CHAPTER IV.

Political State of Yucatan.--Alliance with Texas.--Presentation to the

Governor.--His Character and Personal Appearance.--A Cordial

Reception.--An Arrival of Strangers.--A Citizen of the World.--Another

old Acquaintance.--Population of Merida.--Climate.--General Aspect of

Merida.--An interesting Edifice.--Mode of naming Streets.--Sculptured

Figures.--Churches.--Franciscan Convent.--A Memorial of the

Past.--Ruined Cities of America.--Former Conclusions confirmed.

From the time of the conquest, Yucatan existed as a distinct

captain-generalcy, not connected with Guatimala, nor subject to the

viceroy of Mexico. So it continued down to the Mexican revolution. The

independence of Yucatan followed that of Mexico without any struggle,

and actually by default of the mother-country in not attempting to keep

it in subjection.

Separated from Spain, in an evil hour Yucatan sent commissioners to

Mexico to deliberate upon forming a government; and on the return of

these commissioners, and on their report, she gave up her independent

position, and entered into the Mexican confederation as one of the

states of that republic. Ever since she had been suffering from this

unhappy connexion, and, a short time before our former visit, a

revolution broke out all over the country; in the successful progress

of which, during that visit, the last Mexican garrison was driven out

of Yucatan. The state assumed the rights of sovereignty, asserting its

independent powers, at the same time not disconnecting itself entirely

from Mexico, but declaring itself still a component part of that

republic upon certain conditions. The declaration of its independence

was still a moot question. The assembly had passed a bill to that

effect, but the senate had not yet acted upon it, and its fate in that

body was considered doubtful. In the mean time, a commissioner had been

sent to Texas, and two days after our arrival at Merida the Texan

schooner of war San Antonio arrived at Sisal, bringing a proposition

for Yucatan to pay $8000 per month toward the support of the Texan

navy, and for the Texan vessels to remain upon the coast of Yucatan and

protect it against invasion by Mexico. This proposition was accepted

immediately, and negotiations were pending for farther co-operation in

procuring a recognition of their mutual independence. Thus, while

shrinking from an open declaration of independence, Yucatan was

widening the breach, and committing an offence which Mexico could never

forgive, by an alliance with a people whom that government, or rather

Santa Ana, regarded as the worst of rebels, and whom he was bent upon

exerting the whole power of the country in an effort to reconquer. Such

was the disjointed and false position in which Yucatan stood at the

time of our presentation to the governor.

Our visit to him was made at his private residence, which was one

befitting his station as a private gentleman, and not unworthy of his

public character. His reception-room was in the sala or parlour of his

house, in the centre of which, after the fashion of Merida, three or

four large chairs covered with morocco were placed facing each other.

Don Santiago Mendez was about fifty years of age, tall and thin, with a

fine intellectual face, and of very gentlemanly appearance and

deportment. Free from internal wars, and saved by her geographical

position from the sanguinary conflicts common in the other Mexican

states, Yucatan has had no school for soldiers; there are no military

chieftains and no prepossessions for military glory. Don Santiago

Mendez was a merchant, until within a few years, at the head of a

respectable commercial house in Campeachy. He was so respected for

uprightness and integrity, that in the unsettled state of affairs he

was agreed upon by the two opposite parties as the best person in the

state to place at the head of the government. His popularity, however,

was now somewhat on the wane, and his position was neither easy nor

enviable. From a quiet life and occupations, he found himself all at

once in the front rank of a wide-spread rebellion. An invasion from

Mexico was constantly apprehended, and should it prove successful,

while others would escape by reason of their insignificance, his head

would be sure to fall. The two great parties, one in favour of keeping

open the door of reconciliation with Mexico, and the other for

immediate and absolute separation, were both urging him to carry out

their views. The governor shrank from the hazard of extremes, was

vacillating, undecided, and unequal to the emergency. In the mean time,

the enthusiasm which led to the revolution, and which might have

achieved independence, was wearing away. Dissatisfaction and discontent

prevailed. Both parties blamed the governor, and he did not know

himself to which he belonged.

