DOWNFALL OF THE HORDE
In 1471 Feofil, the archbishop, was anointed in Moscow, and obtained
from the Grand Prince release for boyars in detention. The next year
Ivan married Sophia Palaeologus, a niece of Constantine, the last
Emperor of Constantinople. Ivan’s first wife, Maria, a Tver princess,
had died six years earlier. When the Turks captured Tsargrad, in 1453,
the younger brothers of the Emperor, Dmitri and Thomas, were despots or
rulers in Negropont, but instead of helping each other, they exhausted
their forces in fighting, and in 1460 their possessions fell to the
Osmanli. Dmitri yielded to Mohammed II, gave him a daughter for his
harem, and lived upon Mussulman bounty. But Thomas, a prouder and more
determined man than his brother, left his wife in Corfu, and journeyed
to Rome, thinking to find there not merely a refuge, but aid to win
back his dominion.
The papal throne was then held by the well-known Aeneas Silvius
Piccolomini, who was Pope Pius II. He received very cordially this
Palaeologus, who had remained faithful to the Florentine union, and
assigned him a generous pension. Thomas brought to the Pope a most
precious relic: the head of Saint Andrew, which was met with great
honor by the clergy and placed in St. Peter’s. To this relic the former
despot added another: the hand of John the Baptist. Pius II now
announced a crusade to expel the Osmanli, and wished to take personal
part in it, but death struck him soon, and Palaeologus himself died the
following year, 1465, while waiting for his family, which had already
reached Ancona.
His eldest child, Helena, a widow of Lazar II, the Serbian king,
retired to a convent; two sons, and Zoe (Sophia), a daughter, still
remained. They settled in Rome under papal protection. By the will of
their father their guardian was Vissarion, that cardinal who, after
Isidor’s death, was made titular Patriarch of Tsargrad. He had the
young men and their sister reared carefully, and strove to inspire them
with attachment, not to church union alone, but to the Latin Church
specially. Princess Sophia had not passed out of childhood when both
the Pope and Vissarion were seeking a husband for her among princely
houses in Italy, and elsewhere. But those efforts ended unsuccessfully,
partly because the girl had no dowry, and partly because of intriguing.
Vissarion’s attention rested at last on Ivan of Moscow. It was no great
task to incline the Pope toward this marriage. It is known that the
Curia strove to bring Russia to its spiritual guidance whenever a
chance came. What Isidor had not accomplished, that is, the union of
the Churches, the Pope now planned to effect through Sophia. Moreover
he saw in Ivan fresh aid against the Osmanli.
Ivan was pleased with this marriage into a house with which he was
related already,—his aunt, Anna, the sister of his father, had been
wife of John, the eldest brother of Thomas Palaeologus. Sixtus IV, Pope
at that time, received very graciously the envoys who came for the
bride and brought rich presents. The chief of these envoys was Giovanni
Battista Volpe of the city of Vicenza, who, employed at the mint, lived
in Moscow, and was known there as Ivan Friazine. The Pope and the
Sacred College spoke to the envoys as if the Russian Church had joined
the Florentine union already. Sixtus, like those who preceded him,
thought to drive out the Osmanli, and had formed a league to that end,
both with Naples and Venice. In May he blessed banners for that
enterprise, and three days later the marriage of Sophia was solemnized
in the Basilica of St. Peter. Then Sophia and her suite and Ivan
Friazine, who represented the Grand Prince, were sent on their way
accompanied by the papal legate, Antonio, to whom, as it seems, was
committed the task of establishing the Florentine union in Russia.
They journeyed through Italy and Germany to Lubeck, where they took
ship, and after sailing eleven days on the Baltic, reached Revel;
thence they passed through Pskoff and Novgorod to Moscow. The legate,
Antonio, in a red robe and hat, and wearing red gloves which he never
removed, had a crucifix borne before him as he passed through the
cities. He made no sign of the cross in Orthodox churches, and kissed
no images, as did Sophia and those who were with her. This roused much
scandal among Orthodox people, who remembered the Latin apostasy of
Isidor. Reports of these facts reached Moscow and the council at once
considered how to act with the legate. Ivan sought advice from the
metropolitan, Philip, who answered that if Antonio entered Moscow with
the crucifix at one gate, he would leave the city directly by another
gate. That he who honors a strange faith belittles the faith of his own
land. Ivan sent a boyar to have the legate hide the cross in his
equipage, and after some opposition Antonio yielded to this request.
The marriage took place the day of Sophia’s arrival.
