Mr. Wilkes’s censures on the King’s Speech, seconded by Dempster.--
The Debate on continuing the War.--Speeches of Beckford, Cust,
Harvey, Forester, Pitt, and George Grenville.--The Queen’s Dowry
voted.--Ministerial Manœuvres on the secession of Mr. Pitt.--
Meeting at the St. Alban’s Tavern.--Discussion on the Militia
Act.--Speech, in the House of Commons, of Charles Townshend,
Secretary at War.--Policy of the Court.--Fox’s Faction.--Debate
on the War in Germany.--George Grenville’s desertion of Pitt.--
Pitt’s Reply.--Walpole’s Reflections on that Statesman.
On the 13th of November the Address to the King was moved in the House
of Commons by the Lords Middleton and Parker.[127] Mr. Wilkes,[128]
a man of whom much will be said hereafter, passed some censures on
the King’s speech, which, in the language of Parliament, he said, he
was authorized to call the speech of the minister; though of what
minister he could not tell. The extraordinary Gazette, he said, which
had vaunted the pacific disposition of Spain, had been contradicted
by facts: it had appeared that we were rather in a state of war with
that Crown. Yet no notice had been taken of those transactions in the
speech, though all mankind was apprised of their notorious insults.
He himself had seen a Spanish memorial, that had been delivered by a
French agent. Unless some communication was made to Parliament, how
could Parliament lay the state of the nation before his Majesty? As
little mention, he observed, was made of the militia, though the ground
on which the war had stood. Dempster,[129] a young Scotch member,
seconded Wilkes, though less peremptory in opposition; for though he
pleaded for the extension of the militia to Scotland, and said the
militia had felt the heavy hand of administration, yet he censured the
German war, as having neither object nor end; condemned faction, and
said, he was pleased to see that his Majesty had emancipated himself
from the chains that had been prepared for him.
Beckford, with his usual rhodomontade, said, our situation had never
been so comfortable, nor the national union ever so complete. It was
not the mob, nor two hundred great Lords (who received more from
Government than they paid to it), that made us so firm: the middling
rank of men it was in which our strength consisted, and who called
upon us to demand peace sword in hand. Nor had our abilities ever been
so great. He was astonished our ministers--who they were he knew not,
nor did he look on Grenville and those in the House of Commons but as
subalterns--were afraid of any power upon earth: he was amazed they
could suffer such memorials from Spain, so derogatory to our honour.
The answer should have been made by the mouth of cannon. The revenues
of Spain were pitiful, were foreign: must be brought home,--and that
we might have prevented. You are near shore, continued he; will you
go back? and without a pilot? A King should not govern by a faction:
the late King had been governed by one, who resigned in the midst of
rebellion, and flung an empty purse in his face; but we had now no Earl
of Warwick, no king-makers. Hope must come from the rising generation:
we had tried the old in vain. The war in Germany _had_ an object, and
had almost obtained it. The French ought to be kept there. He did not
desire to see France and England engaged single-handed. France said,
let us both get out of Germany, for she felt the mischief of warring
there. The manner indeed in which we had conducted our affairs there,
had been too expensive; of which he produced instances: but speak out,
cried he; will you quit all your allies? Two points must be obtained,
the security of America and of our fisheries. We had already conceded
too much: he was sorry for it--was sorry Mr. Pitt had softened at
all. He would be ready to second Mr. Wilkes in moving for the Spanish
papers, and to know if they avowed Bussy.
Beckford was answered by Cust[130] (the Speaker’s brother), and by
Harvey;[131] the last, a lawyer; both of Tory families, and the latter
very sensible. The former spoke on the burthen of the war, and said,
that to raise six millions, we ran in debt two: this year would cost
us between nine and ten. He would appeal to our very successes for the
impropriety of continuing the war. The King had told us he would never
depart from our true interest: if we never _had_ departed from it,
we should not be debating now. Harvey condemned the war in Germany,
and justified the intentions of Spain. Fuentes had declared, that if
his Court had had any hostile designs, it would itself have made the
demands; but the other end of the town, said he, will always promote
a Spanish war: had done so in the last reign; had driven it on by the
feigned cruelties exercised on Captain Jenkins,[132] who, however,
died with his ears on his head. Forester, another and still shrewder
lawyer, endeavoured to ward off the rising spirit by showing there was
no such question before the House as what was then in debate, Wilkes
not having made any motion; (this was an usual art in old members, and
often served the purpose;) nor was the militia more the subject of
the debate, nor as yet to come on. Thus was the House free from any
influence but of gratitude to the militia, as they had been encamped
without law, and only because we had a greater war abroad than we could
bear. He hoped that night’s mail would not carry to the Continent news
of disunion in the new Parliament.