There was nothing equivocal, however, in his reception of us. He knew

the object of our return to the country, and offered us all the

facilities the government could bestow. Whatever was to be the fate of

Yucatan, it was fortunate for us that it was then free from the

dominion of Mexico, and repudiated entirely the jealous policy which

threw impediments in the way of strangers seeking to explore the

antiquities of the country; and it was also fortunate, that on my

former visit Yucatan had impressed me favourably; for, had it been

otherwise, my situation might have been made uncomfortable, and the two

journals of Merida, the "Commercial Bulletin" and the "Nineteenth

Century," instead of giving us a cordial welcome, and bespeaking favour

for us, might have advised us to return home by the same vessel that

brought us out.

Our only business in Merida was to make inquiries about ruins and

arrangements for our journey into the interior, but in the mean time we

had no lack of other occupation.

The house of the Dona Micaela was the rendezvous of all strangers in

Merida, and a few days after our arrival there was an unprecedented

gathering. There were Mr. Auchincloss and his son, Mr. Tredwell, Mr.

Northrop, Mr. Gleason, and Mr. Robinson, formerly United States consul

at Tampico, who had come out passengers by the Lucinda, all citizens of

the United States; and, besides these, the arrival of the schooner of

war San Antonio, from Texas, brought among us a citizen of the world,

or, at least, of a great part of it. Mr. George Fisher, as appeared by

his various papers of naturalization, was "natural de la ciudad y

fortaleza de Belgrada en la provincia de Servia del Imperio Ottomano,"

or a "native of the city and fortress of Belgrade, in the province of

Servia, in the Ottoman Empire." His Sclavonic name was Ribar, which in

the German language, means a Fischer, and at school in Austria it was

so translated, from which in the United States it became modified to

Fisher. At seventeen he embarked in a revolution to throw off the yoke

of the sultan, but the attempt was crushed, and forty thousand

Sclavonians, men, women, and children, were driven across the Danube,

and took refuge in the Austrian territory. The Austrian government, not

liking the presence of so many revolutionists within its borders,

authorized the organizing of a Sclavonic legion. Mr. Fisher entered it,

made a campaign in Italy, and, at the end of the year, in the interior

of the country, where there was no danger of their disseminating

revolutionary notions, the legion was disbanded. After expeditions of

various kinds along the Danube, in Turkey, to Adrianople, and along the

Adriatic, he traded back, most of the way on foot, until he reached

Hamburgh, where, in 1815, he embarked for Philadelphia. Hence he

crossed over to the Ohio River, and in the State of Mississippi, by

five years' residence, and abjuring all other allegiance, became a

citizen of the United States. Mexico obtained her independence, and he

moved on to that country, becoming, by due process of law, a Mexican

citizen. Here he established a newspaper, which, during the presidency

of Santa Ana, became so conspicuous for its liberal opinions, that one

fine morning an officer waited upon him with a paper containing

permission for him to leave the country "por el tiempo necessario,"

which being translated, meant, not to return very soon. With this he

"sloped" for Texas, and became a citizen of that young republic. It was

strange in that remote and secluded place to meet one from a region

still more distant and even less known, speaking every language in

Europe, familiar with every part of it, with the history of every

reigning family, the territorial limits of every prince, and at the

same time a citizen of so many republics.

His last allegiance was uppermost; his feelings were all Texan, and he

gave us many interesting particulars touching the condition and

prospects of that country. He was, of course, soon at home in the

politics of Yucatan, and he had some little personal interest in

watching them closely; for, should Santa Ana regain the ascendancy, the

climate would be altogether too warm for him. He had saddle and bridle,

sword and pistols--all that he needed except a horse--hanging up in his

room, and at a moment's notice he was ready to mount and ride.