For form’s sake, it was needful to make some decision regarding
Antonio, whose special mission it was to unite the two Churches. They
arranged a discussion between him and Philip, who called in Nikita, a
man of deep reading, who, if we credit the chronicle, talked with such
wisdom that the legate was forced to declare that he had not the books
which he needed. In every case he soon saw that there was no chance of
union. Still he remained eleven weeks in Moscow, after which Ivan
dismissed him with honor. The envoys who had come with Sophia from her
brothers returned to Rome also. The Grand Prince sent gifts of great
value to the Pope, and also to Sophia’s brothers. Ivan, related by this
marriage to the Greek and Roman Cæsars, now adopted the double eagle
for the arms of Russia, still to be seen in its archaic form in the
“Palais à Facettes” of the Kremlin. His seal bore on one side an eagle,
on the other a horseman trampling a dragon. On this seal was the
inscription “Grand Prince by the Grace of God, Sovereign of Russia.”
The confidence of Rome in Sophia was baseless. She carried from Rome,
as seems evident, ideas not touching on gratitude, and had bitter
memories of what she had passed through in many ways. On her long
journey to Moscow she had time to think over her position, and was no
doubt advised by the keen Greeks who accompanied her. Ivan Friazine
himself, who knew the Grand Prince very well, might have opened her
eyes in church matters. Sophia not only rejected the union in which she
had been reared, but adhered to the Orthodox Church very firmly. She
was a woman of strong character, and bore the Mongol yoke with
impatience. Having great influence over Ivan, she incited him
continually to struggle against its oppression.
We must now turn to Novgorod. The late war and peace with Ivan had
greatly intensified the conflict of parties. Popular government, which
had existed for centuries in that Commonwealth, had lost the best
points of its character. No matter how unequal were the powers in this
struggle with Moscow, only a cracked and shattered system could be so
weak as was Novgorod. The boyars, freed from Moscow detention,
strengthened the Boretski adherents, who began promptly to pour out
their hatred of Moscow on Moscow adherents. The struggle was limited no
longer to mob meetings; violence began, and whole streets were
plundered. Once a number of boyars, with the city posadnik, Anani, as
their leader, assembled a party of followers, and attacked two streets,
wounding and robbing their enemies who lived there. Another time
Panfil, an elder, with boyars, and a party of similar character, broke
into the houses of other boyars, beat their servants, and bore off much
property. When such were the acts of men in authority, whose duty it
was to keep order, it is clear that there was anarchy in Novgorod. The
opponents of the widow and her sons could find no protection at home;
hence they turned to the Grand Prince.
Ivan delayed not in making his answer. Setting out in the autumn of
1475 with a large armed attendance, he sent a courier in advance with
the tidings that he was on the way to his inheritance, Great Novgorod.
Barely had he entered the lands of the city when people came forth with
complaints of oppression. Later on boyars and men of importance
received him with presents, as did the archbishop, Prince Shuiski, the
posadnik, and others.
November 21, the Grand Prince arrived at the Gorodische, and went to
mass there. On the twenty-third he entered Novgorod officially, and
prayed in Sophia Cathedral. He dined with the archbishop and returned
to the Gorodische. His military forces found lodgings in monasteries.
The unexpected arrival of the Grand Prince confused the partisans of
Kazimir. They were silent and tried to rival their opponents in
hospitality to Ivan. The Grand Prince dined once with Prince Shuiski,
and thrice with the archbishop. He feasted once at the house of the
former posadnik; he dined also with the commander and with notable
boyars. At each house many casks of wine from “beyond the sea,” mead in
barrels, rich cloth, foreign gold, tusks of walrus, trained falcons,
sables, horses, gold goblets filled with pearls, horns mounted in
silver, and silver dishes, were presented to him. It is evident that
Novgorod men did their best to surpass one another.
But the stern widow did not bend to the Grand Prince. Martha Boretski
offered neither hospitality nor presents. The former posadniks,
merchants, and rich men, who did not succeed in feasting Ivan, came to
him with gifts and with homage. The posadnik and the commander brought
one thousand rubles from the city. Ivan gave a banquet himself, to
which Prince Shuiski, the posadnik, many merchants, and wealthy persons
were invited. The Grand Prince sat long at table with his guests, gave
them fine garments, rich goblets, sabres, and horses.
But feasting did not draw Ivan from the object of his coming. He
received Novgorod complainants who sought for redress of injustice.
Touching the street attack by boyars, Ivan commanded to arrest the
chief offenders, the posadnik Vassili Anani, and the boyars Bogdan
Osipoff, Feodor Boretski, and Ivan Lashinski. In accordance with
Novgorod rule, Ivan required the Assembly to attach its own officers
with his to the defendants. The comrades of those offenders were freed
on the archbishop’s recognizance in the sum of fifteen hundred rubles.
After the case had been examined, Ivan rendered judgment against the
defendants. On the archbishop’s security they were freed from
imprisonment, but had to pay fifteen hundred rubles indemnity to the
injured, and a fine to the Grand Prince. The four main criminals,
despite all petitions, were sent under guard and in fetters to Moscow.
After a stay of nine weeks, Ivan went back to Moscow. Besides the four
boyars, he gave command to arrest Ivan Afonasoff and his son, Olferi,
because they had plotted to surrender Novgorod to King Kazimir. From
Moscow the condemned boyars were sent to Kolomna and to Murom.
