of these graduates among their own people, the stand they generally
take for order and system, and the force and intelligence they
naturally bring to bear on the many questions of social and moral
well-being constantly arising to be dealt with by the masses of their
people--one who has noted the complex working of the moral and
intellectual forces largely represented by the graduates of such
schools, will not wonder at the interest manifested by all classes in
the conferring even of a Normal School Diploma.
The year's work has been one of exceptional earnestness and value. A
total enrollment of 750 in all grades, places the attendance for the
year at the extreme high-water mark, and the extensive use students
are coming more and more to make of the valuable library and other
auxiliary appliances and helps of the school, attests a growth in
breadth of view and of scholarship which is very hopeful and
encouraging.
The religious work and tone of the school have, as always, been among
the prominent and foremost forces, dominating and directing every
other thought and resulting in a steady growth of character among the
pupils of all grades and in the conscious and open choice of a goodly
number of pupils of the life of faith; among others this choice was
made, late in the term by a student of the senior class, the last one
not a professing Christian.
Nearly every young man in the school and many of the young women are
working their way through the course by serving, usually in white
families, mornings and evenings, and so, while sustaining themselves
in school, incidentally giving a very effective object lesson to many
who have professed great doubt as to the value of education for the
colored people.
Few things have done more in Memphis than this sort of association to
convince those who would not listen to any other sort of argument,
that the "old time negro servant" is not so altogether lovely and
desirable under the new conditions, even as a servant, as he is often
rated by those who think regretfully of the ministrations of slave
labor under the old conditions.
In a survey of the whole field of labor among the colored people,
while there are very many disheartening conditions and situations,
especially to one who is looking for the worst, yet a fair application
of the rule of science known as the survival of the fittest, must
inevitably and surely work out the conclusion that these efforts of
school and of church for the upbuilding and evolution of a race are to
have their final reward in the accomplishment of the great work,
whereunto in the manifest providence of God they have been called.
By this unwavering confidence has the American Missionary Association,
with its teachers and missionaries, been sustained through all these
years of perplexing and difficult labors. In this faith thousands of
young colored men and women have stepped into the front line of the
advance movement of a race, and by this hope all that is promising in
the race looks out and forward to the rising dawn of equal opportunity
which American fairness, not to say civilization and Christianity, is
certain finally to concede.
* * * * *
LINCOLN SCHOOL, MERIDIAN, MISS.
BY MRS. H. I. MILLER, PRINCIPAL.
Another mile stone in the path of Lincoln School, and one more very
pleasant Commencement period. On May 22d our annual sermon was
preached to the students. A large and appreciative audience listened
to an excellent discourse by the pastor. May 23d found us busy with
our examinations. Good, faithful work was done "to find out what we
don't know," as one young man said; but the results proved that those
examined knew many things.
Wednesday attested the interest of the Alumni by the letters from
absent ones, and the presence of thirty of the old graduates, some
from every class since 1890, which was the first class. Five former
graduates, now teachers in the public school of the city, gave us
pleasant words of hope and faith, and others from distant places told
of work for the Master, and efforts at uplifting the whole race.
Friday evening witnessed the graduation of sixteen young people; eight
from the Latin and eight from the English course. The essay, orations
and recitals were pronounced good by those not immediately concerned.
The house was crowded, scores were obliged to stand during the entire
period, yet there was the utmost attention and perfect quiet. This is
what most impresses the workers who have longest been here, the
increased good conduct and attention of the audience. Ten years ago an
attempt at a night entertainment was almost perilous, because of the
tumult and disorder of the audience, but now no more decorous
listeners could be asked for anywhere.
There was sadness also with the joy on this, our last night, for it
marked the close of the work of our loved and efficient colleague,
Miss Sarah Stimpson, who leaves America for Central Africa, to work
far in the interior in a new field, under the American Board. She has
given many beautiful lessons to her young pupils. May God ever keep
her instructions green and fresh in their minds and hearts!
* * * * *
THE NEGRO'S PLACE IN AMERICAN LIFE.
BY M. H. NEAL (STUDENT.)
The Students of Fisk University arranged a meeting for last
Emancipation day in which they should discuss among themselves their
condition and their hopes. Among the speeches was an address, some
parts of which are given below. The Secretary of the Association, who
happened to be present, was greatly interested both in the sentiments
and in the way in which they were put, and he thinks our readers will
be likewise interested.
We have assembled to-day to commemorate that event in American history
which brought freedom to the slave; to celebrate a day upon which the
negro was lifted from the darkest depths of human servitude to a
sphere of liberty and life. How dark must have been the times when no
Bibles were read around our family fireside, when few words comforted
the sick and no befitting funeral services were observed for the dead.
