ALEXANDER NEVSKI
In 1252–1253 Alexander Nevski began rule and was the real successor of
Yaroslav, his father. When Andrei had grown weary of exile, he begged
Nevski to intercede for him at the Horde. Meanwhile Sartak, Batu’s son,
had been murdered, as is said, by Berkai, his uncle, who took the
Kipchak throne and waited confirmation from Mangu, at that time Grand
Khan.
Again all Russian princes had to visit the Horde and wait to have their
titles confirmed. Alexander sent his nephews, Glaib and Boris, with
rich gifts to Ulavchi, the favorite. The gifts were accepted and Andrei
was forgiven, but Nevski himself had to go to the Horde with his guilty
brother to receive the formal pardon.
The eternal enmity in Novgorod between the strong and the weak; the
rich and the poor; the rooted hostility of haughty merchants and
opulent traders to craftsmen and land-tillers; and the rivalry among
the ambitious for power and offices raged unceasingly. From of old a
large number, and at times a majority, were attracted to the Russia
outside of Great Novgorod. There had long been partisans of Vladimir
among Novgorod boyars, men who thought it well for their country to act
with Vladimir and even to be merged in it, but there were also
implacable opponents to either coöperation or union, and these
nourished hatred for Vladimir at every hazard. On the Vladimir side
were all the more or less well-to-do people, the peace men. Therefore
it seemed as if the adherents of Vladimir were only the well-to-do, and
the satisfied, who cared not for the poor; but this was not the case.
On the side of Vladimir were the land-tillers and common folk.
When Nevski took power in Vladimir he placed his eldest son, Vassili,
in Novgorod. Vassili could not oppress Novgorod; he was too young for
such action. He was, also, a real Novgorod partisan, as he showed later
on by contemning his father. These partisans were supported by the mob
of the city, men without houses, with nothing to lose at any time, and
nothing to gain except what they could win through disorder. They were
advocates of the loudly lauded “Novgorod liberties.” They appeared,
though untruly, as friends and defenders of working men. But working
men saw in boyars who “loved liberty” their chief and main enemies.
They saw in them persons who sought liberty for themselves, but not for
“small people.” Among these boyars were the very rich, the proud, who
recognized no man beyond their circle. In all riots, no matter how many
there might be, these great and rich persons directed the councils and
managed the city. Some of them claimed to love liberty and poor men;
others did not go that far. But in cases of riot both divisions of
those “great people” strove to hold the street mob at command. They put
forward bold rioters, who cared not for small or great persons, but
found profit in disorder. And when during encounters the people came to
examine the question at issue, or had at last to interfere in those
matters, such confused causes were presented that it seemed beyond
human power to explain them. Each side appealed to the rights of Great
Novgorod and the good of the people, but the people could never find
out the real cause of the disturbance, or where there could be any
profit for them in the turmoil.
Just such a riddle was offered in the case of Vassili, son of Nevski.
There was a party in Novgorod which had pretexts at all times for
rousing the people, and beclouding good counsel. As Mongol oppression
increased and taxes and tribute grew heavier, oppression of all kinds
gave designing men chances for evil incitement. They needed simply to
shout: “We are defending our liberties against cursed eaters of raw
flesh. Away then with favorites of the Khan, slaves to Mongols!” and
the conflict would begin.
In 1255 Novgorod disturbers summoned Yaroslav as prince to their city.
Nevski was astounded when he heard that his son had been driven away in
disgrace, and that his place had been given to Yaroslav. Why could
Yaroslav serve Novgorod better than Vassili, unless because Yaroslav
was in disgrace at the Horde, and under the Khan’s anger? Nevski moved
at once against Novgorod. In Torjok, where he met his son, he learned
still newer details of the riot from Novgorod men, who had come out to
meet him. The city was terribly excited, disorder had taken unusual
proportions. Yaroslav had fled when he heard that his brother was
coming. The posadnik at that time was Anani, a well-known opponent of
Vladimir. The adherents of Vladimir, who were, of course, favorable to
Nevski, strove to allay the excitement, and bring back Vassili, but
they also had an object apart from this: their leader was Mihalko
Stepanovitch, whom they wished to make posadnik; therefore they accused
Anani of causing the disturbance, and tried to expel him from office.
Mihalko appeared boldly against his opponents, and the people were
divided. It seemed to uninformed observers as if Mihalko’s adherents
were seeking merely for the profit of boyars. “Were they not mainly
those rich men, who cared not for poor folk, while Anani’s adherents
were simple men, standing up bravely for liberty and the honor of
Novgorod?” The excitement became greater and greater. Nevski, having
drawn near, sent a command to Novgorod to put an end to the riot, and
give him Anani. Through this the excitement was not decreased, but
heightened immensely,—nay, it became general. The outbreak was involved
by the fact that Anani, though a known enemy of Vladimir, proved to be
innocent this time. The disturbers on both sides had abused his name
greatly. One party promised to die for him, the other to throw him into
the river, and drown him. Some declared that the whole riot was made to
protect their good guardian and defender, while others represented him
falsely as the banisher of Vassili, and the father of every known evil.
Those in arms against Mihalko encamped at Nikola, and swore to die for
Anani.
When Nevski was approaching, they asked of one another, “What shall we
do?” and finally resolved not to surrender any of their people. The
“small folk” kissed the cross, declaring: “We will defend Novgorod
rights and live or die for them.” When Nevski commanded them to
surrender Anani, all were confused, and, not knowing what course to
pursue, they went to Dolinot, the archbishop, and counseled. They knew
Nevski’s persistence, they knew that when he had once taken a position
he would not retire from it, and to the demand these words were added:
“If ye will not yield me Anani, I am no longer your prince, I will
march straight against you.” They decided at last to beg Dolinot, and
Klim, the commander, to go to Nevski in the name of all Novgorod, and
say to him: “Come, Prince, to thy throne and give no ear to offenders.
Work thy displeasure on Anani and others.”
The two men went to Nevski as ambassadors. All waited their return with
impatience. The prince listened neither to Klim nor to Dolinot. When
they returned and announced their failure, there was sorrow on both
sides. In the meeting which followed, people said with one voice: “It
is a sin for those men who have brought us to quarrel with Nevski.”
They came almost to bloodshed, and if blood did not flow the whole
merit belonged to Anani. Mihalko with his men was ready to fall on
Anani’s adherents, but Anani sent secret observers to note all that was
happening. When the adherents of these two men came to blows, and the
mob rushed to burn the house of Mihalko and kill him, Anani stopped
them, saying: “Brothers, if ye wish to kill him, ye must take my life
from me first.”
The third day after this, Nevski’s forces stood fully armed before
Novgorod. On the fourth day he sent again a message to the city, but
now it was changed somewhat: “Remove Anani from office, and I will
forgive you.” All yielded willingly, and Anani himself before others.
They gave the office to Mihalko, making peace with Nevski on his own
terms. Prince Vassili was seated in Novgorod again, and his return
should have pleased the city, since his reign was not without profit.
The Riga Germans, and also the Swedes, had begun new attacks on the
Novgorod borders, and frequent raids were made by the Lithuanians.
Vassili won victories over all these enemies. The Lithuanians were
crushed; the prince pursued them far west of Toropets. The Germans
withdrew before the Pskoff warriors, and the Swedes were badly
defeated.