Thus Ivan seized the chief leaders of Kazimir’s party, and gave
Novgorod an example of his justice, which punished men without
reference to wealth or position.
Novgorod men, finding no protection at home, went to Moscow with
complaints against powerful offenders. The Grand Prince then summoned
those offenders to his capital, a thing never done up to his day. Among
the complainants and offenders to be met in Moscow were Novgorod men of
distinction,—for example, a former posadnik, Zahari Ovin, and the
boyar, Vassili Nikifor. The latter, though a leader of the Kazimir
party, gave an oath of some kind to the Grand Prince. Many members of
the party, considering their cause lost, passed to the other side. The
adherents of Moscow had now grown so confident that, with the
archbishop as their leader, they acted with decision.
In the winter of 1477 there came to the Grand Prince a document from
the archbishop and all Novgorod. In this document the Grand Prince was
called Gosudar (sovereign), and not Gospodin (lord), as had been the
case up to that day. Ivan somewhat later sent as envoys to Novgorod two
boyars to ask what kind of “Gosudarstvo” (sovereignty) Novgorod men
wanted. The Moscow envoys appeared before the Assembly and asked if
Novgorod men, having called Ivan sovereign, would yield now the
Yaroslav court to him, have his representatives on all streets, and
leave his judges in freedom. The people were stunned by these
questions. The majority shouted at the envoys, said their statement was
a falsehood, and declared that the Assembly had never called Ivan a
sovereign, that no document had ever been sent to him with that word in
it.
Kazimir’s party hastened now to rouse public rage against Moscow. A
furious storm rose immediately. The people remembered those boyars who
had gone to the Grand Prince for justice. They seized Nikifor and Ovin;
they brought them to the Assembly and questioned them. Ovin, to protect
himself, accused Nikifor. “Falsifier!” shouted the people to Nikifor,
“thou hast kissed the cross to the Grand Prince!” “I kissed the cross
to serve with truth, and wish well to him, but I kissed no cross
against Great Novgorod, my sovereign, or against you, my dear
gentlemen.” Thereupon Nikifor was chopped into small bits with axes.
Ovin did not save himself either. They killed him with Kuzma, his
brother, at the archbishop’s palace.
Some other boyars, in dread of a similar fate, hurried off to the Grand
Prince. Their houses were ransacked, and gutted, and their property
taken. The unrestrained mob gave itself up to various excesses. Again
were heard shouts: “We are for the king!” But no man harmed the envoys
of Moscow, and they were sent back to Ivan with this answer: “We salute
you lord, but sovereign we have not called you. Your court is to be as
before in the Gorodische. But your representatives are not to be with
us, and Yaroslav’s court we will not surrender to you. We will carry
out our agreement made at Korostyno. As to him who without our consent
called you sovereign, punish him as may please you; we will execute
every man whom we find guilty in this case.”
Thus the question of sovereign remained unexplained. The chronicler
leaves it indefinite, and does not state whether a document was sent
from the Assembly in that sense, or was used only by the archbishop and
certain boyars.
Ivan complained now to the metropolitan, to boyars, and to his own
mother, that the Novgorod men refused to adhere to their statement,
that they represented him as untruthful and insulted him; that they
plundered and killed persons faithful to Moscow. After he had judged
the affair with the aid of a council, composed of the higher clergy and
the boyars, the Grand Prince resolved on a new expedition against
Novgorod, and immediately sent couriers to summon forces. He asked
Tver, and Pskoff also, for aid. Prayers were held in all churches, and
liberal gifts made to them, and to monasteries.
In the latter part of September, 1478, Ivan sent to Novgorod a
declaration of war, and on October 9 he set out with his army. Marching
through Tver territory, he arrived ten days later at Torjok, where a
Moscow lieutenant, Vassili Kitai, was stationed. There he was met by
two envoys who had come from Novgorod to obtain a safe-conduct for an
embassy to negotiate; this the Grand Prince refused. In Torjok the
auxiliary Tver troops were waiting with others. Ivan had planned well
his campaign, and advanced with rapidity. As he approached Novgorod,
boyars, merchants, and wealthy men came begging for admission to his
service. They recognized the futility of struggling with Moscow, and
passed to the victor in season.
On reaching Lake Ilmen, Ivan divided his army into four parts. The
first was commanded by his brother, Andrei Menshoi, and others; on the
right wing was his brother, Andrei Bolshoi, the Tver voevoda, and
Prince Michael; on the left wing was his brother, Boris, and in the
center, where he himself was, was Prince Patrikaieff. He sent a part of
the army to take possession of the Gorodische, and also of the
monasteries, before any one could burn them. This was done
successfully. The rest of the army laid siege to the city. In Ivan’s
first campaign a dry summer had assisted, but the time was now winter,
hence the troops could go anywhere freely; lakes, rivers and morasses
were solid. The Grand Prince and his men marched on the ice of Lake
Ilmen and halted three versts from Novgorod, at the village of the
boyar Lashinski. Not relying on frost alone, Ivan built a bridge over
the Volkoff, thus ensuring connection with all the parts of his army.