We cannot look to the heights which we as a race represent nor can we
rightly consider our place in American life and thought without
reflecting upon the depths from which we have come and upon those who
assisted in making possible for us such large opportunities. We gladly
bow in homage to those noble hearted men and women who sympathized
with us and so lavishly poured out their earnings and sacrificed their
lives for the dawn of a day whose sun will never set. Blessed be the
memory of those who persevered amid prejudice in presenting testimony
against prevailing wrongs and in giving us of their deepest
convictions....
Paramount to all questions extending almost throughout our extensive
domain, is the so-called "negro question." This question has been much
discussed and poorly settled. Because in a few years the negro as a
whole has not become learned, does not possess streets of magnificent
and commodious buildings, has not presidents of railroad corporations
and banking interests, because he has not worked his way to the
highest office in the gift of his people, it is often said that he
cannot embrace American civilization and is entitled to no share in
his country's greatness and protection. Some of our own people have
been made to believe such contention and have begun to consider our
cause a hopeless one.
We know that the place demanded is the place to be earned only by
diligent application and persistent effort.
That we have been true to our country and loyal to its interests is
indisputable. We may point with pride to Attucks, a full blooded
negro, who stepped upon Boston Common and became one of the first
martyrs to die to maintain against British tyranny the patriotic
attitude of the American colonies. In the second war with Great
Britain the colored people were no less loyal; we figured
conspicuously in the bloody struggles of New Orleans. When the
majority of the American people denounced slavery as petty and
tyrannical, when through secession the Confederacy of the Southern
States was formed, when the South took up arms to overthrow the Union,
the Negro was again ready to answer his country's call. He was present
with Sherman when he made his famous march "from Atlanta to the Sea."
And even these fields which overlook our lovely city upon which he
dropped his sweat, were sprinkled with his blood when the time was
ripe for military action. He fought well at Gettysburg. Out of old
Nashville, too, with her slave system has come new Nashville with her
splendid schools. Thus in every contest of our country for existence
and independence, none have labored more incessantly and given their
lives more freely for the maintenance and perpetuity of our
institutions.
Moreover, in our record never have we joined with other classes, who,
with a rebellious spirit have excited civic revolt and disturbed
public peace. While it is true that many of the base and corrupt walk
the streets in idleness, the better element at the humble trades and
more exalted professions have set out to live by the sweat of their
own brow and with their powers to work out their own destiny.
We may not, indeed, boast of achievements which other races have
accomplished in hundreds of years. Nay, we confess that ignorance and
immorality and vice of every description exist among us. To eradicate
totally the curse of slavery in thirty years would be miraculous
indeed. There are among us some who steal, but not all of us are
rogues by any means. When a decision of our accomplishments is given,
some judge us by the number of prisoners among us. But there are among
us many good men and women, who uphold the right, who in competition
with other men and women have held their places with credit.
A comparison of the negro of to-day with the negro of thirty years ago
shows a contrast. A new negro has sprung upon the stage of action, one
who has had the advantages derived from the seminaries, colleges and
universities founded and fostered by philanthropic people. The
incredulous have been made to confess that we are susceptible of
higher education and refinement. Through books we have realized
intellectual growth. The wisdom of the past has enriched our souls,
kindled our imagination, and deepened our thoughts. We have begun to
look upon the world with new eyes. Our minds have been turned upon
ourselves. We compare ourselves with other races, not as _black_ men,
but as men, and we thirst for knowledge and for individual perfection.
We have learned to reflect and to form conception of right and to
determine our vocation in life. We have learned not to depend entirely
upon public opinion, but also to help make it. We have learned that
self must be overcome. We are studying self and we know by evolution
great improvements have been made mentally, morally and materially. We
believe that man fashioned in God's image and endowed with mental
faculties which are capable of development was not sent into the world
to serve, in order that other men may revel in luxuries and wasteful
living.
History teaches that every victorious race has had its struggles, and
certainly we are no exception. There are great hindrances in our
pathway and unjust prejudice against us. But prejudice is not as great
as it has been, and in the face of opposition we know there is a place
for us. We would dethrone Judge Lynch who stains the ermine of the
bench and invades the halls of justice, but after all, his slaughters
pale into insignificance when compared with those committed by
ignorance and intemperance. Industry and frugality and self-control
have been partly diffused among us, and these irresistible forces will
revolutionize the wrong, destroy the evils and bring the consummation
of our hopes for which we seriously plead. We are learning to think
and by the power of thought we are to take the place in American life
vouchsafed to every American citizen without regard to "race, color or
previous condition of servitude."
