The second division of the tales now assumes a position of importance
to us, for in it we find present day ideas and beliefs of the people
strongly brought out, and are thus in a position to contrast them
with the tenets of the people in "the first times."
The influence of custom is exceedingly strong among the Tinguian of
to-day. The fact that the ancestors did so and so is sufficient
justification for performing any act for which they have no
definite explanation. Nowhere is this influence greater than in the
ceremonies. These, which accompany all the important happenings in
their daily life, are conducted by mediums who are fitted for office
by long training, and each one of whom is a check on the others if
they wilfully or through carelessness deviate from the old forms. The
ritual of these ceremonies is very complex and the reason for doing
many acts now seems to be entirely lost, yet the one explanation
"kadaúyan"--custom--is sufficient to satisfy any Tinguian. Other acts,
as well as the possession of certain things, are explained by myths,
such as we are considering. It seems certain that we are here dealing
not with present day beliefs alone, but with at least relatively old
customs and tales, which while enabling us to understand present day
conceptions also give us a glimpse into the past.
The myths 32-40, which are known to the people as diams, are now
inseparable parts of the various ceremonies. Thus, when a pig is to
be offered in the Sayang ceremony, the medium sits down beside it and
strokes it with oiled fingers while she "talks to the spirits." The
translation of her "talk" shows that this is in no sense a prayer
but is rather an account of how the greatest of the spirits taught
the Tinguian people to perform this ceremony correctly. Likewise,
when she offers food in the Dawak [67] ceremony, she relates how the
spirit Kaboniyan taught the Tinguian to do this in the same manner
that he performs it. In the Pala-an [68] diam she relates, in story
form, the cause of the sickness, but in this case ends with a direct
invocation to the spirits in Dadáya to "make them well again if you
please." The balance of the diams, 35-40, are in story form, and
seem intended more as an explanation to the people as to the causes
of their troubles than to be directed toward the spirits. However,
the medium seldom has an audience, and rarely ever a single listener,
as she recites the diams she has learned verbatim from her instructors
when preparing for the duties of her office.
Myths 41-54 are of quite a different type. They are generally told
by the mediums or wise old people, during the ceremonies, but always
to a crowd of eager listeners. They are not learned word for word, as
are the diams, but their content is constant and they are thoroughly
believed.
That they exert a great influence on the beliefs and conduct of
both old and young is undoubted. The evil which befalls a person who
molests the guardian stones is thus made known even to the children who
generally keep at a distance from the grove in which they stand. Again,
these tales give sharp warning as to what befalls a person who even
ignorantly breaks the taboos following a death; but at the same time
advance means of thwarting the wrath of the enraged or evil spirits.
Myths 55 to 62 at first glance to not appear to be explanatory
at all, but seem rather to be a series of stories dealing with the
relations between certain persons and the natural spirits or those of
the dead. However, it is the intent and use rather than the form of
these stories which has caused them to be included in this division,
for they give the people authority for certain beliefs and conceptions
which they hold. Tale 56 gives us a glimpse of the prevalent idea of
the abode of the dead, where the spirits lead much the same sort of
life as they did while alive, but we secure quite a different picture
of this realm from the Baluga [69] tale, in which the home of the
deceased is said to be in the ground while the "life" of the dead
woman is kept in a bamboo cup. This last account was heard in Manabo,
a town near to the Igorot settlements of the Upit river, and may be
influenced by the beliefs held in that section. [70]
Certain individuals appear to have intimate dealings with the natural
spirits, in some instances even being joined to them in marriage. The
afterbirth child, Sayen, is believed to have lived "not very long
ago;" yet we find his life and actions quite similar to those of
the heroes in "the first times," while his foster mother--the alan
[71]--takes the same part as did the alan of old.
Relations 63 to 74 appear as pure explanatory tales, accounting
for the existence and appearance of celestial bodies and animals in
their present state; they also account for the possession of fire and
of many prized objects, such as jars and agate beads. Incidentally
many essential traits and old customs come out, such, for instance,
as those of war and mourning, which appear in connection with the
origin of the kalau. [72]
With few exceptions the myths of this division correspond to present
beliefs; the spirits are those known to-day; the towns mentioned are
now existing or their former locations are well known. They have thus
the appearance of being of more recent origin than those of the first
division, yet it is worthy of note that there is little in them which
seems foreign to or out of keeping with the older tales.