CHAPTER XIX.

Lord Bute’s pretended abdication of business.--The “Triumvirate”

(Mr. Grenville, Lord Egremont, and Lord Halifax) who succeeded

him.--Character of those personages.--Grenville’s ingratitude

to Lord Bute.--The memorable Forty-fifth Number of the “North

Briton.”--Wilkes apprehended on a General Warrant.--Committed

close prisoner to the Tower.--His spirit and wit.--His bad

character.--He is taken by Habeas Corpus to the Court of Common

Pleas.--His Speech.--He is discharged from confinement.--Chief

Justice Pratt.--Triumph of Wilkes.--His endeavour to obtain

Warrants against the Secretaries of State.--Lord Temple.--

Discontent in the Cider counties.--Mortifications of the Court.--

Wilkes challenged by Forbes.--Sudden Death of Lord Egremont.

The Parliament had risen on April 19th, everything being then outwardly

settled. The Favourite, to give some colour to his pretended illness,

and to his still more pretended abdication of business, went to drink

the waters at Harrowgate; having first protested that he would neither

meddle, nor offer to intercept or direct the channel of the King’s

favours. Trusting to this declaration, there started up a triumvirate,

who not only seemed to be, but who really thought themselves, possessed

of the whole power of government. They seemed, too, to have divided

amongst themselves the whole portion of the Favourite’s pride. These

were Mr. Grenville, his brother-in-law, Lord Egremont, and Lord

Halifax: the two latter, Secretaries of State.

Mr. Grenville[334] had hitherto been known but as a fatiguing orator

and indefatigable drudge, more likely to disgust than to offend.

Beneath this useful unpromising outside lay lurking great abilities:

courage so confounded with obstinacy that there was no drawing the line

betwixt them; good intentions to the public, without one great view;

much economy for that public, which in truth was the whole amount of

his good intentions; excessive rapaciousness and parsimony in himself;

infinite self-conceit, which produced impossibility of instructing,

convincing, or setting him right; implacability in his temper; and a

total want of principles in his political conduct; for, having long

professed himself uncommonly bigoted to the doctrines of liberty, he

became the staunchest champion of unwarrantable power. As all his

passions were expressed by one livid smile, he never blushed at the

variations in his behaviour. His ingratitude to his benefactor, Lord

Bute, and his reproaching Mr. Pitt with the profusion of a war which

he had sometimes actively supported, and always tacitly approved,

while holding a beneficial place,[335] were but too often paralleled

by the crimes of other men; but scarce any man ever wore in his face

such outward and visible marks of the hollow, cruel, and rotten heart

within.

Lord Egremont[336] was a composition of pride, ill-nature, avarice, and

strict good-breeding; with such infirmity in his frame, that he could

not speak truth on the most trivial occasion. He had humour, and did

not want sense; but had neither knowledge of business, nor the smallest

share of parliamentary abilities.[337]

Of the three, Lord Halifax[338] was by far the weakest, and at the

same time the most amiable man. His pride, like Lord Egremont’s, taught

him much civility. He spoke readily and agreeably, and only wanted

matter and argument. His profusion in building, planting, and on a

favourite mistress, had brought him into great straits, from which he

sought to extricate himself by discreditable means. He aimed at virtues

he could not support, and was rather carried away by his vices than

sensible of them.

I have mentioned Mr. Grenville’s ingratitude to Lord Bute, which

implies preceding obligation. He had owed solely and entirely to Lord

Bute the rich reversion of a Tellership of the Exchequer for his son.

Lord Bute perhaps thought it was no light additional favour to have

made over his power into Mr. Grenville’s hands. But the latter had

not forgotten how contemptuously he had been set aside the last year;

and, as Lord Bute by no means observed his promise of abstaining from

exerting his influence at Court, it is but candid to allow that Lord

Bute diminished the favour by not adhering to the terms on which he

bestowed it. Be that how it would, Grenville had not sat a month at the

Treasury, before, remembering the affront and forgetting the reversion,

he set himself by all manner of means to lessen the profits of the

other reversion which Lord Bute had procured for his own son. Thus

auspiciously commenced the new administration!

As soon as it was known that Lord Bute intended to quit, Wilkes had

forborne to publish his North Britons; waiting to see the consequences

of the change. The tone he had given did not, however, stop. In

the City they toasted to Wit, Beauty, Virtue, and Honour, ironic

designations of the King, Queen, Princess Dowager, and Lord Bute.

