of the Hammíramahákávya. Kumárapála himself was
married by his father to one Bhupáladeví. According to the Dvyásraya,
Tribhuvanapála was on good terms with Siddharája serving him and going
with him to war. The Kumárapálacharita also states that Kumárapála
used to attend the court of Siddharája. But from the time he came to
feel that he would have no son and that the bastard Kumárapála would
succeed him Siddharája became embittered against Kumárapála. According
to the Jain chronicles Siddharája was told by the god Somanátha,
by the sage Hemachandra, by the goddess Ambiká of Kodinár, [591] and
by astrologers that he would have no son and that Kumárapála would
be his successor. According to the Kumárapálacharita so bitter did
his hate grow that Siddharája planned the death of Tribhuvanapála
and his family including Kumárapála. Tribhuvanapála was murdered
but Kumárapála escaped. Grieved at this proof of the king's hatred
Kumárapála consulted his brother-in-law Krishnadeva who advised him
to leave his family at Dahithalí and go into exile promising to keep
him informed of what went on at Anahilapura. Kumárapála left in the
disguise of a jatádhári or recluse and escaped the assassins whom the
king had ordered to slay him. After some time Kumárapála returned
and in spite of his disguise was recognized by the guards. They
informed the king who invited all the ascetics in the city to a
dinner. Kumárapála came but noticing that the king recognized him in
spite of his disguise, he fled. The king sent a trusted officer with
a small force in pursuit. Kumárapála persuaded some husbandmen, the
chief of whom was Bhímasimha, to hide him in a heap of thorns. The
pursuers failing to find him returned. At night Kumárapála was let
out bleeding from the thorns, and promised the husbandmen that the
day would come when their help would be rewarded. He then shaved his
topknot or jatá and while travelling met with a lady named Devasrí of
Udambara village who pitying him took him into her chariot and gave him
food. Kumárapála promised to regard her as a sister. He then came to
Dahithalí where the royal troops had already arrived. Siddharája sent
an army which invested the village leaving Kumárapála without means
of escape. He went to a potter named Sajjana or Alinga who hid him in
the flues of his brick-kiln throwing hay over him. The troops searched
the village, failed to find Kumárapála, and retired. The potter then
helped Kumárapála from his hiding place and fed him. A former friend
named Bosari joined Kumárapála and they went away together Kumárapála
commending his family to the care of Sajjana. On the first day they
had no food. Next day Bosari went to beg and they together ate the food
given to Bosari in a monastery or math where they slept. In time they
came to Cambay where they called upon Hemáchárya and asked him their
future. Hemáchárya knew and recognized Kumárapála. Kumárapála asked
when fate would bless him. Before Hemáchárya could reply Udayana,
one of the king's ministers, came. Hemáchárya said to Udayana,
'This is Kumárapála who shall shortly be your king.' Hemáchárya
also gave Kumárapála a writing stating that he would succeed to the
throne. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and
promised to follow his advice. Udayana took him to his house and
gave him food and clothes. Siddharája came to know of this and sent
his soldiers who began to search. Kumárapála returned to Hemáchárya
who hid him in a cellar covering its door with manuscripts and palm
leaves. The soldiers came but failed to search under the manuscripts
and returned. Kumárapála acknowledged his obligations to Hemáchárya and
said he owed him two great debts one for telling him the day on which
he would come to the throne; the other for saving his life. Kumárapála
left Cambay at midnight, the minister Udayana supplying him with
provisions. From Cambay he went to Vatapadrapura probably Baroda,
where feeling hungry he entered the shop of a Vánia named Katuka
and asked for parched gram. The Vánia gave the gram and seeing that
Kumárapála had no money accepted his promise of future payment. From
Baroda he came to Bhrigukachh or Broach where he saw a soothsayer and
asked him his future. The soothsayer, seeing the bird kali-deví perched
on the temple flagstaff, said 'You will shortly be king.' Kumárapála
shaved his matted hair and went from Broach to Ujjain where he met
his family. But as here too the royal troops followed him he fled to
Kolhápura where he came across a Yogí who foretold his succession
to a throne and gave him two spells or mantras. From Kolhápura
Kumárapála went to Káñchí or Conjeveram and from there to the city
of Kálambapattana. [592] The king of Kálambapattana Pratápasimha
received him like an elder brother and brought him into his city,
built a temple of Sivananda Kumárapálesvara in his honour, and even
issued a coin called a Kumárapála. From Kálambapattana Kumárapála
went to Chitrakúta or Chitor and from there to Ujjain whence he took
his family to Siddhapura going on alone to Anahilapura to see his
brother-in-law Krishnadeva. According to the Vichárasreni Siddharája
died soon after in A.D. 1143 on the 3rd of Kárttika Suddha Samvat 1199.