This new attack of the Swedes disturbed Nevski, hence he came to
Novgorod with large forces, and commanded the city to assemble fresh
regiments. The point of his intended attack was kept secret. Cyril,
Metropolitan of Russia, came with him, and conducted the prince and his
troops to Koporye. From there he sent him on his journey, after
blessing the warriors, who learned then that their campaign was to end
in that region where in summer the sun does not set for six months, and
in winter does not rise for the same length of time. This locality—the
country of the Lopars, later called Lapland by Germans—was the remotest
part of Novgorod possessions, and was visited rarely, for it had not
been assailed hitherto by the enemies of Russia, but about this time
the Swedes were endeavoring to take those lands from Russia, and
connect them with Sweden.
This was among Nevski’s most striking campaigns. Marching along
difficult cliffs and through dense forests he finally reached the sea.
The wearied Novgorod men now refused to go farther, though they had
made but half the journey, so Nevski sent them home and finished the
campaign with his own personal followers, who were as untiring and
fearless as their prince. He won all the seacoast, and returned
bringing a multitude of prisoners, and leaving the country behind him
in fear and obedience. Nevski’s men had before this pushed through the
gloom of Yatoyag forests; they had made paths through wooded swamps in
Lithuania; they had suffered from blizzards in Trans-Volga regions;
they had endured all kinds of hardship and toil in campaigning, but
they had seen nothing like that which they experienced in this war
against Chuds and Lopars (Fins and Lapps). Nevski had now marked with
his sword, for the use of coming ages, the Finnish boundary of Russia.
Whenever Nevski went to the Horde he was distinguished beyond other
princes; they did not detain him too long; they granted his requests,
and dismissed him with honor. When he brought with him Yaroslav, his
brother, as he had brought Andrei earlier, the Khan forgave Yaroslav,
who after that remained quietly in his own possessions. And when an
order came from the Khan to send forces beyond the Terek near the foot
of the Caucasus, the Russians were freed from this service at Nevski’s
request.
The prince suffered more and more from those visits to the Horde. In
former days he seemed stern and serious after each of them, but now he
seemed worn and exhausted. His health did not promise long life to him.
The demands of the Mongols were increasing, and soon a decision was
published which brought all men to despair when they heard it. No one
had power to set aside or change this decision. The Khan commanded to
take a great census, to count all his subjects, and increase his income
by imposing a head tax. This time Nevski’s intercession was useless.
The greedy master of the Horde insisted on his decision, adding that
such was the will of the Grand Khan. Mangu had in fact commanded to
enumerate all men and things under Mongol dominion.
Officials of the Horde appeared first in Ryazan and in Murom. There
they counted the people and described the land minutely. Dues were
imposed upon all men except the clergy. Town and village property, and
occupations were described in this census. The officials went thence to
Suzdal, Rostoff, and Vladimir. One year and a second had passed before
they finished. They did this work with great care, without haste, and
most accurately. Next inspectors appeared to ensure the close gathering
of the tribute and taxes. All this time an ominous sound was heard
coming from Novgorod, though there had been order in the city since the
second installation of Nevski’s son, Vassili, now sixteen years of age
and well conversant with the affairs of that place.
Nevski was observing the census carefully everywhere, in places ruled
by others as well as by himself. His labor in studying this work took
much of his time and strength.
In the winter of 1257–1258 the Mongols were sent to Novgorod to
enumerate the inhabitants and property of that place. When the
officials were leaving Vladimir, Nevski gave them as assistants a
number of his own men, but he did not go himself, since he wished to
hear from his son before further action. While he was waiting for news,
the chief Mongols came rushing back to Vladimir in anger. How they had
been offended in Novgorod no man could learn from their account and
their outcries. With a great din they attacked the prince, saying that
they had gone to Novgorod believing in his word, but if they were to be
treated in this way they would throw aside everything and go back to
the Golden Horde straightway.
Nevski, seeing clearly the danger, summoned his brothers, Boris from
Rostoff, and Andrei from Suzdal, but only with great difficulty could
he detain the Mongols. At last, however, they consented to return to
Novgorod, if accompanied by Nevski and his brothers. The Grand Prince,
upon approaching Novgorod, was surprised that his son did not come out
to meet him. Most of the Mongols had followed their superiors to
Vladimir, only a few had remained in the city; these declared that no
census had been made, and added: “We know not what is happening.”
The posadnik, Mihalko, had been killed,—Anani had died a few months
earlier. Some said that Prince Vassili had declared to the people his
willingness to die for the liberties of Novgorod; others said that he
was not in the city. A second posadnik had been chosen, and killed.
Klim, the commander, they had driven out of Novgorod.
When Vassili heard that his father was coming, he had in fact said to
the people: “They are bringing fetters to put on us. Let us die for the
liberties of Novgorod!” He had been taught these daring words by
boyars. But after uttering them his courage failed and he fled to
Pskoff with these same boyars.
Nevski wished to march against Pskoff without waiting, but the Mongols
would not permit it; they feared to part with him. Novgorod then sent
the following message to the Mongols: “Honor from us to the Khan, and
to you. We have gifts for him, and for you also.”
Nevski now turned to Pskoff with this message: “Send back my son and
all the traitorous boyars immediately.” The guilty men were sent back,
and, knowing that Nevski was not mild with offenders, they looked for
dire punishment. “To evil men an evil end,” said the people. “These
boyars have brought Prince Vassili to sorrow.” All in the city expected
that one would be hanged, and another beheaded. The authors of these
troubles were, in fact, cruelly punished. Some had their eyes put out,
some had a hand cut off, others had their nostrils torn away, their
tongues cut out, or their ears taken off; Vassili was put under guard
and sent to Suzdal.
The Mongol officials, well pleased with this punishment, and with the
rich gifts of the city, promised to make no complaint to the Khan; they
would either be silent, they said, touching what had been done, or
would mention it mildly. So those officials were pacified, and brought
to good humor.
Novgorod had chosen Misha as posadnik, but he had been murdered during
the disturbance. They now selected Michael; a third man, Jiroha, was
appointed as commander to succeed Klim, who had been driven from
Novgorod. The people begged Nevski not to leave them without a prince.
Many Novgorod men had recently visited Vladimir; some of these had gone
on errands, and some had been sent by Nevski to see how obedience was
rendered the Mongols in that city. Hearing from the people there all
the terrors of Nevruya’s “promenade” they knew well the meaning of a
Mongol census invasion. Some of these men, on returning, informed their
friends that if Novgorod would not yield to the census, a Mongol host
would come quickly, and bring woe to the city; others reported dread
tidings: Mongol forces were marching already. Novgorod grew quiet at
once, and the leading citizens decided to permit the census to be
taken. Because of this decision, Nevski was able to satisfy the
Mongols, and he begged them not to delay or defer, but to carry out the
Khan’s will immediately. They consented, but required that the Grand
Prince himself should stay with them.