Mr. Pitt, on whom all eyes were fixed, rose; and said, he wished
the turn of the debate had permitted him to sit still; but he found
himself called upon. He professed great zeal for his Majesty and for
the administration, when it should be settled; and was desirous to
leave his own justification to his past conduct. For the militia, he
should have been glad it had been mentioned in the speech. He had
advised that measure last year against the greater part of the Cabinet
Council. For a war with Spain, the motives for it were not founded on
the French papers: those, he concluded, would be published here: the
silence of the ministers made him conclude so, or it would be unfair
dealing with the Parliament. When those papers should appear, he would
as a member of Parliament speak his opinion: did not desire on that
question that any man should think with him, but form his judgment on
the fact itself. As the contrary sentiment had been adopted by his
Majesty, he hoped not to have the bulk of the nation on his side. God
alone knew what the opinion would be, when the whole should come out.
The probability was, that himself had been erroneous. His own situation
was awful; he stood there to be _examined_--hoped the ministers would
produce the advice, signed by Lord Temple and him, and delivered to
his Majesty. He would conceal nothing as far as was consistent with
his oath of Privy Councillor. Nor would he inflame--how could he--he,
who stood so unsupported? He had been taxed with assuming to _guide_.
He declared he had never abetted the publication of his letter to
Hodges--never had consented to its publication; but now published, he
did avow it. Early he had contracted an indifference to party-papers,
and had rather read two passages in Virgil or Horace. He had resigned
the Seals, in order not to be responsible for measures he was no longer
suffered to _guide_, and from seeing the question of Spain in the light
he saw it. He had acted from conviction, as he supposed the great
Lords, who had opposed him, had done likewise. He blessed himself that
no question had been moved that day to bar unanimity. All vigour was
recommended from the Throne: he would not have the post depart with
many arraignments of the German war, and without any minister saying
a word in its behalf. In their situation he would have lain by: did
they advise a speech of vigour, and yet hold their peace, when vigorous
measures were condemned? Himself was never stopped by popularity, or
by the turn of the tide. He would speak though a private man: hoped
never to be a public man again. He never would come into place again;
he never could; for he never could but by his own accord. He had been
nursed in the lap of fortune, but now had not weight enough to make
but one Lord, with whom he would live and die, of his opinion. Hoped
his Majesty’s rest would not be disturbed, as his had been: he had
been robbed of his sleep for many days, and now should be robbed of
his honour, if our troops were recalled from Germany. Nothing but that
spectre of an invasion, which the Ministry had not had constancy
enough to look at, had frightened us out of Mahon. So would it be
again, if the troops of France found themselves at liberty to quit
Germany. He had known five thousand French occasion our recalling
seventy or fourscore thousand men to look them in the face. He paid a
handsome compliment to Admiral Hawke and the navy; but said, ask the
French whether they could not engage you hand to hand, if delivered
from the war in Germany. The way to peace was not by lessening our
efforts. England was equal to both wars, the American and the German;
and if continued, nothing but conquest would follow--all owing to the
German war. If we abandoned our allies, God would abandon us. When we
had spent a hundred millions, should we throw away the fruit, rather
than spend twelve more? Let a man so narrow-minded stand behind a
counter, and not govern a kingdom. [This was pointed at Cust, who was
a director of the African Company.] _America had been conquered_ in
_Germany._[133] Prince Ferdinand had been the saviour of Europe, and
had shattered the whole military power of that military monarchy,
France. It was not from what young members had said against the German
war, but from what had _not_ been said for it, that he augured ill for
this country. He hoped so insignificant a name as his would be sent
to every hostile Court; though every other man in the House should be
against the German war, he would stand single, and undergo the shame.
