The Katcina altar in this, the most populous village at the Middle
Mesa, is simpler than at Oraibi, but more complicated than the Walpi
representative. It has, in addition to the objects found on the Walpi
altar, two idols or images, one on each side. The zigzag sticks are
lacking, but stone implements similar to those on the far simpler
Cipaulovi altar are present. There are two emblems of maize, as at
Walpi, and numerous sticks, representing growing corn, recalling the
same symbols of the Cipaulovi equivalent.
It will be seen, therefore, that while it is the nearest of all to
the Oraibi altar, an additional idol, the “Mother” or basket of
seeds, etc., the crook (naluchoya), and the picture of Ho’katcina are
unrepresented at Miconinovi.
The two images of the Miconinovi altar are apparently the Little
War God and the Germ Maid. There may be a doubt of the accuracy in
identification of the latter, but she has the symbols of rain clouds
on the head and in the hand. The other image has the parallel marks
on the body, symbols of Puukonhoya, but it must be confessed that the
same marks are found on the Cotokinungwu idol although the latter
image has the characteristic cone on the head which is not present in
the Miconinovi image. The evidence would thus favor the conclusion
that the right hand figurine of the Miconinovi altar represents
Puukonhoya rather than Cotokinungwu, and as far as known Oraibi
is the sole pueblo which has an idol of Cotokinungwu on the flute
altars, of which those of four pueblos are known.[12]
A comparative study of the symbolism, simple and elaborate, of the
Katcina altars leads me to the conclusion that the most complicated
altar, that at Oraibi, is the result simply of elaboration of the
less developed altars, of the introduction of new elements. Analysis
reduces this composite symbolism to rain clouds, fertilization,
growth, and maturity of corn, the elements which dominate the whole
Hopi ritual.
[Illustration: FIG. 2.—Miconinovi Niman Katcina altar]
A somewhat more detailed statement of this point is perhaps
desirable. In the Hopi ritual three methods of representing
supernatural personages are adopted. First, personifications by men,
women, and children. Second, representations by images or idols.
Third, representations by pictures, conventionalized objects, or
symbols. These three methods may coexist; they are interchangeable,
and may be phylogenetically connected in the development of rituals.
In the public ceremonials the first method is almost invariably
adopted, but in secret rites all three are employed.[13] The
representations on the Katcina altars at Cipaulovi and Walpi are
limited to the third method; those at Miconinovi and Oraibi include
likewise the second.
There is no need of going into detail regarding the meanings of the
symbols of the third method of representation as used on Katcina
altars. The simplicity of this method, here applied, is apparent, and
the symbols are those of rain clouds, lightning, and corn in various
stages of growth.
A discussion of the second method, or representation by images and
what they mean when used on Katcina altars, will bring out several
points of interest. These images, commonly called idols,[14] occur
on the Katcina altars of Oraibi and Miconinovi and represent the
same conceptions as the symbols. The idol with the raincloud coronet
is a representation of a corn-rain supernatural personage who has
many names and appears in ceremonials both public and secret of many
different priesthoods. In the ceremony called the Lalakontu she is
either personated by women in the public dance or represented by
images on the altar and is called Lakonemana (Lakone Maid). In the
October ceremony, called Mamzrauti, she is likewise represented by
the first and second methods,[15] and is called Mamzraumana.[16] The
same is true of the Owakulti, still performed at Oraibi, although
extinct at Walpi, where she is known as Owakulmana.
During the dramatization in the Antelope kiva of the Snake
Ceremonials at Walpi she is personated by a maid called the
Tcuamana[17] (Snake Maid) and no effigy of her is employed in this
archaic ceremony. The Flute Society represent her in their rites
in both the first and second ways, with two girls in the public
dance, and images on the altars in the secret observances, where she
is called Lenyamana (Flute Maid).[18] In Palülükonti[19] she is
personated by the first method, and is called Calakomana. The most
elaborate images of this being, also called Calakomanas, are secular
in character, and are used as dolls. All her different names, and
some others which might be mentioned, are aliases, sacerdotal society
names of the same mythological conception, which may more accurately
be called Muiyinwu, the Germ Goddess, who is likewise associated with
rain.