What could the city do against this dreadful power which beset it on
all sides? In the first war with Moscow the city had considerable
forces, but now we find them not even attempting to fight in the open.
Every energy was turned to defending the walls and the fortress. They
tried at first to strengthen these defenses, and even made a strong
wooden wall near the new bridge. If Ivan had attacked without waiting,
he might have found much resistance, and would have lost, it may be,
many warriors; but he was not in a hurry. He calculated on how long
Novgorod could resist in this difficult position. It was not without
reason that during the first war, and after it, Ivan had seized the
most active and capable leaders opposed to him. There was not one
weighty person now among the leaders; and it would have been very
difficult for any man of power to appear in the anarchy which was
raging in the city at that time. Assistance from outside was
impossible. No aid came from Kazimir. One method alone was left open to
Novgorod people: negotiations with the conqueror. They could only
bargain for conditions as best as they were able, and then beg for
mercy. In fact the chronicler in describing this campaign touches
mainly on this point.
Novgorod had sent to Torjok to obtain from Ivan a safe-conduct for
envoys. He commanded to detain the first messenger. They sent then a
second, and a third man. Only on November 8, when thirty versts from
the city, did Ivan give safe-conduct. An embassy of ten, with the
archbishop as leader, then came to him. The archbishop rendered homage
to Ivan, calling him sovereign, and Grand Prince of all Russia, in the
name of the abbots, the priests, and all the seven churches of
Novgorod. He asked him to be gracious to his inheritance, to put away
sword and fire, and to restore to the city those boyars who had been
taken to Moscow. After the archbishop, other members of the embassy
spoke in the same sense. The request to free a few boyars taken to
Moscow was ill-timed, when the very existence of the city was in peril.
Feodor, an envoy, added a request that the Grand Prince would command
his boyars to discuss conditions of peace with them.
Ivan made no answer, but invited the envoys to dine with him. Next day
he appointed Prince Patrikaieff and two boyars, the brothers
Borisovitch, to talk with those envoys. As was the wont of that time,
the Novgorod envoys divided the articles for discussion: One man asked
that the Grand Prince be gracious to Great Novgorod, his heritage, set
aside wrath, and sheathe the sword; another asked that the boyars
detained in Moscow should be liberated; a third proposed that the
sovereign should come to Novgorod not oftener than once in four years,
take one thousand rubles each visit, and whatever his lieutenant and
posadnik could not judge he should judge on his coming, and not summon
Novgorod men to Moscow for trial. A fourth requested that the
lieutenant of the Grand Prince should not interfere in the courts of
the archbishop and posadnik. It was asked also that servants of the
Grand Prince be judged not in the Gorodische, but in the city. In
conclusion it was requested that the Grand Prince declare why it was
that Novgorod should give homage.
All these questions were laid before Ivan. On the following day, at his
order an answer was given, also in sections. Prince Patrikaieff made a
general introduction, then the other two boyars continued. Touching
Novgorod’s denial as to using the word “sovereign,” by this denial,
they said, Novgorod had given the lie to Ivan and insulted him. The
Grand Prince was astounded that the archbishop and the envoys asked
freedom for men then detained for robbery and violence. In conclusion,
Prince Patrikaieff added that if Great Novgorod wished to do homage to
the Grand Prince, it knew for what it was to do homage. The envoys were
dismissed with this answer.
December 4 the archbishop and envoys returned. They expressed
Novgorod’s regret for having denied the word “Gosudar.” Then followed
Ivan’s answer: “If ye acknowledge your fault and ask what rule there is
to be in our heritage, Great Novgorod, our answer is: We wish the same
government in Novgorod as in Moscow.” The envoys departed. December 7
the archbishop came with the same envoys and five other men. They
begged that the Grand Prince’s lieutenant should judge with the
posadnik. They proposed an annual tax of half a silver grieven for each
plow. “Let the Grand Prince rule the dependent cities of Novgorod
through lieutenants; but not remove men from Novgorod territory, or
take the lands of boyars, and not summon men from Novgorod to Moscow,
or make them serve in the Lower Country.”
The Grand Prince answered through the boyars: “I have said that I wish
the same rule in Novgorod as in Moscow, and now ye point out to me how
to act. How would that be my rule?” After that they begged him to
explain his will, since they knew not how he ruled the “Lower Country.”
The Novgorod boyars knew well what Moscow rule was, but they feared the
final word, and feigned not to understand the discussion. At last the
sentence was pronounced by Ivan through his boyars: “Our rule is this:
There is to be neither Assembly nor posadnik in Novgorod. We are to
have the whole government, and the districts and villages are to be
managed as in the Lower Country.”