Government, he hoped, would in due time lay open the proceedings of
Spain, lest gentlemen might be misled from not knowing the precise
time of the arrival of Fuentes.[134] Harvey was sure Spain could not
have acted as alleged, yet owned he knew nothing of the matter. But
were people to go away, thinking he himself had courted a war with
Spain? He might have declared his private opinion in council; but let
Parliament see the whole of the negotiation: let them know his patience
and long-suffering, till he was afraid he should be answerable for it.
He gave a flat contradiction to the notion of his having courted a war
with Spain, and protested he had done all he could to avoid it. He had
stated his opinion in writing, lest false whispers from those who ought
to be above such underhand machinations, should prejudice him in the
eyes of his countrymen. In delicacy, not in obligation, he would sit
down rather than divulge what had passed. Yet altercation, opposition
would have ensued, had there not been a determination to preserve
unanimity. He would even persuade gentlemen not to be too fastidious
in their criticisms on the Treasury and the budget. For his relaxing
on the article of the fisheries, with which his friend Beckford had
taxed him, he said, it was best to own the truth; he had been overborne
by numbers. He and Lord Temple would have made exclusive fisheries
the _sine quâ non_ of the peace. Were the negotiation to recommence,
provided circumstances concurred, he would stand for exclusive
fisheries; nor sheath the sword till they were given up, even at the
expense of another campaign. He was going to sit down, but added a
few words on the note of Fuentes, which, said he, that minister knows
was never remitted to me. He did read me an extract; it was to the
effect alleged. I did not much attend to it; said I had written to Lord
Bristol, and would let it rest there. He did read something like it,
but did not deliver it.
This guarded, artful, and inflammatory speech remained unanswered.
George Grenville, indeed, said a few words on the form of proceeding;
as, that it would be precluding those great questions, to insert them
either in the Speech or Address: and to justify Spain, he read a letter
in which they ordered one of our cutters to be restored. As a rising
minister he spoke more largely on himself, disclaimed any ambition, and
professed he would do his duty without fear. The Address passed without
a negative. The next day Lord Thomond[135] and Lord Villiers moved the
Address to the Queen, and on the 19th her dowry was voted.
The secession of Pitt, and his popularity, that still kept its
ground, warned the administration to a closer union. At least, the
old ministers, who had separated from him, thought it prudent to draw
nigher to the Favourite. The Duke of Devonshire, governed by Fox,
who hated Pitt, and aspired to be lieutenant to Lord Bute, meditated
a coalition of the latter with Newcastle. The house of Bedford were
already devoted to the Favourite, and concurred in that connection.
In consequence of this conjunction, the Privy Seal was delivered to
the Duke of Bedford; great promises were made to Rigby. Lord Thomond,
brother-in-law of Grenville, was appointed Cofferer; Lord Powis,[136]
Treasurer of the Household, and Lord George Cavendish,[137] Comptroller.
On the 25th, at night, some forty persons, or fewer, met at the St.
Alban’s tavern, in Pall Mall. The Act that had granted the militia was
within a year of expiring. It was become irksome to many of the country
gentlemen, was much disliked by the chief ministers, and by great part
of the House of Commons. The friends of the measure had wished to get
it renewed for five years more. Some desired it perpetual. Pitt, while
minister, had staved off even the shorter term. He now went to this
meeting, spoke four times warmly for the perpetuity, and said, this
was the moment to push it. Charles Townshend, who attended the meeting
too, spoke earnestly, but only for the term of five years. The company
signed a paper, engaging to stand by one another in the measure; and
they who held commissions in the militia promised to throw them up,
if the perpetuity should not be carried, agreeing only to await the
arrival of General Townshend, the patron of the plan, who was expected
from the army. The Court was as much set against the militia. The Duke
of Devonshire told George Grenville, he believed he could not induce
his own brothers to vote for it. The very same day intelligence had
been received of an intended invasion from France. Grenville, told the
Duke he could not come into any measure that would disband seven and
twenty thousand men, when we should have so much occasion for them: it
would be better to grant the perpetuity, and repeal it afterwards.