When the census officials appeared to begin their work again in
Novgorod and districts around it, the promise to yield was as if it had
never been given. When the officials stepped out of sleighs, and were
assigned the best houses to live in, and the Mongols made ready to pass
from street to street, and from house to house, an ominous murmur went
up throughout Novgorod. In all districts near the city there was
disturbance and uproar. Men ridiculed the Mongols, and spoke evil words
to their faces. The censors, in alarm, asked Nevski to protect them. He
sent guards to their houses, and among these the son of the posadnik.
But neither posadnik nor commander had meaning for Novgorod
malcontents. Not only were common people terribly excited, but the
chief men fell into two parties opposed to each other. The Khan’s
officials threatened to abandon their task altogether. Nevski was
forced to stay with them always. The people grew still more excited:
“We will die for Holy Sophia!” was their watchword. The Mongol
officials turned to the boyars, repeating suggestively: “Permit us to
take the census, or we will leave Novgorod!” The boyars laid all blame
on the people. The Mongols turned then to Nevski, with these words:
“Why should we stay here longer? Your people will kill us.” On the
square louder and louder were heard threatening voices. “Let us resist
to the death! Whoso is just let him join us!” The crowd of people felt
sure of their rights and complained: “The rich command to count our
heads. They make everything easy for themselves, but evil for small
folk.” There was a roar throughout the city: “We will die for justice!”
All at once a report was spread that the Mongols were to move on the
Kremlin from two points. There was a rush to the cathedral from all
parts, and a cry rose: “Let us go to Saint Sophia. We will lay down our
heads there!”
Meanwhile the Mongols were only thinking of how to save themselves.
Nevski, greatly fearing lest the people might kill them, did not think
it wise to detain them longer. Not merely had they not finished the
census, they had barely begun it. Still, in spite of the turmoil, no
riot took place in that boisterous Novgorod, accustomed to disorder and
bloodshed. No “pagan eater of raw flesh” was attacked, either inside
its walls or beyond them.
At the beginning of 1259, new envoys from the Horde arrived at
Vladimir, men so important that even the people remembered their names,
which were Berkai and Kasatchik. They were sent to command the Khan’s
men, and to finish the census in Novgorod. Again Nevski was forced to
accompany census officials. On the way to Novgorod he joined with his
own forces Rostoff regiments, and also the regiments of Suzdal. Berkai
and Kasatchik had demanded this aid to protect them. They approached
the city with a great force of warriors. This time the Novgorod men
were alarmed, but they yielded only when they found resistance to be
vain. The new envoys did not return to the Horde till the work had
begun in their presence and they felt sure that their subordinates
would be able to complete it. These men went along each street from
house to house, describing accurately all the land, houses, goods, and
people.
But Novgorod showed a no less desperate opposition than earlier, an
opposition which was strong, protracted and stubborn. Both sides were
prepared for a bloody conclusion. On one side was the dense population
of a city in which all carried weapons; on the other the armies of the
Grand Prince and the Khan’s commanders. Two almost equal forces stood
opposed to each other, and had reached the utmost bounds of excitement.
They had come to that moment beyond which a bloody encounter must take
place. But at this critical juncture an idea flashed on Nevski which
averted the peril. He begged the Khan’s envoys to go from Novgorod, and
he would assume all responsibility. They did this, and then he declared
to the people that he had exhausted all means and methods of saving
them. He would leave them now to the Khan, they might meet his anger in
their own way. Thereupon he commanded his troops to leave the city
immediately, and he himself walked forth from the fortress. The
Novgorod men had waited for his order to the troops to attack them, and
now to their amazement he had commanded those troops to march out of
the city. This command produced terror. All bowed down at once before
Nevski, and implored him not to leave them. They promised to yield to
his will absolutely. This ended the trouble. The Mongols were recalled,
and their work began in good earnest. Later on the delight of Great
Novgorod was unbounded when the Khan’s agents finished the census, and
vanished.
The struggle and anxieties of this period, ending with the completion
of the Novgorod census, took much time and strength from Nevski. Only
in 1260 was there, as the chronicler tells us, “any peace for
Christians.”
In the beginning of 1261, Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, was born to
him. After that year the prince had no respite from suffering.
The worst of the Mongol yoke was not that every man’s head, and every
horn and hoof of his cattle was registered, not that Mongol inspectors
were stationed in all parts of the country; the heaviest weight of the
yoke came when the Khan farmed Russian taxes to men from Khiva,
Turkestan and Bukhara. Among partners and aids of those tax-farmers
were Jews and Armenians, persons of various languages and religions.
These traders in tribute, a people unheard of in Russia till that time,
began a work which greatly intensified Mongol oppression. They became
real torturers, squeezing the last copper coin from the people. They
imposed grinding interest for arrears of tribute. They were worse than
the most cruel usurer. Men who were unable to pay they sold into
slavery or beat savagely with whips and clubs. This terror extended
from end to end of the country. From those galling oppressions came
riots. The riots were suppressed most unsparingly, and with bloodshed.
No longer could safety and peace be connected with any place. There
were disorders in Suzdal, in Pskoff, even in Pereyaslavl Beyond the
Forest.
These uprisings were not against Mongols directly. The people beat
tax-farmers and their assistants, not the Khan’s men, hence the Khan
could not be angry in the same degree; still his anger might be looked
for, and reports were often current that regiments from the Horde were
marching “to pacify” Russia.
At this juncture news came that Germans, the Knights of Livonia, were
advancing with a numerous force to attack Pskoff. Nevski sent his own
personal troops to Dmitri, his son, Prince of Novgorod at that time,
and ordered his brother, Yaroslav of Tver, to go also; he went then to
the Horde to try to save the Russian people from some of their new and
great afflictions. The gifts which he took with him were more valuable
than any he had given earlier, and his petitions were the simplest, and
the most reasonable. But at the Horde they gave Nevski to understand
that they were dissatisfied. They let him know that they were not
pleased with him personally. Berkai was different from what he had been
while Batu was still living or while he was struggling with Sartak for
mastery. He was curbed now by no man; besides, he was angered by
military failure beyond the Caucasus, where he was warring with Hulagu,
his strong cousin. He detained Nevski without need all that winter,
then he detained him during the following summer, and only late in
autumn could the prince set out for home, sick and broken, to die
before reaching Vladimir. He came to Nizni-Novgorod, and when they
brought him to Gorodets his last hour was near. At that place he took
the monk’s habit, and on November 14, 1263, his life left him.
The death of Nevski fell on Russia like a thunderbolt. It was a
national calamity expected by no man, for with all his great services
Nevski died when only forty-two years had passed over him. Even when
burying him people could not believe that he had left them forever. His
name, his very coffin seemed sacred.
When the great Peter had founded St. Petersburg on the Neva, concluded
peace with the Swedes and restored the ancient patrimony of Ijora, he
brought Nevski’s bones to the capital, where they repose in the
monastery of Alexander Nevski, and are honored at present and will be
for the ages to come as relics of a saint and a hero. There is no
better saint in the whole Russian calendar, and no greater statesman or
warrior in its history than Alexander Nevski. By his wisdom and by his
policy of yielding with apparent resignation to the tyranny of the
Mongols, he suppressed revolts which would have perhaps brought about
the abolition of native government, with the substitution of Mongol for
Russian princes. Such substitution would have endangered the language,
religion and race of the Russian people. This had to be avoided at
every sacrifice. No man knew the relative strength of the Mongols and
Russians better than Alexander Nevski; no man was more devoted to
Russia than he; no man was more respected by his own; therefore his
words had weight, and when he explained that resistance would be ruin
and submission was the only road to salvation the people believed and
obeyed him. In this way he rescued Novgorod and many another city from
utter destruction, and saved the lives of untold thousands. Above all
his influence remained; it curbed passion and instilled patience and
courage into the minds of men, and the knowledge that violence only
made the yoke more oppressive.