In the dissensions that followed the king's death
Kumárapála's interests were well served by his brother-in-law
Krishnadeva. Eventually the names of three candidates, Kumárapála and
two others, were laid before the state nobles sitting in council to
determine who should be king. Of the three candidates the two others
were found wanting, and Kumárapála was chosen and installed according
to the Vichárasreni on the 4th of Márgasírsha Suddha and according
to the Kumárapálaprabandha on the 4th of Márgasírsha Vadhya. At the
time of his succession, according to the Prabandhachintámani and the
Kumárapálaprabandha, Kumárapála was about fifty years of age.
On his accession Kumárapála installed his wife Bhupáladeví his anointed
queen or pattaráni; appointed Udayana who had befriended him at Cambay
minister; Báhada or Vágbhata son of Udayana [593] chief councillor
or mahámátya; and Alinga second councillor or mahápradhána. Áhada
or Árabhatta, apparently another son of Udayana, did not acknowledge
Kumárapála and went over to Arnorája Ánáka or Ano king of Sapádalaksha
or the Sámbhar territory who is probably the same as the Ánalladeva
of the Hammíramahákávya. [594]
The potter Sajjana was rewarded with a grant of seven hundred villages
near Chitrakúta or Chitoda fort in Rájputána, and the author of
the Prabandhachintámani notices that in his time the descendants of
the potter ashamed of their origin called themselves descendants of
Sagara. Bhímasimha who hid Kumárapála in the thorns was appointed head
of the bodyguard; Devasrí made the sister's mark on the royal forehead
at the time of Kumárapála's installation and was granted the village of
Devayo; [595] and Katuka the Vániá of Baroda, who had given Kumárapála
parched gram was granted the village of Vatapadra or Baroda. Bosari
Kumárapála's chief companion was given Látamandala, which seems to
mean that he was appointed viceroy of Láta or South Gujarát.
Kanhada or Krishnadeva Kumárapála's brother-in-law and adviser
overvaluing his great services became arrogant and disobedient
insulting the king in open court. As remonstrance was of no avail
the king had Krishnadeva waylaid and beaten by a band of athletes and
taken almost dying to his wife the king's sister. From this time all
the state officers were careful to show ready obedience.
The old ministry saw that under so capable and well served a ruler
their power was gone. They accordingly planned to slay the king
and place their own nominee on the throne. The king heard of the
plot: secured the assassins: and employed them in murdering the
conspirators. According to the Prabandhachintámani, Áhada or Árabhatta
who had gone over to the Sámbhar king and was in charge of the Sámbhar
infantry, bribed the local nobles as a preliminary to a war which he
had planned against Kumárapála. He so far succeeded as to bring Ána
or Ánáka the Sámbhar king with the whole of his army to the borders
of Gujarát to fight Kumárapála. Kumárapála went to meet Ánáka. But,
in consequence of intrigues, in the battle that followed the Gujarát
army did not obey orders. Kumárapála advanced in front on an elephant,
and Báhada trying to climb on Kumárapála's elephant was thrown to the
ground and slain. Ánáka was also pierced with arrows and the Sámbhar
army was defeated and plundered of its horses. [596]
The Dvyásraya, probably by the aid of the author's imagination,
gives a fuller account of this war. One fact of importance recorded
in the Dvyásraya is that Ánáka though defeated was not slain, and, to
bring hostilities to an end, gave his daughter Jalhaná to Kumárapála
in marriage. [597] The Kumárapálacharita calls the Sámbhar king
Arnorája and says that it was Kumárapála who invaded the Sámbhar
territory. According to this account Kumárapála went to Chandrávatí
near Ábu and taking its Paramára king Vikramasimha with him marched
to Sákambhari or Sámbhar and fought Arnorája who was defeated but not
killed. Kumárapála threatened to cut out Arnorája's tongue but let
him go on condition that his people wore a headdress with a tongue on
each side. Arnorája is said to have been confined in a cage for three
days and then reinstalled as Kumárapála's feudatory. Vikramasimha of
Chandrávatí, who in the battle had sided with Arnorája, was punished