This answer was like a thunderbolt, but was softened somewhat by the
promise not to remove people from Novgorod, or touch the inheritance of
the boyars, and to leave courts in their present condition.
They discussed the words of the Grand Prince a whole week in the city
at stormy meetings. Finally the party of moderate men and the adherents
of Moscow triumphed. They sent the same envoys to say that the Assembly
and the posadnik were abolished. But they repeated their petition
touching land, and the removal of people from Novgorod, that is, a
summons to Moscow, and service in the Lower Country.
It is clear that the Novgorod boyars had sacrificed their government,
and were working then for class interests only. The Grand Prince
granted their requests, but when the envoys asked an oath from him he
refused sharply. They asked then that his boyars take an oath. This was
refused also. They begged that his future lieutenant take the oath.
This was not granted. Moreover, Ivan detained the envoys in his camp a
whole fortnight. He wished to weary the Novgorod men, and bring them to
perfect agreement. He knew that there was a large party that still
opposed him, and cried out at all meetings that they must fight Moscow
to the uttermost.
Meanwhile supplies in the city were exhausted; hunger began, and, as
many people from the country had taken refuge in the place, the plague
appeared. There was great abundance in the Moscow camp, and Ivan
commanded Pskoff merchants to sell flour, fish and bread to the people.
Disturbance and quarrels between the desperate opponents of Moscow and
its adherents were unceasing. The Moscow side triumphed, however, and
made further resistance impossible. The chief voevoda in Novgorod,
Prince Shuiski, renounced his oath to the city. Going out unopposed,
two days later, to the camp of the Grand Prince, he entered his
service.
On the twenty-ninth Ivan summoned the Novgorod envoys to confirm all
conditions, and then dismissed them. Barely had they gone from his
presence, however, when the boyars stopped them, declaring that the
sovereign demanded towns and villages, otherwise he could not manage
Novgorod. They had to pass many times between the Moscow camp and the
city before this question was settled.
Novgorod offered two districts adjoining Lithuania, then ten districts
belonging to the archbishop, and the monasteries; but Ivan would not
take these. Then they asked that he say himself what he wanted. He
demanded one half of the districts of the archbishop and the
monasteries, and all Torjok districts, no matter to whom they belonged.
The Assembly at last agreed to this, but asked that half the land be
taken from the six chief monasteries, and that the land of the others,
which were needy, should not be taken.
Ivan consented, and when, at his command, a detailed list of all the
districts was given, he showed favor to the archbishop, and took not
one half of his land, but only a tenth of the best districts. When the
question was settled the envoys begged Ivan to lighten the siege,
during which many people were perishing. He did not hasten to answer,
and commanded his boyars to talk about the annual tax on all Novgorod.
After long discussion, Ivan made it half a silver grieven for every
plow of each land-tiller. At the same time, at request of the bishop,
he agreed not to send his own scribes, or listers, lest they might
burden the people. He would depend, he said, on the faith of the
Novgorod men, who might collect the whole tax and deliver it to
whomever command should be given to receive it. When these conditions
had all been accepted, Ivan ordered to clear the Yaroslav court for
himself, and drew up an oath paper for all Novgorod. This paper was
signed by the archbishop, who put his seal on it, together with the
seals of the five ends of Novgorod, and January 15, 1478, the five
Moscow boyars, who had finished negotiations, were sent to the city to
take the oath from all people.
Thenceforth the Assembly existed no longer. The higher classes, that is
the boyars, rich people and merchants, took oath in the bishop’s
palace. And to the five ends of the city were sent from the Grand
Prince officials who brought all common men to the oath of allegiance.
Then the Novgorod boyars, boyars’ sons, and wealthy people asked the
Grand Prince to take them into service. This he consented to do with
the obligation on their part to inform of the good and evil planned by
any of the Novgorod men, with relation to the Grand Prince of Moscow.
Only on January 18 did Ivan permit the country people, who had gathered
in the city for safety, to go home, and on January 29 he entered
Novgorod to hear mass, but returned to camp, as there was plague in the
city. He remained about three weeks longer, arranging affairs of all
kinds. At the Yaroslav court, instead of an Assembly, were Ivan’s two
lieutenants, Prince Striga Obolenski and his brother. On the Sophia
side of the city Ivan appointed two boyars, Vassili Kitai and Ivan
Zinovieff. These four men were to govern the city and give judgment
instead of the former posadniks and commanders. Then, not limiting
himself by the pardon given Novgorod men, the Grand Prince commanded to
seize a number of the leaders of the party opposed to him among boyars
and wealthy persons; these men he sent to Moscow and confiscated their
property. Among the persons taken was the renowned widow, Martha
Boretski, with her grandson, Vassili,—the son of Feodor,—who died later
on in confinement at Murom, after he had taken the monk’s habit.