About the time of Nevski’s death, Moscow began to increase in size and
importance. Daniel, his youngest son, received this town, then very
small, and a few villages around it, as his inheritance.
In Yuri Dolgoruki’s principality of Vladimir was laid the foundation of
Moscow, and all that distinguished Vladimir from Rostoff and Suzdal
distinguished Moscow in a higher degree. The advantage of Vladimir over
earlier cities consisted in this, that there were none of those
“ancient strong families” which held themselves separate from others.
The Vladimir principality was settled by people who had come from many
places and established themselves there during that historical period
when out of a varied multitude of Slav stocks and families were formed
one Russian people. This from the very first was the place of all
Russia, this was Vladimir’s distinction. This must be said in a higher
degree touching Moscow, the youngest and most recent of places
subjected to Yuri, and formed later than others into a well-ordered
region. When Dolgoruki’s inheritance had become a strong state under
princes succeeding him, the cities therein became so assimilated to
Vladimir that they recognized no longer the pretensions to primacy of
Rostoff and Suzdal. In the days of Big Nest the appellation Great
Russia was connected somewhat loosely with Vladimir. This appellation,
before which not only Rostoff and Suzdal yielded, but Lord Novgorod,
was forced to incline, became permanently connected with Moscow, when
that city rose to power finally. If, after the death of Andrei
Bogolyubski, Rostoff and Suzdal boyars insisted on calling Vladimir an
adjunct, they could not pretend that Moscow depended on the boyars of
any place, since Yuri Dolgoruki had raised it against boyars in
general. The tradition was that Moscow had been founded by Dolgoruki,
and then seized from him by boyars with violence which he punished with
immediate death.
The distinction of Vladimir rule lay in the fact that the power of the
prince acted firmly. Dolgoruki, and still more his son Andrei
Bogolyubski, put an end to boyar control, which in other principalities
was strong, and in some of them absolute, almighty. The struggle of
boyars to uphold the ancient, and for them useful order of rule, their
struggle for exceptional rights above other men, had in the Vladimir
land dropped to the place and the character of intrigue and of treason,
against which the people rose almost unanimously. The power of the
prince thus appeared with single effect, and the people hastened to
make it a state power. By precisely this aid of the people Big Nest had
overcome the proud and powerful “great ones,” who stood against the
“small people.” He had ended every claim of the boyars, claims hostile
to all rule which favored the people. He had earned the love of
earth-tillers and other workers by the fact that he permitted no town
or district to be governed through boyar authority, but sent his own
faithful servants to manage, and went himself yearly with his family
and trusted persons to see what was taking place, and to personally
give justice to all men. These servants differed greatly from boyars;
they were just as much subject to the Vladimir prince as were the rest
of the people. It was for their profit to strengthen and support the
native prince who was ruling.
In the Vladimir principality the whole social structure was built upon
land. The interests of all coincided. All, from small to great,
earth-tillers, artisans, clergy, merchants, warriors up to the prince
himself, formed one solid power, and this was Great Russia. When Big
Nest, near the end of his life, was opposed by his eldest son,
Constantine, and resolved on a radical change, he turned for support to
the people. He desired strength from the whole land as a unit. He did
not assemble simply boyars in an affair of such magnitude, he did not
turn to his confidants only, he called boyars, merchants, and all
classes of people. Such a union of the prince and the people ruled by
him was confirmed by kissing the cross, and was a pledge of future
union and consequent greatness. This union was the special distinction,
and formed the main force of Great Russia. This belonged not to Rostoff
and Suzdal, where, through ties with Great Novgorod and the old time,
the boyar spirit was still strong. Not to the earliest cities did the
trait belong at its best, but to later places, and most of all to the
youngest, for this trait depended much on the general success attained
not immediately, but slowly, with pain and great labor, by the princes
of Vladimir, and later on by the princes of Moscow.
At first while they were bringing into Vladimir the new type of rule to
replace the old boyar order, the men pushed aside and driven out
opposed it in every way possible. They complained of the prince’s
agents and servants, they invented keen sayings against this new
system. At that time none of the powerful men of the ancient order were
reconciled with the new, and some fled from the country. But in the
days of Daniel, son of Nevski, when Moscow was becoming prominent, the
complete solidarity of prince and people, and the devotion of the
people to an established princely line, became the chief trait of
Moscow, the coming capital of Russia. The sturdy, industrious,
persistent and peace-loving people were delighted to have the youngest
son of Nevski, who was but two years of age when his father died, as
Prince of Moscow and the country surrounding it. That region invited
new settlers, who came in large numbers from all sides, because there
was peace there and order, while north and south was disturbance and
turmoil. This great advantage of being a peaceful and modest place was
at that time the preëminence of Moscow, where Daniel, who alone of all
the brothers had inherited the “sacred virtues” of his father, ruled
quietly and unobserved.
Following Nevski’s death in 1263, there was a dreary interval during
which the princes struggled for the possession of Vladimir. Nevski was
succeeded by Andrei, his brother, who lived only a few months. Yaroslav
of Tver, brother of Andrei, then became Grand Prince. In the early
years of his reign the people of Novgorod were involved in a stubborn
war with Danes and the Knights of Livonia. During these troubles they
lived in peace with Yaroslav, but in 1270 they rose against him, and he
was forced to ask aid of the Mongols. They promised assistance, and had
sent forward a considerable army when, through the influence of
Vassili, Yaroslav’s brother, it was suddenly recalled. The Grand Prince
and his warriors then marched alone against Novgorod, but at the
instance of the Metropolitan of Kief, he made peace with the rebellious
boyars.
In 1272 Yaroslav died, and was succeeded by Vassili, who lived somewhat
less than three years. Then Dmitri, son of Nevski, became Grand Prince.
While the principality was thus passing from the possession of one
prince to that of another, the Mongols were taking full advantage of
the quarreling, confusion and disorder brought about by constant
change. They pillaged the provinces near by, and in 1278 burned Ryazan.
In 1281 Dmitri’s brother, Andrei, conspired against him, and going to
the Horde obtained, through bribes and flattery, the title of Grand
Prince. Troops were sent from Sarai, and dependent princes were ordered
to join their forces to Andrei’s and march against Dmitri, but they
refused. Because of this refusal, Andrei’s own warriors lost courage
and deserted him, and he fled. The Mongols, meanwhile, ravaged Murom
and many large towns. Pereyaslavl resisted and received dire
punishment. It was sacked and most of the people were slaughtered.
Andrei now went to Sarai a second time and brought an army against
Dmitri, who fled to Pskoff, and the Mongols seated Andrei on the throne
of Vladimir. Again Russian towns were pillaged. Suzdal and Moscow
suffered greatly, churches were sacked and precious vessels broken. If
people resisted they were slaughtered. Dmitri, driven from Vladimir,
wished to return to Pereyaslavl, his capital, but he was attacked by
Andrei and fled to Tver, where Michael made peace between the brothers,
and Dmitri, after struggling for three years to hold his own, promised
to abdicate all claim to the Grand Principality. Shortly after this he
fell ill and died (1294).