The same morning, Charles Townshend,[138] now Secretary at War, moved
for the land forces, which were granted without opposition. His new
office gave him an opportunity of venting his vanity. He assumed much,
and called himself trustee for the honest claims of the officers. On
December 9th, he opened to the House the state of the foreign troops
in our pay, the expense of which came to near a million. Townshend
pleaded the inconsiderable loss we had sustained in the last campaign,
not above two thousand men, which would easily be recruited; and that
next year, as in the last four, we should cover our allies against
any force France could bring against us. Should we for next year
continue the same army, or break off abruptly? The Parliament had been
called upon day after day to disapprove or ratify the measure; and had
ratified it. The totality of the war had been one of the great causes
of its success. Had we neglected any other part for Germany, it had
been fatal: but a mixed system, and attention to the whole, had given
us victory in every quarter. France had resisted every where, had
been disgraced every where. Their navy, the last sanguine promise of
still another minister, was annihilated. We ought not to desist but
from inability to pursue up the blow. It ought to be manifest that we
were disabled. But where was a symptom of decay? In our trade, credit,
agriculture, where was a failure? Yet he thought our situation nor
comfortable, nor desperate. Five millions he allowed would be expended
this year on the war in Germany. He concluded with high encomiums on
what he called _Mr. Pitt’s divine plan_; but added, that a larger
portion of fame remained for those who should take up the plan and
terminate it by a good peace.
The Court, who wished to veil their eagerness for peace, and who,
instead of attaining that peace, were on the brink of a war with Spain,
took great pains to prevent their creatures from openly attacking the
German war. Lord Egmont was persuaded to be absent from the House; but
Fox’s faction was more intent on discrediting Pitt than even on paying
their court--and perhaps knew how easily they should be forgiven. Rigby
said he had voted for all very large sums; was sorry he began to have
a doubt; wished an end was put--had been put to the whole war. The
Germans were entitled to the protection of the House, but ours was
no protection. They were in a worse condition than if conquered. The
treaty with Prussia would expire on the 12th of the month; he hoped
we should make no more such with that _little power_. Not to quit the
alliance, ought only to be a condition on the party subsidized. In no
one treaty did there exist an article that obliged us to continue our
national troops in Germany. Nor could we supply our army with men;
since 1758, we had sent over twenty-nine thousand men. We had but
thirteen thousand remaining. Could this country furnish four thousand
men a year to Germany? Marshal Ligonier had ordered the old corps to
be recruited at any rate. We had three thousand sick in hospitals, and
were reduced to send boys of ten years old--a good way to make the
war last! He spoke, he said, neither from fickleness nor discontent;
was very well contented; had tried to swallow the measure, but found
it would not do. If these troops had been brought home, we might have
disbanded the militia. Wished he could see the negotiation for peace
renewed; wished even a bad peace was offered. He concluded the French
account of the rupture was authentic, or would have been contradicted.
He spoke, he said, to the country gentlemen; _they_ were not included
in the picture of our _comfortable_ situation. If so much was given to
glory, their cups of comfort would not be drunk so often as they used
to be. Sir Robert Walpole, whom he thought the greatest minister that
this country had known, had always declared the nation could not stand
under a debt exceeding an hundred millions.
Stanley defended the measure of pursuing the German war, and said it
was evident from every page of the printed negotiation that France
wished to get out of Germany; that she was not equal to both wars, and
had therefore neglected everything to make her push there, hoping it
would exasperate the people of England against Hanover. That none of
our allies were in a situation to make conquests, and therefore we
must part with some of ours, to obtain tolerable conditions for them.
George Grenville supported the question solely on the foot of treaties,
which he recapitulated, but took care to assert that he had neither
advised nor approved them; he had not been able, he said, to stop a
torrent; let those who had given the advice drink the dregs! he did not
desire to steal the fame due to another. It had not been the German
war, but the want of seamen, that had disabled France from prosecuting
the war in America and from invading England. Let us know what had been
the obstacle that had broken off the treaty. An immense load of debt
had been laid upon us; he would not call on any light of Government,
who had brought us into these distresses, to help us out of them. If
they had overlooked these things, he must be sorry. But our honour was
pledged, and he would not be for an ignominious peace; nor, on the
other hand, would he intoxicate the people with unattainable objects.
He would not hang out our distresses; to know them was the first point;
to conceal them, the second.
Thus were hostilities openly commenced by Grenville. He had during the
last reign avowedly or silently supported every one of Pitt’s expensive
German measures. Indeed he had held by Pitt’s favour one of the most
lucrative places under the Government, the Treasurer of the Navy. The
scene was changed, and Grenville with it.