The symbolism of images on the left side of the Katcina altars of
Miconinovi and of Oraibi is highly conventionalized, but clearly
enough developed to show that the images represent the same Rain-Germ
Goddess who, in some ceremonials, is personified by a girl; in others
by a similar image. This image is called the Rain-Germ (Corn)[20]
Maid because in the most elaborate representations of her this bifid
nature is strongly indicated by symbolism. Her idol on the Miconinovi
Flute altar has four symbols of corn on the body, and bears three
rain cloud tablets on the head. In numerous dolls[21] she has a
symbol of an ear of corn on the forehead and an elaborate raincloud
tablet with a rainbow on the head.
The other idol, likewise known in various ceremonials by tutelary
sacerdotal aliases, is the male cultus hero, the fructifying
principle symbolized by lightning and personified according to the
society, by such supernaturals as Cotokinungwu, Puukonhoya, Tcuatiyo,
Lentiyo, and the like.
In this totem-pole-like doll we have Hehea, the male, with two
Calakos, females, as their symbolism clearly indicates. The Hopi
have a legend that the Calako maids brought the first corn to their
ancestors, and in that legend it is said that Calakotaka, or the male
Calako, a sun god, initiated the youth into the Katcinas by flogging
them, as Tunwup still functions in Powamu.
The etymology of the word Calako is unknown to me, and it may have
been derived from the same source as the Zuñi word. A corn husk, and
by derivation a cigarette paper, is called by the Hopi a calakabu.
The symbolism of the male Calako is identical with that of Tunwup
and resembles that of the Zuñi Shalako. The Hopi celebrate their
sun-prayer-stick making in July, the Zuñi in December, or at
different solstices. The Hopi say that they derived their celebration
from the Zuñi (see Fifteenth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.). When
this interesting ceremonial is performed at Sitcomovi the Calako
maids do not appear, and the four giants with avian symbolism
apparently personate a sun drama, but as a derivative from Zuñi we
must await an interpretation of the original for conclusive evidence
of its meaning.
The images of the altars as well as symbolic designs depicted upon
them show us that fructification, growth and maturing of corn, and
rain clouds are predominant in representations on Niman Katcina
altars.
I have not offered a suggestion in regard to the identity of
the strange being, Tunwup, nor am I quite sure that he can be
interpreted, but I strongly suspect that he is none other than the
Sun, a worship of whom pervades the whole Katcina ritual.[22]
The element which predominates in the worship at the Powamu ceremony
is the fructification of germs; and as beans figure so conspicuously
in it as symbols, it’s popularly called the “Bean Planting,” while a
ceremony following it is Palülükonti,[23] in which corn is sprouted,
is called the “Corn Planting.” As in Hopi conceptions the Sun is
father of all life, a ceremony called the Powalawu, appropriate
to the object or aim of Powamu, precedes the planting of beans in
the kivas. The ceremony is strictly a part of Powamu, showing it
is a form of direct sun worship. In it a special sun altar is made
of a sand mosaic upon which, during ceremonial songs, a tray of
meal composed of all kinds of seeds used by the Hopi is copiously
sprinkled on the picture of the sun; medicine water is then thrown
upon the same to typify the rains which under the sun’s action causes
these seeds to germinate and grow.
My comparative study of the Hopi Katcina altars has therefore led me
to the following conclusions: Their symbolism, whether in pictures,
rites, or of images, refer to two elements, or supernaturals, which
control rain and growth of corn. The latter are male and female,
representing the sky god and the earth goddess, the father and the
mother, the lightning and the earth, the two sexes without whose
union life is impossible.[24]
The ceremonials performed about the Katcina altars admit of the same
interpretation, and it remains for me to indicate their nature and
bearing on the above conclusions.