During all these troubled years Moscow had been slowly gaining power
and influence. Daniel, called by the people, who loved his peaceful and
gentle life, “Holy Daniel,” was the first Prince of Moscow, the first
real heir to it, and he became the founder of the Moscow line of
princes, as well as the founder of the city’s greatness. Nevski’s
youngest son received the smallest portion, but, though no one could
even dream of it in Daniel’s day, it was to excel in glory and
importance every other capital in Russia. Vladimir, Kief and Novgorod
all paled before Moscow. After Daniel had united to his capital places
on the border and had acquired Pereyaslavl, his portion, by its size
and good order, surpassed every other. He was not Grand Prince; the
glory of his name, which was to be handed down from generation to
generation, was not in a resounding title, or in mighty deeds. His
entire reign passed in comparative peace, but to him specially fell the
honor of maintaining the illustrious memory of his ancestors, so that
they might be renowned among Russians till the remotest generation. The
glory of his name is connected forever with Moscow. While his brothers
were struggling with one another and with their uncle for the Grand
Principality of Vladimir and the title, not one of them left a
permanent inheritance to their children, not one of them became famous.
Daniel, called simply “the Moscow prince,” collected an entire
principality around his inconsiderable town, and amassed such an
inheritance for his descendants that not only his grandchildren and his
great-grandchildren, but his own children were called Princes of All
Russia.
We have few facts concerning Daniel; they are not to be found in
Russian chronicles. He was among the best of the princes—a man who
worked in the gloomy days of Mongol oppression.
Daniel’s work was continued by his son Ivan, surnamed Kalitá (Purse).
As his father had gathered around Moscow a whole principality and his
residence had become the capital of a coming empire, so Ivan began to
gather round Moscow all the unconnected parts of the country, and in
his day the city appeared as the center of Great Russia, its genuine
capital, and Vladimir ceased to be important. Though without the
splendid virtues of his father, he, more than any of his brothers,
resembled him. A churchgoer, he loved home and economy,—the latter he
carried to excess even. His predecessors had struggled for the Grand
Principality, but Ivan left this work to Yuri, his brother, and
improved that which his father had left him. To things beyond Moscow,
Ivan paid no attention. During twenty-five years his name was mentioned
rarely. Meanwhile he was toiling at the heritage left by Nevski and
winning strength in it. One of his great works consisted of clearing
the whole principality of thieves, evil-doers and robbers. There was no
such order anywhere in that day as in Moscow, and the city increased
through immigration and otherwise beyond all places.
Besides other advantages, the central position of this principality
helped it immensely. In it the roads crossed in every direction. The
great water system began in its borders. Craftsmen, traders and people
of all kinds came readily to settle in Moscow. Land-tillers found it
more to their profit to live there than in places torn by quarrels.
Hence Moscow was made up of men from every part of Russia. Next to
Moscow was Tver, but there was less strength in Tver and less order.
The turmoils of Novgorod were felt in Tver somewhat, and Tver was more
exposed to raids from Lithuania. The place was, moreover, distinguished
for an almost frivolous and insolent demeanor toward Mongols; hence in
Moscow there was less danger from Mongols. All these causes taken
together made Tver less desirable to immigrants than Moscow.
In 1304 died Andrei, brother of Nevski. After his death, two men were
rivals for the dignity of Grand Prince. Yuri, son of Daniel, through
the glory of his grandfather, Nevski, and the newly won greatness of
Moscow, where he and his brother Ivan were ruling, looked on himself as
the senior. But the senior in fact, if descent were decisive, was
Michael of Tver, the youngest brother of Nevski. Both Yuri and Michael
hastened to occupy the throne of Vladimir, and each strove to incline
Novgorod to his side. Michael hurried off to the Horde to win the
patent, but found that Yuri had preceded him. The boyars of Andrei, the
recent Grand Prince, were in favor of Michael, and the men who had
served with Andrei were convinced that the throne would fall to their
candidate. But Yuri succeeded in occupying Vladimir, and Novgorod was
divided. Though that city contained many followers of Yuri, it did not
reject Michael. The Novgorod men declared to both candidates that they
would accept him who obtained the Khan’s patent; still they murmured at
Michael. Why was he sending officials to Novgorod while he lacked
confirmation?
Maxim, the metropolitan, was friendly to Michael; he revered Ksenia,
Michael’s widowed mother, as one of God’s chosen people; and respected
Michael’s wife, Princess Anna, because she had many Christian virtues.
Yuri seemed to him not in the right as compared with his senior. Seeing
the general movement of warriors and regiments on both sides, he was
greatly alarmed, and, wishing for agreement, he not only threatened
Yuri, but implored him to make peace. Maxim thought that he had
succeeded, but he did not know Yuri, who never dropped any claim that
he cherished. He would give no word not to go to the Horde. When the
metropolitan tried to win a promise he answered:
“I am not going to the Horde for a patent, but for another object.”
This wily prince, who was ambitious and unprincipled, stopped at
nothing to obtain power, which was dearer to him than all things else.
He knew well that the Horde was all-powerful, and the Khan was its
master in Russia. The word of the Khan was his sword; on this sword
Yuri’s trust was unswerving, and he used every means to wield it; hence
he set out for Sarai. While on the journey Michael’s adherents came
very near seizing Yuri. He escaped, however, and by a roundabout road
reached the Horde in safety, but only after much effort.
The Mongol magnates charmed the prince with their readiness to feast
and make friends with him. “Give more than Michael, and the yarlyk
(patent) will be thine,” said they. So the princes strove to surpass
each other in making presents to the Khan’s wives and favorites, as
well as to Horde magnates. It proved, however, that Michael had more
gold to spend than had Yuri. Yuri halted, and going to Michael, he
said: “Let us strive no longer. I will not ruin my heritage. Let
Vladimir be thine.” Soon after this the Khan gave the patent to
Michael, who returned home eight months later.
While the princes were at the Horde there was great activity in Russia.
Boris, Yuri’s brother, sent by him to seize Kostroma, had been captured
and taken to Tver. Novgorod men had expelled Michael’s boyars, who
strengthened Nova-Torg, and then planned to attack Pereyaslavl and take
it from Moscow. Akinfi, a Moscow boyar, having quarreled with Rodion
Nestorvitch, a boyar who had come from Kief to Moscow with seven
hundred followers and had received the first place in service, left
Moscow in anger to seek a better place, which he found with the Tver
prince, who made him the first among boyars. Akinfi assisted in
planning the campaign, and led the troops against Pereyaslavl. But in
Tver there were many well-wishers of Moscow, and they gave warning of
Akinfi’s adventure. The army which Ivan hurriedly led from Moscow was
successful. Akinfi’s troops were defeated and he lost his life in the
struggle; with him fell his son-in-law and many warriors. His sons,
Ivan and Feodor, fled to Tver with few attendants. As Rodion
Nestorvitch, who had sustained a leading part in this unsparing and
decisive conflict, was leaving the battle-field, he raised his rival’s
head on a lance-point and held it up before Ivan of Moscow. Ivan’s
name, mentioned this once, was not mentioned earlier in Russian
chronicles, and was left unmentioned thereafter for a long time. In the
quarrels with Tver and Vladimir not Ivan, but Yuri, his brother, is
prominent.