by being disgraced before the assembled seventy-two feudatories at
Anahilaváda and was sent to prison, his throne being given to his
nephew Yasodhavala. After his victory over Arnorája Kumárapála fought,
defeated, and, according to the Kírtikaumudí, beheaded Ballála king
of Málwa who had invaded Gujarát. The result of this contest seems to
have been to reduce Málwa to its former position of dependence on the
Anahilaváda kings. More than one inscription of Kumárapála's found in
the temple of Udayáditya as far north as Udayapura near Bhilsa shows
that he conquered the whole of Málwa, as the inscriptions are recorded
by one who calls himself Kumárapála's general or dandanáyaka. [598]
Another of Kumárapála's recorded victories is over Mallikárjuna
said to be king of the Konkan who we know from published lists of
the North Konkan Siláháras flourished about A.D. 1160. The author
of the Prabandhachintámani says this war arose from a bard of king
Mallikárjuna speaking of him before king Kumárapála as Rájapitámaha or
grandfather of kings. [599] Kumárapála annoyed at so arrogant a title
looked around. Ámbadá, [600] one of the sons of Udayana, divining the
king's meaning, raised his folded hands to his forehead and expressed
his readiness to fight Mallikárjuna. The king sent him with an army
which marched to the Konkan without halting. At the crossing of the
Kaláviní it was met and defeated by Mallikárjuna. Ámbadá returned in
disgrace and shrouding himself, his umbrella and his tents in crape
retreated to Anahilaváda. The king finding Ámbada though humiliated
ready to make a second venture gave him a larger and better appointed
force. With this army Ámbadá again started for the Konkan, crossed the
Kaláviní, attacked Mallikárjuna, and in a hand-to-hand fight climbed
his elephant and cut off his head. This head cased in gold with other
trophies of the war he presented to the king on his triumphant return
to Anahilapura. The king was greatly pleased and gave Ámbadá the
title of Rájapitámaha. Of this Mallikárjuna two stone inscriptions
have been found one at Chiplún dated A.D. 1156 (Saka 1078) the other
at Bassein dated A.D. 1160 (Saka 1082). If the story that Mallikárjuna
was slain is true the war must have taken place during the two years
between A.D. 1160 and 1162 (Saka 1082, 1084) which latter is the
earliest known date of Mallikárjuna's successor Aparáditya.
The Kumárapálacharita also records a war between Kumárapála and
Samara king of Suráshtra or south Káthiáváda, the Gujarát army being
commanded by Kumárapála's minister Udayana. The Prabandhachintámani
gives Sausara as the name of the Suráshtra king [601]: possibly he
was some Gohilvád Mehr chief. Udayana came with the army to Vadhwán,
and letting it advance went to Pálitána. While he was worshipping at
Pálitána, a mouse carried away the burning wick of the lamp. Reflecting
on the risk of fire in a wooden temple Udayana determined to rebuild
the temple of stone. In the fight with Sausara the Gujarát army was
defeated and Udayana was mortally wounded. [602] Before Udayana died
he told his sons that he had meant to repair the temple of Ádísvara
on Satruñjaya and the Sakuniká Vihára at Broach and also to build
steps up the west face of Girnár. His sons Báhada and Ámbadá promised
to repair the two shrines. Subsequently both shrines were restored,
Kumárapála and Hemáchárya and the council of Anahilapura attending
at the installation of Suvrittinátha in the Sakuniká Vihára. The
Girnár steps were also cut, according to more than one inscription
in A.D. 1166 (S. 1222). [603] This war and Udayana's death must
have occurred about A.D. 1149 (S. 1205) as the temple of Ádnátha
was finished in A.D. 1156-57 (S. 1211). Báhada also established near
Satruñjaya a town called Báhadapura and adorned it with a temple called
Tribhuvanapálavasati. [604] After the fight with Sausara Kumárapála
was threatened with another war by Karna [605] king of Dáhala or
Chedi. Spies informed the king of the impending invasion as he was
starting on a pilgrimage to Somanátha. Next day he was relieved from
anxiety by the news that while sleeping on an elephant at night king
Karna's necklace became entangled in the branch of a banyan tree,
and the elephant suddenly running away, the king was strangled.