Our meeting with this gentleman added much to the interest of our time

in Merida. In the evening, when we had settled the affairs of Yucatan,

we made an excursion into Illyria or the interior of Turkey. He was as

familiar with the little towns in those countries as with those in

Mexico. His knowledge of persons and places, derived from actual

observation, was most extensive; in short, his whole life had been a

chapter of incidents and adventures; and these were not yet ended. He

had a new field opened to him in Yucatan. We parted with him in Merida,

and the next that we heard of him was of his being in a situation quite

as strange as any he had ever been in before. Yet there was nothing

reckless, restless, or unsettled about him; he was perfectly fixed and

methodical in all his notions and modes of action; in Wall-street he

would be considered a staid, regular, quiet, middle-aged man, and he

was systematic enough in his habits to be head director of the Bank of

England.

I must not omit to mention, among those whom we were in the habit of

seeing every day, another old acquaintance, of the Spanish Hotel in

Fulton-Street, Don Vicente Calera, who, at the time of our former

visit, was still travelling in the United States. In the mean time he

had returned, married, and was again domesticated in his native city.

Under his escort we traversed Merida in every direction, and visited

all the public buildings and institutions.

The population of Merida is probably about twenty-three thousand. Two

tables are published in the Appendix; but both purport to give the

population of the district, and neither that of the city alone. The

city stands on a great plain, on a surface of limestone rock, and the

temperature and climate are very uniform. During the thirteen days that

we were in Merida the thermometer varied but nine degrees; and,

according to a table of observations kept for many years by the

much-esteemed Cura Villamil, it appears that during the year beginning

on the first of September, 1841, which included the whole time that we

were in the country, the greatest variation was but twenty-three

degrees. By the kindness of the cura, I have been furnished with a copy

of this table, from which I extract the observations for the days that

we passed in Merida. The entire table is published in the Appendix. The

observations were made by a Fahrenheit thermometer kept in the open air

and in the shade, and noted at six in the morning, midday, and six in

the afternoon.

|------------------------------------|

| | 6 A.M. | 12 M. | 6 P.M. |

| |--------|-------|--------|

| Oct. 30 | 78 | 81 | 81 |

| " 31 | 81 | 82 | 82 |

| Nov. 1 | 82 | 83 | 82 |

| " 2 | 80 | 82 | 81 |

| " 3 | 78 | 80 | 80 |

| " 4 | 80 | 77 | 77 |

| " 5 | 77 | 78 | 78 |

| " 6 | 74 | 77 | 76 |

| " 7 | 74 | 76 | 76 |

| " 8 | 75 | 78 | 78 |

| " 9 | 75 | 78 | 78 |

| " 10 | 74 | 79 | 79 |

| " 11 | 76 | 79 | 79 |

|----------|--------|-------|--------|

I may remark, however, that in the interior of the country we found a

much greater variation than any noted in the table published in the

Appendix.

The general aspect of the city is Moorish, as it was built at a time

when the Moorish style prevailed in Spanish architecture. The houses

are large, generally of stone, and one story in height, with balconies

to the windows and large courtyards. In the centre of the city stands

the plaza major, a square of about six hundred feet. The whole of the

east side is occupied by the cathedral and the bishop's palace. On the

west stand the house of the municipality and that of the Dona Joaquina

Peon. On the north is the palace of the government, and on the south a

building which on our first visit arrested our attention the moment we

entered the plaza. It is distinguished by a rich sculptured facade of

curious design and workmanship. In it is a stone with this inscription:

Esta obra mando hacerla el

Adelantado D. Francisco de Montejo

Ano de MDXLIX.

The Adelantado Don Francisco Montejo caused this to be made

in the year 1549.