The Grand Prince Michael, on returning from the Horde, settled down in
Tver and ruled both the Grand Principality and Novgorod through his
lieutenants. He would not leave unavenged Akinfi, his chief boyar. A
campaign against Moscow was undertaken with every force which the Grand
Prince could summon. But he had not the strength to bend Moscow.
Neither opponent had sufficient power to crush the other; one had to
retreat and the other had to let him go unpunished. It seemed that all
that remained for Michael was to rule and live peaceably as Grand
Prince. He had no foe except Yuri, who, though he had made peace with
Michael, would not acknowledge his headship; nay, more, he challenged
Michael’s position directly. Causes and excuses for this were plentiful
on every side. Yuri not only did not yield the disputed Tver boundaries
to Michael, but he seized other lands in addition. At last Michael
complained without ceasing that Yuri was taking Tver lands from him,
while he, Michael, sought nothing save lands belonging to Tver in the
time of his father. Yuri would not give peace to his rival in Novgorod
or Vladimir; he roused both secret and open intrigues against him
unceasingly through his adherents in the two cities, and tried to
undermine Michael at all times. Novgorod as usual was divided against
itself. Factions were at war in the city. Some were in favor of the
prince, while others demanded his expulsion and wanted a new man.
Yuri and Ivan ruled together in Moscow and gave no voice to their
brothers. It was evident that Yuri intended to place his younger
brothers in other principalities. With that intent he had sent Boris to
Kostroma, where he was captured by Tver men. Besides Kostroma there was
only Nizni-Novgorod, but in general Yuri had his eye upon any place
which might be open to seizure. He was not troubled with delicacy in
dealing with princes, and soon there was a quarrel about
Nizni-Novgorod. As Michael was patient, Yuri’s insolence was overlooked
for a season, but the more Michael yielded, the greater were Yuri’s
demands on him. Their strength might seem equal, but Moscow was so far
superior that the Tver prince, even adding Vladimir, was not the
stronger.
In 1308, three years after his first attack upon Moscow, Michael,
because of Novgorod, was forced to take arms against Yuri a second
time. This campaign was undertaken with all the power which the Grand
Prince could summon and there was a great battle; much harm was
inflicted, but again Michael failed to take Moscow, and returned to
Tver without triumph.
Michael’s position in Novgorod was difficult. There were old involved
boundary questions between Novgorod and Vladimir; also between Tver and
Novgorod. If Michael did justice to Tver, he made Novgorod an enemy. If
he acceded to Novgorod’s demands, he made Tver indignant. Yuri, knowing
this difficulty, inflamed Michael’s enemies in Novgorod, and upheld the
demands of that city.
Tok Timur, Khan of the Golden Horde, died in 1312, and was succeeded by
Uzbek, the first Mongol ruler of Russia to become a Mohammedan, though
he was more Mongol by far than a follower of Mohammed. Again all
princes must visit Sarai and bow down to the Khan. Michael of Tver
appeared at the Horde before the others. He was accompanied by the
Metropolitan of Russia, who was allowed to go home after a very short
time. He returned to Vladimir before any one looked for him, but for
his friend Michael they waited till they ceased to expect him. One year
passed, a second began. At last, however, his visit came to a favorable
end. Uzbek confirmed him in the Grand Principality and commanded
Novgorod’s obedience. This was to be assured by Horde warriors, who
were prompt in assistance. With Michael went from the Horde three
“sultans” (commanders), Taitmar, Matroja and Indy. And the capricious
Moscow prince, who, during Michael’s absence, had made himself master
of Novgorod, was threatened with anger and summoned to Sarai to answer
Michael’s charges. Yuri set out from Novgorod directly, leaving
Afanasi, his brother, and Feodor Rjerski behind him to govern the city.
A Novgorod embassy went to the Horde to help Yuri. This support was
especially valuable to him, since the people never sent men with empty
hands to do business; they scattered gold and silver as far as was
needed. In money power no place at that time was equal to Novgorod.
Yuri knew well how to manage the Mongols. The Golden Horde magnates had
pleased him immensely in the days of his earliest visit, because of
their readiness to feast and rejoice with him. He had had friends and
allies during Tok Timur’s reign, but since he had promised Novgorod men
to relieve them of Michael, he had vastly more influence, for
Novgorod’s liberality was measureless. He received worthy aid for the
road and was assured of further assistance whenever the need came, and
in any proportion necessary, if only the Novgorod wish could be
gratified. Yuri felt sure of success. When he entered Sarai all things
seemed favorable. To begin with, Prince Michael, his enemy, who in Tok
Timur’s time had contended with him for the Grand Principality, though
the patent had been given him, was not popular at the Horde, for he had
not become intimate with any one. He knew not how to win Mongol favor.
Mild and sedate, he had not roused respect even by his obedience. His
sober, methodical life was unendurable to Mongols. On the other hand,
Yuri was loved by his old, and now by his new friends. Kavgady was the
keenest of the Mongol magnates, and he had the Khan’s fullest
confidence; with this man Yuri became specially intimate. Soon the Khan
himself was very gracious to Yuri, who was at home not only throughout
the Horde, but in the Khan’s family. There was no great feast without
him. In 1297, when young, he had married a Rostoff princess, but he was
now a widower. Soon it was known to all the high Mongols that Konchaka,
the Khan’s favorite sister, was to marry Yuri. Uzbek permitted her to
become a Christian, and she took in baptism the name Agatha.
Yuri remained at the Horde about two years. While he was there Afanasi,
his brother, and Feodor, placed by him in Novgorod, carried on war
against Michael, who marched toward Novgorod and met their forces at
Torjok in the spring of 1316. The Novgorod warriors were choice and not
few in number, but they were of the boyar party, for the people would
take no part in this war. Their army was defeated and was forced to
seek refuge inside the walls of Torjok.
Then Michael sent to them saying: “Give me the princes, Afanasi and
Feodor, and I will make peace.” “We will die for Holy Sophia with
honor,” was the answer. “We will not yield up those princes.” Then
Michael sent a second time: “Give me Feodor alone.” At first they
refused, then finally surrendered him, and peace was made.
But soon a new war broke out which dragged on a whole year, if not
longer. Michael sent his posadnik and officials to Novgorod, but the
city expelled them and the war continued, while Yuri was absent
arranging with Uzbek. Novgorod charged Michael with perfidy. The
tribute which Michael imposed on Torjok was not paid, and Novgorod
accused him of detaining hostages and of seizing their people, with
arms and horses. They sent an embassy to Yuri, but Tver warriors
intercepted those envoys and detained them. Novgorod complained that
after Michael had withdrawn from Torjok they sent a request through
their bishop asking him to liberate the Novgorod people detained by
him, but this he had refused to do. The Tver men in answer pointed out
Novgorod’s injustice. “Why send envoys to Yuri and the Horde, and
incite anger against Tver, Pskoff, Ladoga and other places? Why did
Novgorod in time of council throw Basok into the river, declaring him a
spy from Prince Michael? Why also was Daniel Pistsoff slain?”
