[1] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1. Sitcomovi and
Hano have no Niman Katcina, nor do they celebrate the Tusayan ritual
in its entirety. The word Katcina is used to designate both a dance
and a participant in a dance. Between July and January there are no
Katcina rites in Tusayan.
[2] I have been interested to discover what proportion of the whole
number of Hopi ceremonials have been described, and the results are
such as to allay any conceit that we know much about the subject.
Without considering the abbreviated ceremonials there are in the
ritual 12 which are of nine days duration. There are five variants of
this ritual, differing in altars, paraphernalia, and rites, so that
we may say there are performed in Tusayan about 60 ceremonials, each
nine days long, to be investigated. Of these there are 40 of which
we know nothing, save their existence; 15, fragments of which have
been described; and 5 which have been fairly well studied. There are
about 30 Hopi altars which have never been figured or described, or
as far as I know seen by ethnologists. It thus appears that there
is plenty of material in this province to occupy the students of
primitive ritual for some time to come. An adequate comprehension of
the Hopi Katcina ritual requires a consideration of five different
modifications of the same altars.
[3] The image of Cotokinungwu in the Oraibi flute altar (q. v.) has
zigzag figures down the legs, which would appear to associate this
deity with lightning.
[4] Amer. Anthrop., Vol. 5, No. 2, April, 1892, Pl. I, fig. 1; Pl.
III, figs. 1 and 2.
[5] The Hopi, ancient and modern, were adepts in this craft of mosaic
encrustations, using for that purpose turquoises, shells, and other
substances.
[6] The chief who flogs the children in the initiation, which occurs
in Powamu, holds this object in his hand. This flogging at Walpi
is performed by a man masked to represent Tunwup. Int. Archiv für
Ethnog., Band viii, 1895. 15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp.
283-284.
[7] Amer. Anthrop., Vol. 5, No. 2, April, 1892.
[8] A great many observations remain to be made before any one can
claim to know the exact meaning of pueblo rites, but the material
awaits investigation, and can be obtained by persistent work in the
field. The time, however, is past when any compiler can write an
account of the aboriginal religions of America and neglect the Hopi
for want of published material.
[9] For Niman altars of Cipaulovi, Miconinovi, and Walpi, see Journ.
Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.
[10] The character of the public ceremonials of the Katcinas, even
when abbreviated, as in the so-called rain dances, justifies the
theory that their main objects are the two above mentioned. Even the
clowns, a priesthood directly connected with Katcinas and absent in
all other ceremonies, are concerned with the growth of seeds.
[11] It may be borne in mind that the same altar is made in Powamu
and Niman, and whether called by one or the other of these names it
is the same thing—a Katcina altar.
[12] Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, Vol. VIII, No. XXXI. The conical
prolongation of the head is also found in many figurines and images
and while the similarity of symbolism would lead to the belief that
the two supernaturals are identical, the presence of two similar
images on an altar indicates that they are distinct.
[13] In other secret rites, not considered in this article, the first
method is employed as in Powamu. Personifications in public dances
are ordinarily masked, and as a rule Katcinas doff their masks when
they dance in kivas. In certain instances, however, the mask is worn
in kiva ceremonials.
[14] I regard them as complicated symbols, not intrinsically objects
of worship.
[15] In the public dance she is represented by a girl, but there
is a beautiful instance in this ceremony where the third method
is substituted for the first in the public dance. For some reason
unknown to me, in the 1891 exhibit at Walpi no girl performed this
part, but her place was taken by a participant in the dance who
bore in her hands a flat board with a picture of the Germ Maid (see
Mamzrauti, Amer. Anthrop., Vol. V, No. 3, 1892, Pl. IV, figs. 9,
10). The picture, not the bearer, represented the Germ Maid. It
is a remarkable confirmation of my theory that Mamzraumana is the
same personation as Calakomana; that this picture is identical in
symbolism with pictures of the latter, and was so called by the
priests. Comparing the picture Mamzraumana on the Mamzrau altar and
of the same on this tablet we see differences in old and new Hopi
art. The picture publicly exhibited conforms to modern conception of
her symbolism, as shown in dolls, etc.; that on the altar, which the
uninitiated can not see, is the older form, before innovations and
modifications.
[16] Amer. Anthrop., Vol. V, No. 3, 1892.
[17] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. IV.
[18] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II; Journ. Amer.
Folk-Lore, Vol. VIII, No. XXXI; Vol. IX, No. XXV.
[19] Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, Vol. VI, No. XXIII.
[20] As maize is the most important food of the Pueblo Indians there
is a tendency to make this name more specific, “Corn Maid.” This
appears to be the name of the doll Calakomana, “Corn Maid.”
[21] The range of variation of the dolls of the Calakomana may be
seen by consultation of my memoir on Tusayan Dolls (Int. Archiv für
Ethnog., Band VII, pp. 45-74, 1894). One of the strangest of these
represents two Germ Maids, one above the other, surmounted by a male
figurine, Hehea Katcina, which has lightning emblems on the cheeks
and phallic symbols on the body.
[22] He is intimately connected with the “flogging” ceremony, when
children are “introduced” to the Katcinas (see Fifteenth Ann. Rep.
Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp. 283-284). The radiating crown of feathers and
the two horns on the head, together with the symbol on the forehead,
ally him with Calakotaka (male Calako) whose kinship with the
Sun-bird is elsewhere referred to. Tunwup appears to be a local name
of this worthy in Walpi kivas.