The North Briton too was soon resumed, and on the 23rd of April was

published the memorable _forty-fifth_ number, which occasioned so much

trouble to the author, procured so essential a correction of loose

and till then undefined power, and produced so many silly conundrums

and wretched witticisms on the number itself.[339] This famous paper

gave a flat lie to the King himself, for having, by the Favourite’s

suggestion, assumed the honour of obtaining peace for the King of

Prussia.[340]

Nothing could be more just than the satire, nothing more bold than

the unmeasured liberty with which it was uttered.[341] The Prussian

monarch must have read with scorn, and Europe with laughter, so absurd

a boast as our vaunting to have saved an ally whom we had betrayed and

abandoned. Ridicule might have handled this vain-glorious falsehood

with full severity and full security, without passing the bounds which

law allows. But when Parliament had connived at the treachery, could

it be supposed that it would suffer a private hand to wield the bolt

which had slept in the custody of so many corrupt representatives? The

lie given in print to the Crown, by an obscure man, was an unparalleled

license. If the King had a particle of power left, or his servants,

or his magistrates, of spirit, such an insult could not be passed

over. The rashness of his servants contrived to involve the Crown and

themselves in inextricable difficulties, and to make the unwarrantable

behaviour of Wilkes appear innocent, when compared with the excesses

they committed themselves.

I do not mean to lead the reader through the maze of vague and

barbarous law-proceedings, which sprang out of this transaction. It

did but lay open the undefined or unmeaning magazine of terms which

the chicanery or contradictions of ages had heaped together, and it

proved that the Crown and the subject might be justified in almost

any excesses. The right hand of Nonsense armed the King, and her left

defended the subject. The lawyers on either side were employed in

discovering springes or loop-holes.

After a week’s deliberation Wilkes was seized, April 30th, by three

messengers, on a _general warrant_, signed by Lord Halifax. They had

been ordered to apprehend him at midnight, but abstained till noon of

the 30th. Churchill, his friend, then with him, slipped out of the

house, either to secure himself or to give the alarm. Mr. Wood,[342]

the Under-Secretary, and Philip Carteret Webbe,[343] a most villanous

tool and agent in any iniquity, seized his papers, though he had

received intimation time enough to convey away the most material. He

was conducted to Lord Halifax’s, where he behaved with much firmness

and confidence, and grievously wounded the haughty dignity attempted to

be assumed by Lord Egremont. They committed him close prisoner to the

Tower; a severity rarely, and never fit to be practised but in cases of

most dangerous treason. This treatment served but to increase Wilkes’s

spirit and wit. He desired to be confined in the same room where Sir

William Windham, Lord Egremont’s father, had been kept on a charge of

Jacobitism; and said he hoped, if there could be found such a chamber

in the Tower, that he might not be lodged where any Scotchman had been

prisoner.

About the same time, being told of the reasons alleged by the King

of Spain[344] for setting aside his eldest son, two of which were,

that the Prince squinted, and did not believe the mysteries of our

holy religion; then said Wilkes, “I can never be King of Spain, for I

squint, and believe none of those mysteries.”

The rigour of the commitment gave serious alarm; but, the very day on

which it happened, Wilkes’s friends applied to the Court of Common

Pleas for his habeas corpus, expecting it from Lord Chief Justice

Pratt, and scorning or despairing of it from Lord Mansfield.

Lord Temple instantly resorted to the Tower, but was denied admittance

to the prisoner; a restraint the ministers found the very next day

they must take off. Lord Temple then returned to visit Wilkes, as did

the Duke of Grafton and some few others of rank; but, in general, the

prisoner’s character was so bad, and his conduct so rash and unguarded,

that few who were either decent or cautious cared to be concerned with

him.

The habeas corpus being granted, Wilkes was carried to the Court of

Common Pleas, May 3rd. He spoke for an hour, said “attempts had been

made to corrupt him, now to persecute him; he had been worse treated

than any rebel Scot.” The crowd in Westminster-hall gave a great shout;

the Chief Justice, with great dignity, reproved them. The judges took

time to deliberate. The people were profuse of their acclamations to

the sufferer.

On the 5th, he wrote a letter to his daughter (a child whom he had

placed in a convent in France for her education), and sent it open to

Lord Halifax; it congratulated her on living in a _free_ country. He

was the same day turned out of his commission in the militia.

On the 6th, being again conveyed from the Tower to Westminster-hall,

Pratt and the other judges of the Common Pleas unanimously discharged

him from his confinement; the Chief Justice delivering their opinions,

and dismissing him on his parliamentary privilege, “_because_, though

privilege of Parliament does not hold against a breach of the peace, it

does against what only _tends_ to a breach of the peace. The case of

the seven bishops was quoted; the judges Wright, Holloway, and Allibone

had been against them. Allibone, said Pratt, was a Papist; Wright and

Holloway had been appointed for the occasion; but Powel, an honest man,

had declared for the bishops. On the other hand, he quoted a recent

case of Lord Tankerville, who having been arrested on a prosecution for

bribery in the election for Windsor, the Lords had declared it a breach

of privilege”--we shall find how much less tender the Commons were of

_their_ privileges.