The Prabandhachintámani records an expedition against Sámbhar which
was entrusted to Cháhada a younger brother of Báhada. Though Cháhada
was known to be extravagant, the king liked him, and after giving him
advice placed him in command. On reaching Sámbhar Cháhada invested the
fort of Bábránagar but did not molest the people as on that day 700
brides had to be married. [606] Next day the fort was entered, the city
was plundered, and the supremacy of Kumárapála was proclaimed. This
Bábránagar has not been identified. There appears to be some
confusion and the place may not be in Sámbhar but in Bábariáváda in
Káthiáváda. Cháhada returned triumphant to Patan. The king expressed
himself pleased but blamed Cháhada for his lavish expenditure and
conferred on him the title of Rája-gharatta the King-grinder.
Though the Gujarát chronicles give no further details an inscription
in the name of Kumárapála in a temple at Udepur near Bhilsa dated
A.D. 1166 records that on Monday, Akshaya tritiyá the 3rd of Vaisákh
Sud (S. 1222), Thakkara Cháhada granted half the village of Sangaváda
in the Rangáriká district or bhukti. Just below this inscription is
a second also bearing the name of Kumárapála. The year is lost. But
the occasion is said to be an eclipse on Thursday the 15th of Paush
Sudi when a gift was made to the god of Udayapura by Yasodhavala the
viceroy of Kumárapála. [607]
Similar inscriptions of Kumárapála's time and giving his name occur
near the ruined town of Kerádu or Kiráta-Kúpa near Bálmer in Western
Rájputána. The inscriptions show that Kumárapála had another Amátya or
minister there, and that the kings of the country round Kerádu had been
subject to Gujarát since the time of Siddharája Jayasimha. Finally
the inscription of Kumárapála found by Colonel Tod in a temple of
Brahma on the pinnacle of Chitoda fort [608] shows that his conquests
extended as far as Mewáda.
According to the Kumárapálachintámani Kumárapála married one Padmávatí
of Padmapura. The chronicler describes the city as to the west of
the Indus. Perhaps the lady belonged to Padmapura, a large town
in Kashmír. Considering his greatness as a king and conqueror the
historical record of Kumárapála is meagre and incomplete. Materials
may still come to light which will show his power to have been
surprisingly widespread.
Mr. Forbes [609] records the following Bráhmanical tradition of a
Mewáda queen of Kumárapála, which has probably been intentionally
omitted by the Jain chroniclers.
Kumárapála, says the Bráhman tradition, had wedded a Sisodaní Ráni,
a daughter of the house of Mewáda. At the time that the sword went for
her the Sisodaní heard that the Rája had made a vow that his wives
should receive initiation into the Jain religion at Hemáchárya's
convent before entering the palace. The Ráni refused to start for
Patan until she was satisfied she would not be called on to visit the
Áchárya's convent. Jayadeva Kumárapála's household bard became surety
and the queen consented to go to Anahilapura. Several days after her
arrival Hemáchárya said to the Rája 'The Sisodaní Ráni has never come
to visit me.' Kumárapála told her she must go. The Ráni refused and
fell ill, and the bard's wives went to see her. Hearing her story they
disguised her as one of themselves and brought her privately home to
their house. At night the bard dug a hole in the wall of the city,
and taking the Ráni through the hole started with her for Mewáda. When
Kumárapála became aware of the Ráni's flight he set off in pursuit
with two thousand horse. He came up with the fugitives about fifteen
miles from the fort of Idar. The bard said to the Ráni, 'If you can
enter Idar you are safe. I have two hundred horse with me. As long
as a man of us remains no one shall lay hands on you.' So saying
he turned upon his pursuers. But the Ráni's courage failed and she
slew herself in the carriage. As the fight went on and the pursuers
forced their way to the carriage, the maids cried 'Why struggle more,
the Ráni is dead.' Kumárapála and his men returned home. [610]
The Paramára chiefs of Chandrávatí near Ábu were also feudatories
of Kumárapála. It has been noted that to punish him for siding with
Arnorája of Sámbhar Kumárapála placed Vikrama Simha the Chandrávatí
chief in confinement and set Vikrama's nephew Yasodhavala on his
throne. That Kumárapála conquered the chiefs of Sámbhar and Málwa is
beyond question. Among his names is the proud title Avantí-nátha Lord
of Málwa.