Ivan left Novgorod, and on March 5 arrived in Moscow. He had sent
forward a boyar to his mother, to his son, and to the metropolitan with
tidings that he had brought his inheritance to his will, and had made
himself sovereign in Novgorod, as in Moscow. Ivan was followed by men
bringing the Assembly bell of Novgorod, which was hung in the Kremlin
tower and sounded with other bells.
In spite of their exhaustion, the Novgorod people were not reconciled
yet to the loss of independence. In 1479 Ivan’s well-wishers declared
to him that Novgorod was secretly negotiating with Kazimir, who was
preparing to war against Moscow, and was rousing the Khan of the Golden
Horde to attack the Grand Prince. About the same time there was a
disagreement between Ivan and his brother, so the opportunity seemed
favorable for an uprising in Novgorod. Ivan estimated the importance of
the moment, and showed no slackness. He hurried to Novgorod October 26,
with only one thousand warriors, enjoining his son to collect forces
with the greatest speed possible, and follow him. Though guards had
been placed on all roads to prevent news from reaching Novgorod, the
city learned that Ivan was hastening to strike it, and immediately rose
in rebellion. People rushed to strengthen the walls; they chose a
posadnik and a commander; they renewed their Assembly. On hearing of
this, Ivan halted two weeks at Bronitsi, and waited till new forces
reached him. Then he laid siege to Novgorod. The siege was brief. Again
there was wrangling of parties, and continual treason. Many went over
to the Grand Prince. Moscow guns crushed the walls, and there was no
help from any one.
The Novgorod men tried to negotiate, and asked for a safe-conduct. Ivan
refused, saying: “I am safety for all who deserve it. Open the gates!
When I enter I will injure no innocent man.” They opened the gates. The
archbishop and the clergy bearing crosses, the elected authorities, the
boyars, and a multitude of people went out to meet the Grand Prince and
implore forgiveness. Ivan received the archbishop’s blessing, and said
that he brought peace to all who were innocent. He went to pray in the
Cathedral. After that he stopped in the house of the new posadnik. And
then he began to punish.
The Novgorod men had risen up foolishly, without considering that in
case of defeat they would lose the few privileges for which they had
yielded so much some months earlier. This time, when the uprising was
ended, Ivan treated those people as rebels and traitors. First he
commanded to seize the chief leaders, and put them to torture. They
declared that the archbishop had joined the uprising. Ivan seized the
archbishop, and sent him to Moscow. His wealth, which consisted of
precious stones, gold and silver, was given to the treasury, and
Sergei, a monk, was made archbishop instead of the guilty man. More
than one hundred active rebels suffered death, and their property was
confiscated. Ivan did not hold himself bound by promises made
previously not to transfer men from Novgorod to the Lower Country, and
he made a broad use of this privilege, in order to prevent any uprising
in future, and to break the old stubborn pride of “Lord Novgorod.”
To the Lower Country that year he removed one thousand families of the
merchant class, and descendants of boyars. Seven thousand families of
common people were moved to Moscow, and other towns and cities. In
place of those he sent Moscow people to Novgorod. In the following
years these transfers were continued. The houses and lands taken from
Novgorod people were given to settlers from Moscow. By transfers of
this kind the whole population was modified. The Novgorod people, when
taken to the Lower Country and scattered, could not retain their old
spirit and habits, and soon became merged with their neighbors. The
numerous colonies in Novgorod introduced Moscow ideas and customs, and
were points of support for the new order. Of course these changes
brought loss with them, and the merging of Novgorod and Moscow was
costly.
Thus ended the semi-separate existence of Great Novgorod, which had
lasted in some form for more than five hundred years. The fall of the
city increased immensely the power and prestige of Moscow. Ivan became
an important personage, even among the crowned heads of Europe, and now
thought himself strong enough to defy the Mongols, and break the
humiliating yoke of servitude. It had been the custom, when an embassy
arrived, bearing the Khan’s portrait, as proof that they were deputed
by him, for the Grand Prince to march out to meet them, prostrate
himself, offer a cup of kumis, and spread a sable skin under the feet
of the person who read the Khan’s letter. This letter was listened to
while kneeling. It is stated that Ivan now not only refused to
prostrate himself when an embassy came from Ahmed, but he seized the
portrait, trampled it under foot, and had all the envoys killed except
one, whom he bade return to his master and report what he had heard and
seen, telling the Khan further that if he continued to trouble Russia,
he would be served in the same way.
It is more probable, however, that King Kazimir, who feared this great
accretion of power, roused Ahmed against Moscow, promising to render
personal aid. But this time the allies let slip the right moment. The
Novgorod rebellion and the quarrel of Ivan with his brothers gave them
a favorable opportunity for an attack on Moscow, but Ivan’s statecraft
and rich gifts given at the Horde by skilful envoys delayed the Khan’s
action so that the Grand Prince was able to subdue Novgorod and settle
home troubles, and then, when the moment came, to send strong forces to
meet the advancing Mongols. There was firm friendship between Mengli
Girei, Khan of the Crimea, and Ivan, but there was bitter enmity
between Girei and Ahmed, the Golden Horde Khan. Of this enmity Ivan now
took advantage, and concluded an alliance with Girei against Ahmed.