Pitt replied in a long speech, but with much temper, which he professed
he would keep, though so marked out; but in contempt of Grenville, he
affected chiefly to answer Rigby, falling into the familiar, and not
in a masterly style; desiring to expostulate, not to altercate on who
was in or out of place; but considering himself as in a council of
state, engaged to find out the point of truth, and how to wind up the
war. He complimented our troops, whom he called _the glory of human
nature_, and Charles Townshend on his moderation and clear method of
stating the question. If Rigby, he said, had had communication of
papers, he must have seen the distresses of France, but would advise
him to reconsider his positions, before he published his political
code, before he should come _to guide_--but begged pardon for his
levity; he chose to be in good humour, for fear of being in bad. He
would not enter into the wretched consideration of what himself had
done. Grenville had treated his counsels as pernicious--nobody indeed
had asserted it--somebody did shrewdly convey it--for his part he liked
better a man that affirmed. Grenville, however, would not entirely take
away the lustre of this measure, already more than half exploded by the
King’s servants. Himself, an individual, had been called, compelled
to the service; he had found this measure bound on upon the nation,
both by the concluding and breaking the treaty of Closter Severn. It
was an electoral measure, not advised, but submitted to in silence
by the piety of the Duke of Cumberland. The subsidy to Prussia had
been dictated by Hanover, not by Great Britain. Little Princes are
subsidized, when not worthy of reciprocation; but necessity had driven
that great Prince to accept our money; yet his Prussian Majesty did not
think that he thereby lost his equality of not being deserted. Both
the Empresses had received subsidies from us. He himself, he said, had
resisted the measures of the closet, nor would subscribe to them till
qualified. His late gracious master had suffered his representations;
and he had boldly urged them, fearing our own defence and America would
be neglected; nor would he agree to the German war till every other
service had been provided for. Was it candid, was it just, to throw the
whole burthen on him, who had been but an acceder to a plan settled? an
acceder to a ministry that had wanted vigour. He had _borrowed their
majority_ to carry on their own plan. He had seen where they had been
right, where wrong. He had brought the American war, and taken up the
German; had seen that we must be strong enough to baffle France, or
should do nothing. France had been _dedecorum pretiosus emptor_. It was
true our expense had been great, and he offered himself _confitentem
reum_, if he had not thereby annihilated their power both in East and
West Indies. Perhaps he had done it the wrong way; and Mr. Grenville
could have done it some other way. The business, however, was done,
by whatever way done; and he would now divide the House alone against
abandoning our allies. Relaxation could only invite inflexibility in
our enemies; nor ought we to give the money, and at the same time
blast the measure. As Germany had formerly been managed, it had been
a millstone about our necks; as managed now, about that of France.
Let a man get possession of the Government, and act as late ministers
had acted, and he would endeavour to make his heart ache. Now we were
leagued with the King of Prussia, who was born to administer military
wonders to the world; his motto should be _adversis rerum immersabilis
undis_. To him was added Prince Ferdinand, for whom he could not find
adequate words. That great Prince had stood like a rampart to cover
Germany--and at last, _comperit invidiam supremo fine domari_.
Legge spoke a few words in praise of the measure, and against
abandoning our allies; and the debate ended without a division.
The recapitulation of many speeches may perhaps weary the reader,
but, in equity, he must remember that at this period at least it was
essential to detail them. When Mr. Pitt was driven from the management
of the war, he existed as a public man; but in his speeches and past
services, his own defence of his measures was necessary from his own
mouth. Libels on libels were published against him, and he wrote none.
I am sensible that I do not do justice to his arguments, and less to
his eloquence; but what I give was faithfully taken from his own mouth
in the House of Commons; and unless better transcripts appear, this
rude sketch may be welcome to posterity. No flattery is intended to
him. When I thought him blameable, I have marked it, as will appear
hereafter, with the same impartiality. The debates, too, of a free
nation, arrived at the summit of its glory, may be worthy the attention
of future times. Our descendants will see what their ancestors were in
arms and eloquence, and what liberty they enjoyed of discussing their
own interests. Grant, Heaven, they may not read it with a sigh; reading
it in bondage and ignominy!