Again Michael marched against Novgorod, but this time, though he was
not defeated, he suffered greatly. Approaching within fifty versts of
the city and discovering that men from Pskoff, Ladoga and other places
had come to help Novgorod, he withdrew. While retreating his troops
lost their way amid lakes and swamps, and were forced by hunger to eat
their own horses and even the rawhide of their shields. Many died of
hunger and cold; those who survived reached home in great wretchedness.
But this unfortunate expedition did not affect Michael so much as the
news from the Horde, news which forced him to make peace with Novgorod,
remit all arrears and return prisoners and hostages. Novgorod, on its
part, engaged to withdraw from Yuri and take no part in quarrels
between the two princes. The news which reached Michael before he made
peace, and which Novgorod did not at that time know, was then published
to all men. The Khan’s brother-in-law, Yuri, with his princess, had
left the Horde with large regiments from the Khan, and a suite of Horde
magnates. They were coming to strip Michael of his office. No one
doubted that Yuri was Grand Prince; that was the report, and the first
to believe it was Michael. He waited for further news, but no news was
forthcoming. No messenger came from the Khan, nor did he receive any
word from his men, who were at the Horde in attendance. But that which
was done in the Mongol camp and declared to the world was incredible,
unless Yuri had the patent.
Kavgady sent Telebuga, his assistant, to Novgorod to summon all
warriors to the banners of Yuri. Astrobyl was sent to the Volga for the
same purpose. Kavgady himself moved with his own troops, and some from
Yuri. They expected reinforcements from places above and below them.
Michael, fearing an attack on Tver, increased its defenses and summoned
in other princes. But in Rostoff and Suzdal, as well as Vladimir, no
one knew anything accurately. So that while some princes favored
Michael, others joined his opponents, and still others were undecided
which prince to support, though Kavgady had ordered all to join Yuri.
Michael marched toward Kostroma, but when he came in sight of Yuri and
his army, he sent him this message: “If the Khan has given thee the
office of Grand Prince, I withdraw. But touch not my heritage.”
One of the principal duties and the distinguishing right of the Grand
Prince was to give the Khan all the tribute collected by princes. For
this the Grand Prince was responsible directly, and in questions
concerning it he treated smaller princes as pleased him. They had to
deal with him only, and had not the right to appear at the Horde with
their tribute. Hence, because of those tributes, there were endless
disputes between the Grand Prince and the princes beneath him. It was
almost impossible to disentangle the questions of tribute paid too late
or too early, neglected, overpaid or underpaid. But Michael was
distinguished in this as in all things requiring accuracy. Every item
was recorded. How much he had received from this prince or that, was
written down carefully and delivered with precision. So now, when he
yielded the office of Grand Prince, he thought it his duty to give a
clear list of the tribute, including that which was not yet delivered.
All this was explained to Kavgady and to Yuri. Michael then gave up the
Grand Principality and the tribute.
“I will remain in my own place,” said he; “only leave me in quiet.”
Thus all was arranged and Michael, before the eyes of his enemies,
dismissed his main forces, leading home only a small retinue. Meanwhile
Yuri disbanded no warriors, but strengthened his army. The Suzdal
princes took Yuri’s side. Yuri now went to Moscow and with him went his
princess, “Konchaka,” as the people continued to call her. During the
summer Michael was occupied in fortifying Tver. Toward October, Kavgady
and Yuri marched against him. The whole Volga region joined Yuri.
Novgorod men were to be at Torjok to act against Michael.
When Yuri’s army reached the Tver border he began to burn towns and
take prisoners. Avoiding the capital, he turned against the Tver
possessions beyond the Volga. Michael lost patience at this point. Tver
men had always been noted for hating the Mongols. Michael’s sons, his
boyars and his warriors all demanded war, and he could not curb them.
“It is impossible,” said the people, “for thee not to go against Yuri.
We are ready to lay down our lives in this action.”
Michael and his forces met the foe forty versts from the city, December
22, 1317, and Yuri was thoroughly defeated. He fled to Novi-Torg with
few attendants, and then to Novgorod. His camp and his tent were seized
by the victors. They captured Konchaka, Yuri’s princess, and Boris, his
brother. When Kavgady saw that the battle was lost, he surrendered to
Michael, whose armor was cut and hacked, but whose body was not
wounded.
The delight of the victors was unbounded in view of the multitude of
prisoners. But the pleasure of their triumph was lessened by the fact
that many Mongols had fallen in the battle. Men learned now, and they
might have guessed earlier, that the conflict had been brought on by
Yuri and Kavgady without the Khan’s order or knowledge. What could they
do in Tver with the prisoners? Michael lodged Konchaka in his palace
with honor, and gave her every attention. Kavgady and his attendants
were favored with gifts and with feasts. The Mongols flattered their
entertainers and praised their generosity, but this deceived no one.
They remembered what wealth they had lost in the battle, and how many
captives had been taken from them, and it was seen in their eyes how
revenge lurked in their souls while they flattered.
That winter, just before Lent, Yuri led Novgorod men against Michael,
who, unwilling to cause more bloodshed so soon after his recent
victory, marched out, stopped Yuri from crossing the Volga, and sent
him this message: “We must go to the Khan; why should we fight before
going?” Yuri answered with insolence but agreed finally that both
should go to the Horde and let the Khan judge them. Michael declared
that Konchaka and Boris would be given up immediately, and the
opponents parted without an encounter.
But terrible trouble came now upon Michael. Konchaka died in his
palace, and the report was spread that she had been poisoned. The
coffin containing the body of the ill-fated woman was taken from Tver
to Rostoff and given to Yuri’s relatives. Michael was weighed down with
woe. Fate seemed to pursue him in this struggle with Yuri.
On learning that Michael was preparing to visit Sarai, Kavgady insisted
that Yuri should hasten and anticipate the Tver prince, and in clear
proof of the importance of doing so hurried off himself. When going, he
advised Yuri to collect as many men as possible of those who had had
dealings with Michael in the matter of tribute, so that they could be
called to give testimony against the Tver prince.
Michael understood well what serious work was before him, for it was
known at the Horde that Kavgady always misrepresented him to the Khan,
and reports of this had come to Michael. At last, toward the end of the
summer, he realized that he must loiter no longer. At Vladimir he met
Akhmyl, an envoy, from whom he hoped to learn something of what was
taking place in Sarai. Akhmyl counseled haste; he gave no precise
information, only whispering Kavgady’s calumnies, “Be there before a
month has passed,” said he. “Kavgady has stated that thou art not
coming.” Michael’s boyars advised him not to go; his sons said, “Send
us.” The prince hesitated. “One of thy sons is there now,” said the
boyars; “send another.” “Listen to us,” begged the sons. “Go not, thou
art calumniated. Send us. Go when the Khan’s rage has softened.”
Michael sat long in thought. At last he said, “The Khan has not asked
for you. It is my head that he wants. If I do not go, my inheritance
will be seized, and many Christians will perish. I must die sometime;
better die now, and save others.” He explained how he wished his
inheritance to be divided; gave advice to his sons; wrote his will and
took farewell of them. During the whole journey to the Horde he was
gloomy and depressed. He was ready to pour out his soul before Uzbek,
trusting in his justice. He did not doubt that the Khan would be
gracious if he only knew the facts in the quarrel. But would the Khan
know the facts?