[23] In the so-called “screen drama” of this ceremony, we have
pictures of the Sun painted on disks. On the theory that Palülükonti
is a fertilization ceremony, it would be explained as referring to
corn, and the thrusting of the snake effigies through openings closed
by Sun-disk symbols connected with this event.
[24] In the same way that I have compared the Little War Gods and
the Germ Maids of Katcina altars we might also compare the male and
female figures of the flute altars which we know from variants. The
same will be possible with the cultus hero and his female double of
Lalakontu, Mamzrauti, etc. There is a striking morphological identity
in many altars of different societies.
[25] A quartz crystal is used to deflect the light of the sun
into the medicine bowl in Niman Katcina. Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and
Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.
[26] Similar projections at intervals a quadrant apart are common on
symbols of the sun, and I have found them on ancient pottery from
Homolobi. The arrow-headed appendages are not, as far as I know,
found in any other instance of palæography.
[27] Pikumi is a kind of hasty pudding, a favorite dish in ceremonial
feasts. It is baked in small pits lined with corn husks, which have
previously been heated by building fires within them. The coals are
raked out, the mush put in, and a stone slab luted over the pit.
Upon this a fire is maintained over night, and on the morning of the
final day of a great ceremonial they are opened. The soft part is
eaten immediately, but the mush which has caked to the corn husks is
reground and made into other forms of food. The above-mentioned balls
are made of the latter products.
[28] Evidently this and the following acts are to bring the summer
birds.
[29] The Oraibi Powalawu, witnessed twice, took place Feb. 4, 1894,
and Jan. 14, 1896. The chronology of the succeeding events in 1894
was as follows:
Feb. 5-9, bean planting in all kivas.
Feb. 13-21, nine active days of Powamu ceremony, q. v. The Powamu,
according to my enumerations, includes not only the nine active days
but also several preceding in which the beans are planted, beginning
with Powalawu, and making a complete ceremony of 16 days.
[30] These gifts for little girls were made in the Niman Powamu and
Palülükonti at Walpi. They were fashioned in the form of Katcinas.
(Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band VII, 1894.)
On the eighth pahos were made for Hahaiwuqti and Eototo, who visit
the kiva on the ninth day. The former personage appears to be known
by different names in Oraibi and Walpi, but I believe the same
personage is intended by both names.
[31] For a picture of Hahaiwuqti, see Amer. Anthrop., Vol. VII, No.
1, 1894. For symbolism of Eototo, see Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band
VII, 1894.
[32] In the shrine he put a paho, several nakwakwocis, and meal,
after which he took a little honey in his mouth and spat to the four
cardinal points. He gave a basket with a paho, sprouted beans, and
other objects to Hahaiwuqti after he left him at the second meal
figures.
This method of tolling the gods is practiced in the march of the
Flute priests from the spring to the pueblo. (Journ. Amer. Ethnol.
and Archæol., Vol. II; in Lalakontu, and in Mamzrauti, op. cit.)
The Katcinas are tolled along by meal deposited on the trail by the
priests. A trail is closed by a line of meal at right angles to the
same.
[33] Those in one of the kivas received meal (prayers) and
nakwakwocis (personal prayers). Hahaiwuqti gave them the basket she
bore and the objects remaining in it, upon which at the close of the
ceremony, all the priests smoked (prayed).
[34] From the belts of Humis the priests took a sprig of spruce.
This is only customary after the Humis Katcina dance. (Journ. Amer.
Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.)
The Humis (humita, corn) wear terraced (rain cloud) tablets on the
mask. (Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1.)
[35] For symbolism of their masks and dress see Journ. Amer. Ethnol.
and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1; Int. Archiv für Ethnog., Band VII.
Ana wears a long beard and is therefore called the bearded Katcina.
Hehea has zigzag marks on the cheeks. The symbolism of Tacab varies
considerably, but is readily recognized.
[36] A Hopi prayer combines two elements of ceremony—prayer proper
and sacrifice, the former spoken or not, the latter always expressed
by symbols. As they are an agricultural people, their aboriginal
wealth is an agricultural product, as corn. Their poverty of corn
and the requirement of their ritual necessitated sacrifices of meal,
a highly practical substitution. So likewise tobacco smoke is a
sacrifice, the burning of rare herbs, or the pine needles in the “New
Fire” ceremony.
The act of sacrificing animals or human beings is not a part of their
present ritual, but a knowledge of its efficacy exists. They have
legends of human sacrifice on rare occasions in the past. The killing
of an animal and smearing the body of the man representing Masawuh
with its blood, at the time of Lieutenant Brett’s visit to Oraibi in
1891, is an instance of animal sacrifice. Several survivals of animal
sacrifices in warrior ceremonies might be quoted from legends.
[37] Eototo is believed to be a god of metamorphism, or growth,
intimately associated with germination, a sacerdotal equivalent of
Masawuh, as far as these functions are concerned.
[38] I have elsewhere called Powamu a purification ceremony or
lustral observance, which it is in certain particulars, but I am now
convinced that its main object is to further the fructification of
vegetation.
[39] Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archæol., Vol. II, No. 1, p. 152. The
Katcina hero in this story would appear not to have brought a wife
from this people.
[Illustration: Decoration]