July, 1480, Ivan set out to join his troops in Kolomna, while his son,
Ivan, with another army, was stationed at Serpukoff, and his brother,
Andrei, in Tarua.
Ahmed advanced with a large army toward the Oká, but learning on the
way that the chief crossings were defended by Moscow men, he moved
westward, and after passing the Lithuanian boundary approached the Ugra
River, which formed the boundary of Moscow. Ivan was informed of this
movement in season, and his son and brother were able to reach the Ugra
before the Mongols, and seize the main fords and crossings. Meanwhile
the Grand Prince went from Kolomna to Moscow, which was prepared for a
siege, should the Mongols cross the river and attack the city. At the
head of the people was the strong-hearted mother of the Grand Prince.
She had become a nun somewhat earlier, and taken the name of Martha,
but now she desired to remain in the city to strengthen and animate
others by her courage. Among distinguished men who remained were Prince
Michael, Ivan’s great-uncle; the metropolitan Geronti; Ivan’s
confessor, Vassian, and Prince Kaieff, Ivan’s own vicegerent. But
Sophia, his wife, the Grand Prince sent with the treasury and many
attendants to Bailozersk, and commanded to take her still farther, even
to the ocean, should Moscow be captured.
When the Grand Prince neared the capital, people of the villages moved
to Moscow, and burned all the neighboring places, as was done usually
to hamper besiegers. Many were greatly dissatisfied with Ivan’s return.
They did not like to have him leave the main army. His confessor spoke
boldly, accused him of fear and timidity, and used the word “fugitive.”
He even sent a letter to the prince, in which he appealed to Ivan’s
pride, his honor and his ambition: “It is our duty to speak the truth
to kings, and what I have already declared to you, mightiest of
sovereigns, I now write in the hope of strengthening your purpose. When
you set out, moved by the entreaties of the metropolitan and the
loftiest of your people, to battle with the enemy of the Christians, we
implored God to grant you victory. Nevertheless we hear that on the
approach of the ferocious Ahmed, who has killed so many Christians, you
bowed down before him and begged for a peace, which he contemptuously
refused. Oh, prince, to whose counsels do you listen? Surely they are
not worthy of the name of Christian. From what heights of grandeur have
you not descended? Would you surrender Russia to fire and sword, its
churches to pillage, and your people to the Mongol’s sword? What heart
would not be broken by such a disaster? Where can you expect to reign
after sacrificing the people God has confided to you? Can you mount
like an eagle and make your nest among the stars? The Lord will cast
you down. But you will not desert us, and prove yourself a coward and a
traitor. Be of good courage,—there is no God like our God. Life and
death are in his hands. Remember the glories of your ancestors,
Vladimir Monomach, the terror of the Polovtsi; and Dmitri, who
conquered the Mongols on the Don. He boldly faced Mamai,
notwithstanding his oath of allegiance. We will release you from an
oath extorted by violence—a breach of faith which will save the Empire
is preferable to a fidelity which will ruin it. God will grant you a
glorious reign, you and your sons and your sons’ sons, from generation
to generation. In the past you have defeated the infidel, but what says
the Evangelist: ‘He that shall endure unto the end shall be saved.’ Do
not blame my feeble words—for it is written: ‘Show the wise man
knowledge, and he will be wiser.’ Thus may it be. Receive our blessing,
you and your sons; your boyars and your brave warriors, children of
Jesus Christ. Amen!”
At this critical juncture, the indignation of the people was great
against the Grand Prince for not showing more boldness, and was
expressed with such emphasis that he finally withdrew to Krasni-Seltso.
In later days it became evident that a deep and far-seeing policy and
not fear had caused this seeming hesitancy. At that time, however, no
man could understand it, for the Russian army numbered, it is said, one
hundred and fifty thousand, was well organized, and had a powerful
artillery.
In place of moving against the enemy, Ivan ordered his son to Moscow.
But the son was eager for battle, and risked his father’s wrath by
remaining with the army near the Ugra. He was under the direction of
Prince Holmski, the experienced voevoda. The Grand Prince commanded
Holmski to seize the young man and send him to Moscow by force. Holmski
did no more than to advise the youth to go, and he received this
answer: “I would rather die where I am than go to my father.”
Ivan at last yielded to public opinion and the words of the clergy.
After remaining in Krasni-Seltso for a fortnight, he went to the army;
but he halted before reaching the village of Kremenets, and sent gifts
to Ahmed with a message requesting him to withdraw: “War not against
thy own land,” said the Grand Prince.