Our development has been and must be gradual in order to be permanent.
There has been no spasmodic growth in the oak of the forest. A few
years ago it was only a tiny twig, but silently, imperceptibly, and
daily, it has increased in strength and greatness, until now it stands
forth the giant of the forest with its large and manifold parts
extending far and wide, sheltering the cattle of the hills and the
fowl of the air. We do not demand the commanding position which the
Anglo Saxon occupies by reason of centuries of struggle, but as humble
citizens bringing to the government, which we love and honor, our
tribute we ask that our country may give us the assurance of equal
opportunity and protection. When a responsible duty in state is
assigned us, we ask the privilege of discharging the same unharmed.
The rail-splitter upon the sparsely settled lands of Kentucky was
fired with a purpose and a recognition of his place among men. He
toiled on against hindrances and adversities until he had cut his way
to the Capitol of the nation and had become the President of the
nation and the emancipator of four millions of slaves. The colored lad
upon Colonel Lloyd's plantation who heard the barking of the blood
hounds and felt the lash of the task master, likewise he realized that
such was not his place. He sought his place, and to-day America holds
in sacred memory that eloquent and matchless orator Frederick
Douglass.
Fellow-students, despair not, there is hope for us. Our pathway has
been rough, but our privileges have been likewise great. Our souls
have been touched, our thoughts directed and our visions enlarged. We
are standing here upon the base swell of the mount of prosperity,
viewing its lofty summit which towers above prejudice and contempt
into the atmosphere of recognition and respectability. Enemies may
assail us on our ascent, but will climb on: men have reached the top
and we can reach it. Though our ideal is high, if we have the patience
of our fathers and the courage demanded; if with unselfish devotion we
act well our part upon the stage of life, everywhere promoting to the
best of our ability those virtues indispensable in the welfare of a
people, our banner of intellectual and moral power will wave upon the
mountain heights, and its glory will bless our homes, our race, and
our nation.
* * * * *
LOUISIANA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.
BY PROF. GEORGE W. HENDERSON, D.D., STRAIGHT UNIVERSITY, NEW ORLEANS.
A new and highly significant chapter has been written during the past
year in the history of Louisiana. The state now has a new constitution
and the convention, exhausted by the labors of three months, has
adjourned. According to the law which called the convention, the
result is final, this unusual procedure of denying the people the
privilege of voting upon their organic law, being based upon the
example of Mississippi.
The convention just adjourned is the third of its kind in the history
of the South, or of the world, the first being the Mississippi
convention of 1890, the second, the South Carolina convention of 1895.
These facts illustrate the tendency of the South, especially the Gulf
States, to move in unison in all legislation affecting their colored
citizens.
The object of these conventions has been the disfranchisement of the
colored people, so far as it could be done consistently with the 15th
amendment, and, at the same time preserve the right as far as possible
to white men.
In some parts of the country, many intelligent men who have lived only
in an atmosphere of liberty and its unbroken traditions, have believed
that the suffrage movement in the South was solely in the interest of
clean politics and an intelligent electorate, but if the record just
made by the Louisiana constitutional architects does not convince them
that they have been mistaken, then they would not change their
opinion though one should rise from the dead.
There is an important bit of history back of the present result. Two
years ago the legislature submitted to the people an amendment
limiting the right of the ballot by an educational and property test.
That proposition was buried beneath a mountain of votes. This,
perhaps, was not a fair test of the public sentiment in the question
presented, for the reason that the amendment contained a vicious
clause, empowering the forthcoming legislature to alter the law in its
discretion, but it is undoubtedly true that no amendment conditioning
the suffrage upon education and property could pass the ordeal of a
popular vote. The politicians, however, were not to be discouraged by
this defeat, and accordingly they passed through the legislature the
bill which called the recent convention into being and made its
results final without popular ratification.
So far as the enlightened sentiment of the state was concerned, there
was undoubtedly, a strong desire for some change in the suffrage laws
to prevent the corruption which ignorance made easy, and the fraud and
violence which for years had filled law-respecting citizens with shame
and humiliation. Vitally connected with the suffrage, was the subject
of popular education; there was also the felt need of reforming the
judiciary system.