When Michael reached Sarai he found that Uzbek had gone, and he had to
journey a thousand versts farther, to find him near the mouth of the
Don at the Sea of Azoff. Constantine, Michael’s son, who had been in
Sarai, could give his father no information except that one of the
Khan’s wives was kind; he had visited her and she liked him. From his
boyars, who were with Constantine at the Horde, he heard that the Khan
had spoken no evil against him. At the Horde all received his presents
graciously, but he could learn nothing decisive.
At last the day came when he was to bow to the earth before Uzbek. He
could see no displeasure in the Khan’s visage; he seemed as friendly as
when he had given the patent; he was neither kind nor unkind. In the
Horde it was the same—neither kind nor unkind. There was no recognition
between him and Kavgady or Yuri. The whole Horde was with them, as it
seemed to Michael. Everything confirmed the statement of his friends
that Kavgady was calumniating him always. It was said also that the
intimates of the Khan had mentioned repeatedly the necessity of judging
the Tver prince. When the Khan promised and afterward forgot, they
reminded him that the case was important and should not be deferred;
that a state is made strong through showing favor to good men, and
punishing the wicked.
Michael lived six weeks in anxiety without trial. Then he was suddenly
summoned to receive judgment. The Khan, who was as much occupied by
amusement as by affairs, was preparing for a grand hunt in the Caucasus
and beyond those mountains. Pleasure, it appeared, coincided with
policy. Some said that he was taking the forces of the Horde to a great
hunt and was then going to a war on the Persian boundary. At all
events, before setting out, he wished to settle certain questions which
annoyed him, and suddenly he said to his magnates, “Judge Yuri and the
Grand Prince; then bring your decision. Whoever is right, him will I
reward; the guilty I will punish.” This was all Kavgady needed.
Next day they summoned Michael. Many complaints were preferred against
him: he had withheld the Khan’s tribute; he had sent his wealth to
Livonia; he had begged aid of the Pope; he had borrowed money from tax
collectors and princes, and had not returned it; he had been a robber;
he had been unjust to subject princes,—this must have referred to
Novgorod. Then came the two great offenses: he had poisoned Konchaka,
and had warred against the Khan’s envoys.
The princes of the Horde sat in judgment; a great accumulation of
complaints lay before them. Kavgady and Yuri were among the judges;
they were witnesses as well. When Michael presented strict accounts of
the tribute and lists of all taken from each person they cried out:
“Thou art haughty and disobedient; thou hast insulted the Khan’s envoy,
Kavgady, and fought with him; kept back the Khan’s tribute, and
poisoned Yuri’s princess; thou hast beaten the Khan’s magnates.” “I
have obeyed the Khan,” answered Michael, “and I obey him now. I have
given accurate tribute. The Khan’s envoy attacked me with warriors; I
was forced to defend myself. After that I honored him and gave him good
presents; I took farewell of him with gifts, and with homage. I did not
kill Yuri’s princess; her death came from nature.”
When the trial was ended it was repeated to the Khan. Uzbek was
waiting. “Prince Michael,” said the judges, “is worthy of death, but
thy word is free. All will be done according to thy pleasure.” And they
explained the main offenses. The Khan commanded to give a new trial and
test the truth carefully a second time. The judges were confused and
retired with submission. But going later on to the Khan, by the advice
of Kavgady, who was assisting them, they said: “Michael is worthy of
death. If thou command to revise the late trial he should stand before
us in fetters. We would not see thee offended; thy glory and honor
touch us, O Khan, and concern all the people.” Kavgady now added: “The
case between Yuri and Michael is known to me perfectly; I know the
whole truth of it.” “Do as ye like,” replied Uzbek, after thinking a
little. “But judge the case justly, and come to me afterward.”
Michael was judged as he had been judged the first time, and warriors
were commanded to lead away the condemned man. The second trial was on
Friday, and lasted till late in the evening. The judges went directly
to Uzbek. “We find Michael worthy of death this time also,” said they.
“If that is just,” replied Uzbek, “act as ye have decided.” The judges
now strove to hasten the execution, but Uzbek deferred it.
From the moment of the second trial, Michael knew well that his cause
was lost. On returning to his tent he repeated the words “My days have
vanished like smoke and have passed like a vision.” Two hours later
heavier fetters were put on him; his attendants were expelled; his
robes of a prince were stripped from his body, and the guards seized
his effects. This was done always in the case of condemned men. He was
left then with guards to watch over him strictly. On Sunday he learned
that the Horde was to follow the Khan to a hunt on the Caucasus north
and south of the Terek. That day they put a kang on him,—an instrument
of torture and an index of infamy, borrowed by the Mongols from China.
It was made of two planks, and was four-cornered like a small oblong
table. In the center was a round hole cut to fit the neck and a smaller
one on either side into which the hands of the victim were inserted.
The planks were pushed apart, the neck and wrists fixed in their
places, and then the planks were brought together and fastened. Chains
were attached to the kang, by which men led the prisoner. In this way
the unfortunate Michael was led behind the Khan’s forces and for
twenty-five days he traveled in that horrible torture.
Hunting, the favorite amusement of the Mongol Khans, continued usually
a month or two, and showed strikingly their character. The whole Horde
was in motion. Two or three hundred thousand men often shared in this
immense spectacle and enjoyment. Each man rode his best horse and wore
his finest clothes; countless wagons carried goods from Greece, India
and other distant regions. Delight and luxury were visible everywhere.
Lonely steppes were filled with people; certain places in them became
populous cities for a day or two, and all was noise, mirth and turmoil.
Michael dragged on, walking behind this great army of pleasure seekers,
for in his case Uzbek had not spoken the death words. A great part of
the way the ill-fated prisoner was urged forward on foot. Occasionally
the kang was removed, but at such times he was heavily chained. The
hunt lasted long and extended far beyond the Terek to the mountains and
the Caspian.
When the decision of the judges was at last confirmed by the Khan, the
execution was summary. November 22, 1318, Kavgady saw Uzbek in the
morning, and received the order to execute Michael. Toward midday,
while the prince, who had grown mortally weary of life, was repeating
the fifty-fifth psalm: “My heart is sore pained within me, and the
terrors of death are fallen upon me,” an attendant rushed up, and
cried: “Kavgady and Yuri are coming with a number of people.” “I know
why they are coming,” said Michael.
The two men halted on the market-place, at a distance of a stone’s
throw from the prisoner’s tent, and Michael was summoned. The
executioners seized him and threw him to the earth, but he sprang up
quickly. They threw him again, beat him with fists, and then with their
heels stamped his life out. When they had killed him, they put the
corpse out on the steppe, where they left it. Yuri went to look at the
body. “Why art thou looking?” asked Kavgady, reproachfully. “He was to
thee as thy father. Have him covered!” One of Yuri’s men removed his
upper garment and covered the body. Soon after this, Michael’s
attendants came out, tied the corpse firmly to a plank, and then, by
Yuri’s order, bore it to Moscow.