The subject represents two knights in armour, with visors,

breastplates, and helmets, standing upon the shoulders of crushed naked

figures, probably intended to represent the conquering Spaniard

trampling upon the Indian. Mr. Catherwood attempted to make a drawing

of it, and, to avoid the heat of the sun, went into the plaza at

daylight for that purpose; but he was so annoyed by the crowd that he

was obliged to give it up. There is reason to believe that it is a

combination of Spanish and Indian art. The design is certainly Spanish,

but as, at that early period of the conquest, but five years after the

foundation of Merida, Spaniards were but few, and each man considered

himself a conqueror, probably there were none who practised the

mechanic arts. The execution was no doubt the work of Indians, and

perhaps the carving was done with their own instruments, and not those

furnished them by the Spaniards.

The history of the erection of this building would be interesting and

instructive; and, with the hope of learning something about it, I

proposed to examine thoroughly the archives of the cabildo; but I was

advised that all the early archives were lost, or in such confusion

that it would be a Herculean labour to explore them, and I saw that it

would consume more time than I should be able to devote to it.

Besides the inscription on the stone, the only information that exists

in regard to this building is a statement in Cogolludo, that the facade

cost fourteen thousand dollars. It is now the property of Don Simon

Peon, and is occupied by his family. It has been lately repaired, and

some of the beams are no doubt the same which held up the roof over the

adelantado.

Eight streets lead from the plaza, two in the direction of each

cardinal point. In every street, at the distance of a few squares, is a

gate, now dismantled, and beyond are the barrios, or suburbs.

The streets are distinguished in a manner peculiar to Yucatan. In the

angle of the corner house, and on the top, stands a painted wooden

figure of an elephant, a bull, a flamingo, or some other visible

object, and the street is called by the name of this object. On one

corner there is the figure of an old woman with large spectacles on her

nose, and the street is called la Calle de la Vieja, or the Street of

the Old Woman. That in which we lived had on the corner house a

flamingo, and was called the Street of the Flamingo; and the reason of

the streets being named in this way gives some idea of the character of

the people. The great mass of the inhabitants, universally the Indians,

cannot read. Printed signs would be of no use, but every Indian knows

the sign of an elephant, a bull, or a flamingo.

In the front wall of a house in a street running north from the plaza,

and also in a corner house near the square of the Alameda, are

sculptured figures from the ruins of ancient buildings, of which Mr.

Catherwood made drawings, but, in the multiplicity of other subjects,

we do not think it worth while to present them to the reader.

The great distinguishing feature of Merida, as of all the cities of

Spanish America, is in its churches. The great Cathedral; the parish

church and convent of San Cristoval; the church of the Jesuits; the

church and convent of the Mejorada; the chapels of San Juan Bautista;

of Our Lady of Candelaria; of the Santa Lucia and the Virgin, and the

convent de las monjas, or the nunnery, with its church and enclosures

occupying two whole squares, are all interesting in their history. Some

are of good style in architecture, and rich in ornaments; but there is

one other, not yet mentioned, which I regard as the most interesting

and remarkable edifice in Merida. It is the old Franciscan convent. It

stands on an eminence in the eastern part of the city, and is enclosed

by a high wall, with turrets, forming what is now called the Castillo.

These walls and turrets are still erect, but within is ruin

irretrievable.

In 1820 the new constitution obtained by the patriots in Spain reached

the colonies, and on the 30th of May Don Juan Rivas Vertiz, then Gefe

Politico, and now living in Merida, a fine memorial of the olden time,

published it in the plaza. The church sustained the old order of

things, and the Franciscan friars, confident in their hold upon the

feelings of the populace, endeavoured to put down the demonstration of

liberal feeling. A mob gathered in the plaza; friars appeared among

them, urging them on; field-pieces were brought out, the mob dispersed,

and Don Juan Rivas marched to the Franciscan convent, opened the doors,

drove out the monks, above 300 in number, at the point of the bayonet,

and gave up the building to destruction. The superior and some of the

brothers became seculars or regular priests; others turned to worldly

pursuits; and of this once powerful order, but eleven are now left who

wear the garb of the Franciscan monks.