The Khan, upon receiving the message, commanded Ivan to visit him,
according to the custom of his fathers. When he refused to do so, Ahmed
demanded that he send his son or brother. Again he was met by a stern
refusal. The Khan then agreed to the sending of Basenkoff, a boyar, who
had been at the Horde, had brought gifts and enjoyed the Khan’s
friendship. But the Grand Prince would not send even Basenkoff. During
this time Ivan was constantly urged by the people of Moscow and by his
officers to advance on the enemy, but he remained deaf to all advice
and avoided decisive engagements, showing no inclination whatever to
imitate Dmitri, his great-grandfather. According to his calculation, an
expectant attitude would break Ahmed’s forces at last. He was waiting
also for news from Mengli Girei, his strong, resolute ally.
Ahmed, on his part, showed no eagerness for battle. He stood facing a
numerous and well equipped Moscow army, and did not urge action. He
boasted that he was waiting till the rivers should freeze, and then,
when all the roads were open to Moscow, he would advance, utterly
destroy that city, and punish his servant Ivan for withholding tribute
and homage. But in reality he was waiting for his ally, King Kazimir,
as on a time Mamia had waited for Kazimir’s father, Yagello. This time,
too, the waiting was long and useless, though for a different
reason—Mengli Girei, to assist the Grand Prince, had made a furious
attack on Volynia and Kief, and thus drawn Kazimir’s forces southward.
It was autumn. Already frost had come, and by October 24 strong ice was
on the Ugra and there was a safe road over the river. Ivan’s army was
strengthened now by the coming of his brothers, Boris and Andrei, with
their regiments. These brothers had been reconciled to Ivan through the
influence of Martha, their mother.
But neither the Russian nor the Mongol army showed any inclination to
cross the river. At last Ivan commanded his troops to withdraw from the
Ugra and join him in Kremenets. Not satisfied with this, he withdrew to
Burovsk, promising Moscow and his angry commanders to meet the Mongols
there, where the broad plain was well suited for a battle-field. But
the Khan, for some unknown reason, had no thought of following. He may
have feared ambush, or he may have been disconcerted by the
reconciliation of Ivan with his brothers, and by the failure of Kazimir
to assist him, and the news of Girei’s movements in the south.
Meanwhile the thinly clad Mongols were suffering severely from frost
and bad weather. They remained till November 11, when the Khan quietly
withdrew from the Ugra, and marched southward. Thus both armies, after
facing each other for a long time, disappeared from the field without
fighting.
Though the people of Moscow had been greatly dissatisfied with Ivan’s
conduct, they now greeted him with honor and solemnity, nay, with deep
joy, understanding at last with the clearest conviction that the
question of the Mongol in Moscow was settled forever.
The events which followed justified Ivan’s immense caution; they turned
it into prudence and made it seem admirable, for the Golden Horde had
put in the field large forces, and victory on the Ugra would, at the
best, have been bought with much bloodshed and dearly.
Not long after this triumph of diplomacy, the Horde was destroyed by
the Mongols themselves, without any bloodshed for Russia.
When returning to the steppes, Ahmed, raging with anger at Kazimir for
his slackness and unfilled promises, fell to plundering Lithuanian
regions unmercifully. Laden with immense booty, he halted at the Donets
to winter there. But the wealth which he had gathered roused the greed
of Ivak, Khan of the Shiban Horde, who, aided by Nogai murzas, made a
sudden attack upon Ahmed and killed him. Ivak sent a swift courier with
these tidings to Ivan in Moscow, and received gifts in return.
The last blow was given to the Golden Horde by Girei, Khan of the
Crimea, Ivan’s faithful ally, against whom a mortal hatred was
cherished by Ahmed’s descendants. Girei attacked the Golden Horde at
Sarai, its capital, and destroyed it completely. Ahmed’s son, then Khan
of the Horde, sought refuge among the Nogais. Later on he went to the
Sultan at Tsargrad, and at last to his famous ally, the King of Poland.
There he was put in prison, however, and the king sent word to Mengli
Girei that as long as he remained in peace his erstwhile disorderly
neighbor would be retained in durance.
Thus in 1505 ended the Golden Horde, or the Horde of Sarai, which had
so bitterly oppressed Russia for more than two hundred and forty years.
The continuation of the Horde was the small Astrakhan Kingdom, once a
vassal state in Batu’s mighty empire.
THE END.
NOTES
[1] The tomb of Askold is still shown near Kief.
[2] The city of the Tsar, or Cæsar, that is Constantinople, so called
for the first Christian Emperor, Constantine.
[3] Olga was the mother of Sviatoslav and thus the grandmother of
Vladimir.
[4] Ruins of this city still exist near Sevastopol. Among the ruins is
a church said to be the one in which Vladimir received baptism.
[5] The present Galicia.
[6] Men riding one horse and leading another.
[7] This phrase is a declaration of war.
[8] The value of the gold grieven was about one hundred and eighty-six
rubles while that of the silver grieven was from four to five rubles.
[9] The burying of gold and silver was customary at that time.
[10] Diminutive of Dmitri.