After long weeks of painful travail, the suffrage committee presented
an ordinance that filled the state with amazement, and was so palpably
unconstitutional and so grotesquely absurd that according to United
States Senator McEnery, it was regarded in Washington as a "joke." The
committee quailed before the storm of popular indignation, and
re-committed the ordinance to the suffrage committee. Yet the law
which was finally passed, though lopped of some of its worst
excrescences, is the same in principle, and will work out nearly the
same results as the first proposition. It requires:--
_1.--That every elector shall be able to read and write, or shall own
property at an assessed valuation of not less than $300._
_2.--Lacking these, he shall have been a voter in some state of the
Union prior to January 1, 1867, or the son or grandson of such, and
not less than twenty-one years old at the adoption of this
constitution._
_3.--Every foreigner naturalized prior to January 1, 1898, shall have
the right to vote without regard to other qualifications._
The purpose, which was openly and constantly avowed, was to let in
every illiterate white man and to shut out every illiterate colored
man, and the provision it is thought, is elastic enough for the
purpose.
The whole law curiously illustrates the triumph of politicians. A
distinguished state senator said to the writer: "The convention is in
the hands of politicians; the people are not in it." It adjourned May
12. Two members refused to sign the instrument, and a number of others
were conveniently absent. Of the convention itself, one of its own
members said: "I have never seen such a graveyard of political
reputations." The _Times-Democrat_, probably by far the most
influential democratic paper of the state, and which has fought the
battle for an honest suffrage law with great ability, in its issue of
May 13, makes this editorial comment: "No men ever received a greater
trust than the members of the convention; and few have betrayed it
worse; ... and no one doubts that the constitution would be
overwhelmingly beaten if submitted to the popular vote." It also calls
upon the people to overthrow it at the earliest opportunity.
The new constitution has certainly come into life under bad omens. It
stands condemned as unconstitutional by the two United States
senators, and by the ablest democratic lawyers in Congress. The State
press is almost unanimous in its opposition--some on constitutional
grounds, others on account of the clause which exempts foreigners from
its operation as to the educational and property requirements; and it
is evident that what public sentiment demanded was an honest law based
upon intelligence and property with a poll tax prerequisite. In this
public sentiment there were some gratifying revelations.
1. A strong opposition to the Mississippi and South Carolina laws, and
to everything that savored of fraud.
2. A general respect for the 15th amendment, not so much on account of
the principle of it as because it is a part of the supreme law of the
country, and as such should be observed in good faith.
3. The confession, hitherto held back, that the evils attending our
elections were not due solely to ignorant colored men, but quite as
much to ignorant and vicious white men, and perhaps still more to the
frauds practised by the election officers and unscrupulous
politicians.
Vitally connected with the suffrage was the subject of public
education. A memorial was framed setting forth the present condition
of our public schools and asking for the establishment of a public
colored normal school. Permission was given to present it to the
committee on education. This memorial was ably sustained by well known
educators, but the result did not meet expectations.
The object we had in view was two-fold--first, to forestall any
hostile action against the colored schools by creating a strong public
sentiment in their favor; second, to bring to pass, if possible, some
positive legislation in their behalf.
The first point was fully accomplished. And it was no small gain. The
debates show how thoroughly unfriendly the majority of the convention
was to the citizenship of the colored people. It is therefore a great
consolation to us that our public schools have not been crippled. But
we had unmistakable evidence that harm was intended. The ordinance to
discriminate against the colored schools was introduced by a member of
the committee on education. So effective was our campaign, however,
that the friends of this ordinance were put on the defensive, and in
face of the public sentiment which we had created, they did not dare
to press their measure.
In the discussion of the suffrage, the interesting fact was brought
out, that of the 120,000 colored voters, 38,000 could read and write,
and about 3,000 more would be let in under the property test. This is
certainly a remarkable showing when the circumstances are considered.
It is not a matter for great surprise that those who are hostile to
colored suffrage should not be anxious to improve colored schools.
We still have hope, but we must win our Waterloo by success in the
cause of popular education.
* * * * *
A COLORED TEACHER TO HIS COLORED PUPILS.
Do not waste time complaining against the existing order of society.
Enter a manly protest against all forms of wrong and injustice, but do
not pass your days in wailful lachrymations against the regulations of
a civilization whose grandeur you have done nothing to make, and whose
severities you are doing nothing to mollify. Leave that to the
ignorant demagogue. Bring your knowledge of history and of human
nature to bear upon the situation. I have already pointed out to you
that the adjustment of man's relation to man constitutes one of the
primary problems of life. Where this adjustment is complicated by
diverse physical peculiarities and by different inherited or acquired
characteristics, the problem becomes one of the greatest intricacy
that has ever taxed human wisdom and patience for solution.