It was in company with one of these that I paid my last visit to this

convent. We entered by the great portal of the castle wall into an

overgrown courtyard. In front was the convent, with its large corridors

and two great churches, the walls of all three standing, but without

doors or windows. The roof of one of the churches had fallen, and the

broad glare of day was streaming into the interior. We entered the

other--the oldest, and identified with the times of the conquerors.

Near the door was a blacksmith's forge. A Mestizo was blowing at the

bellows, hauling out a red-hot bar of iron, and hammering it into

spikes. All along the floor were half-naked Indians and brawny

Mestizoes, hewing timber, driving nails, and carrying on the business

of making gun-carriages for artillery. The altars were thrown down and

the walls defaced; half way up were painted on them, in coarse and

staring red characters (in Spanish), "First squadron," "Second

squadron;" and at the head of the church, under a golden gloria, were

the words "Comp'y Light Infantry." The church had been occupied as

barracks, and these were the places where they stacked their arms. As

we passed through, the workmen stared at my companion, or rather at the

long blue gown, the cord around his waist, and the cross dangling from

it--the garb of his scattered order. It was the first time he had

visited the place since the expulsion of the monks. To me it was

mournful to behold the destruction and desecration of this noble

building; what, then, must it have been to him? In the floor of the

church near the altar and in the sacristia were open vaults, but the

bones of the monks had been thrown out and scattered on the floor. Some

of these were the bones of his earliest friends. We passed into the

refectory, and he pointed out the position of the long table at which

the brotherhood took their meals, and the stone fountain at which they

performed their ablutions. His old companions in their long blue gowns

rose up before him, now scattered forever, and their home a desolation

and ruin.

But this convent contains one memorial far more interesting than any

connected with its own ruin; one that carries the beholder back through

centuries of time, and tells the story of a greater and a sadder fall.

In one of the lower cloisters going out from the north, and under the

principal dormitory, are two parallel corridors. The outer one faces

the principal patio, and this corridor has that peculiar arch so often

referred to in my previous volumes, two sides rising to meet each

other, and covered, when within about a foot of forming an apex, by a

flat layer of stones. There can be no mistake about the character of

this arch; it cannot for a moment be supposed that the Spaniards

constructed anything so different from their known rules of

architecture; and beyond doubt it formed part of one of those

mysterious buildings which have given rise to so much speculation; the

construction of which has been ascribed to the most ancient people in

the Old World, and to races lost, perished, and unknown.

I am happy thus early in these pages to have an opportunity of

recurring to the opinion expressed in my former volumes, in regard to

the builders of the ancient American cities.

The conclusion to which I came was, that "there are not sufficient

grounds for belief in the great antiquity that has been ascribed to

these ruins;" "that we are not warranted in going back to any ancient

nation of the Old World for the builders of these cities; that they are

not the works of people who have passed away, and whose history is

lost; but that there are strong reasons to believe them the creation of

the same races who inhabited the country at the time of the Spanish

conquest, or of some not very distant progenitors."

This opinion was not given lightly, nor without due consideration. It

was adverse to my feelings, which would fain have thrown around the

ruins the interest of mystery and hoary age; and even now, though

gratified at knowing that my opinion has been fully sustained, I would

be willing to abandon it, and involve the reader and myself in doubt,

did circumstances warrant me in so doing; but I am obliged to say that

subsequent investigations have fortified and confirmed my previous

conclusions, and, in fact, have made conviction what before was mere

matter of opinion.

When I wrote the account of my former journey, the greatest difficulty

attending the consideration of this subject was the absence of all

historical record concerning the places visited. Copan had some

history, but it was obscure, uncertain, and unsatisfactory. Quirigua,

Palenque, and Uxmal had none whatever; but a ray of historic light

beams upon the solitary arch in the ruined convent of Merida.