The Chief Justice had no sooner granted the enlargement of Wilkes,

than two of the King’s serjeants presented letters to the Court, from

the Attorney and Solicitor Generals, demanding to be admitted into

the Court, as the case concerned the King’s interest. The Attorney,

it is said, has a right of interfering in any Court where the King’s

interest is agitated; it is doubted whether the Solicitor has the same

prerogative. To both Pratt answered, that they had applied too late.

Now did the Court feel the consequence of having forced Pratt to be

Chief Justice against his will.

This triumph quite overset the little discretion of which Wilkes had

been master. He seemed to put himself into the situation of a King,

who, not content with the outworks with which the law has surrounded

his person, attempts to employ the law as offensive artillery.

Affecting to have been robbed of moveables when his papers were seized,

Wilkes entered into a virulent controversy, by letter, with the

Secretaries of State; and even endeavoured, though in vain, to obtain

warrants for searching their houses. This wild conduct did not help his

cause. His next step fell more perniciously on his own head. He erected

a printing-press in his own house; and, against the remonstrances

of Lord Temple, who never wanted fear where there was room for it,

and who had no taste for anything that did not lead directly home to

faction, indulged himself in realizing those sallies of his humour and

intemperance, which are scarcely excusable when transient and confined

to the jollity of intoxicated moments at table. The Court regarding

Lord Temple as the instigator, not as the Socrates, of this Alcibiades,

removed him from the lord-lieutenancy of the county of Buckingham.

The printers, who had been vexed in their business by the orders of

the Secretaries of State, and encouraged by the victory of Wilkes,

prosecuted the messengers, and obtained damages to the value of 300_l._

The same spirit spread into the west. In the cider counties they

dressed up a figure in Scotch plaid, with a blue riband, to represent

the Favourite, and this figure seemed to lead by the nose an ass

royally crowned. At the same time they voted instructions to their

members to try to obtain a repeal of the act. The circumstance of

the act being passed under so unpopular an administration was most

unfortunate. It had taken thirty years to open the eyes of mankind

to the benefits of excise: the only, at least the best, method of

improving the revenue without imposing new burthens. Being started at

so ungracious a moment, the old prejudices were industriously revived.

The Court at the same time met with some mortifications in their

pursuit of congratulatory addresses on the peace, which they sedulously

promoted. One Judge Perrot[345] was so servile as to recommend it from

the bench on the circuit. The Duke of Newcastle and Lord Hardwicke, the

one Chancellor, the other High Steward of the University of Cambridge,

refused to go to St. James’s with the address of that body. Allen,[346]

the ostentatious patron of Pope and Warburton, the latter of whom had

married his natural daughter, prevailed on the city of Bath to thank

the King for the _adequate_[347] peace, and had himself the insolence

or folly to send that address, so profligately worded, to Mr. Pitt,

with whom he had maintained a mutual intercourse of flattery. Mr. Pitt

disdained to present their compliment to the King, and even declared he

would represent their city no more.

Wilkes, in the meantime, had gone to France to visit his daughter.

There he received a challenge from one Forbes[348] an outlawed Scot in

the French service, who could not digest the torrents of abuse which

Wilkes had poured forth on his country. Alexander Murray, brother

of Lord Elibank, and an outlaw too since the Westminster Election

in 1751,[349] was the go-between in this quarrel, not without being

suspected of inflaming it. Wilkes accepted the defiance for the next

morning, but, when Forbes called on him, affected to laugh it off,

saying, he was bound to fight Lord Egremont by preference before any

other man. When that excuse availed not, he asked Forbes if he had

provided a second; to which the other replied, such preparation was

too dangerous in France. Altercations thickened, till at last the

lieutenant de police was sent for, who obliged Forbes to promise not to

proceed any farther.

Had the duel with Lord Egremont been seriously intended, from that too

would Wilkes have been delivered; for the earl, who was of a sanguine

and apoplectic complexion, of which he had felt attacks, and though

warned in vain to moderate the indulgence of his palate, to which he

was ungovernably prone, died suddenly on the 21st of August, and put an

end to a triumvirate which had involved their master and themselves in

such a labyrinth of knotty and undecided questions.

Memoirs of the Reign of King George the Third, Volume 1 (of 4) · 第 19 / 29 章