In the account of the conquest of Yucatan by Cogolludo it is stated,

that on the arrival of the Spaniards at the Indian town of Tihoo, on

the site of which, it will be remembered, Merida now stands, they found

many cerros hechos a mano, _i. e._, hills made by hand, or artificial

mounds, and that on one of these mounds the Spaniards encamped.

This mound, it is stated, stood on the ground now occupied by the plaza

major. East of it was another large mound, and the Spaniards laid the

foundation of the city between these two, because, as it is assigned,

the stones in them were a great convenience in building, and economized

the labour of the Indians. These mounds were so large, it is added,

that with the stones the Spaniards built all the edifices in the city,

so that the ground which forms the plaza major remained nearly or quite

level. The buildings erected are specified, and it is added that there

was abundance of material for other edifices which the Spaniards wished

to erect.

Other mounds are mentioned as obstructing the laying out of streets

according to the plan proposed, and there is one circumstance which

bears directly upon this point, and, in my opinion, is conclusive.

In the history of the construction of the Franciscan convent, which was

founded in the year 1547, five years after the arrival of the Spaniards

in Tihoo, it is expressly stated that it was built upon a small

artificial mound, one of the many that were then in the place, on which

mound, it is added, were _some ancient buildings_. Now we must either

suppose that the Spaniards razed these buildings to the ground, and

then constructed this strange arch themselves, which supposition is, I

think, utterly untenable, or that this corridor formed part of the

ancient buildings which, according to the historical account, stood on

this artificial mound, and that for some purpose or other the monks

incorporated it with their convent.

There is but one way to overthrow this latter conclusion, and that is

by contending that these mounds were all ruined, and this building too,

at the time when it was made to form part of the convent; but then we

are reduced to the necessity of supposing that a great town, the fame

of which reached the Spaniards at Campeachy, and which made a desperate

and bloody resistance to their occupation of it, was a mere gathering

of hordes around the ruined buildings of another race; and, besides, it

is a matter of primary importance to note that these artificial mounds

are mentioned, not in the course of describing the Indian town, for no

description whatever is attempted, but merely incidentally, as

affording conveniences to the Spaniards in furnishing materials for

building the city, or as causing obstructions in the laying out of

streets regularly and according to the plan proposed. The mound on

which the convent stands would perhaps not have been mentioned at all

but for the circumstance that the Padre Cogolludo was a Franciscan

friar, and the mention of it enabled him to pay a tribute to the memory

of the blessed father Luis de Villpando, then superior of the convent,

and to show the great estimation in which he was held, for he says that

the adelantado had fixed upon this mound for the site of one of his

fortresses, but on the application of the superior he yielded it to him

readily for the site of the convent; and, more than all this, even in

the incidental way in which these mounds are referred to, there is one

circumstance which shows clearly that they were not at that time

disused and in ruins, but, on the contrary, were then in the actual use

and occupation of the Indians; for Cogolludo mentions particularly and

with much detail one that completely obstructed the running of a

particular street, which, he says, was called El grande de los Kues,

adoratorio que era de los idolos. Now the word "Kues," in the Maya

language, as spoken by the Indians of Yucatan at the present day, means

their ancient places of worship, and the word "adoratorio," as defined

in the Spanish dictionary, is the name given by the Spaniards to the

temples of idols in America. So that when the historian describes this

mound as El grande de los Kues el adoratorio de los idolos, he means to

say that it was the great one, or the greatest among the places of

worship of the Indians, or the temples of their idols.

It is called the "great one" of their places of worship, in

contradistinction to the small ones around, among which was that now

occupied by the Franciscan convent In my opinion, the solitary arch

found in this convent is very strong, if not conclusive, evidence that

all the ruined buildings scattered over Yucatan were erected by the

very Indians who occupied the country at the time of the Spanish

conquest, or, to fall back upon my old ground, that they were the work

"of the same race of people," or "their not very distant progenitors."

Who these races were, whence they came, or who were their progenitors,

I did not undertake to say, nor do I now.

Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, Vol. I. · 第 4 / 18 章