CHAPTER I

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faithfully as possible. Some changes have been made.

They are listed at the end of the text, apart from

some changes of puctuation in the Index.

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Characters enclosed by curly braces are subscripts

(example: H{2}O).

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White circle ( ) Hydrogen

Circle with vertical bar (|) Nitrogen

Circle with central dot (·) Oxygen

Black cirle (*) Carbon

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

by

WALTER LIBBY, M.A., Ph.D.

Professor of the History of Science

in the Carnegie Institute of Technology

[Illustration]

Boston New York Chicago

Houghton Mifflin Company

The Riverside Press Cambridge

Copyright, 1917, by Walter Libby

All Rights Reserved

The Riverside Press

Cambridge. Massachusetts

U . S . A

TO MY STUDENTS OF THE LAST TWELVE YEARS IN THE CHICAGO AND

PITTSBURGH DISTRICTS THIS BOOK IS INSCRIBED IN FURTHERANCE OF THE

ENDEAVOR TO INCULCATE A DEMOCRATIC CULTURE, EVER MINDFUL OF THE

DAILY TASK, NOT ALTOGETHER IGNORANT OF THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE PAST

PREFACE

The history of science has something to offer to the humblest

intelligence. It is a means of imparting a knowledge of scientific facts

and principles to unschooled minds. At the same time it affords a simple

method of school instruction. Those who understand a business or an

institution best, as a contemporary writer on finance remarks, are those

who have made it or grown up with it, and the next best thing is to know

how it has grown up, and then watch or take part in its actual working.

Generally speaking, we know best what we know in its origins.

The history of science is an aid in scientific research. It places the

student in the current of scientific thought, and gives him a clue to

the purpose and necessity of the theories he is required to master. It

presents science as the constant pursuit of truth rather than the

formulation of truth long since revealed; it shows science as

progressive rather than fixed, dynamic rather than static, a growth to

which each may contribute. It does not paralyze the self-activity of

youth by the record of an infallible past.

It is only by teaching the sciences in their historical development that

the schools can be true to the two principles of modern education, that

the sciences should occupy the foremost place in the curriculum and that

the individual mind in its evolution should rehearse the history of

civilization.

The history of science should be given a larger place than at present in

general history; for, as Bacon said, the history of the world without a

history of learning is like a statue of Polyphemus with the eye out. The

history of science studies the past for the sake of the future. It is a

story of continuous progress. It is rich in biographical material. It

shows the sciences in their interrelations, and saves the student from

narrowness and premature specialization. It affords a unique approach to

the study of philosophy. It gives new motive to the study of foreign

languages. It gives an interest in the applications of knowledge, offers

a clue to the complex civilization of the present, and renders the mind

hospitable to new discoveries and inventions.

The history of science is hostile to the spirit of caste. It shows the

sciences rising from daily needs and occupations, formulated by

philosophy, enriching philosophy, giving rise to new industries, which

react in turn upon the sciences. The history of science reveals men of

all grades of intelligence and of all social ranks coöperating in the

cause of human progress. It is a basis of intellectual and social

homogeneity.

Science is international, English, Germans, French, Italians,

Russians--all nations--contributing to advance the general interests.

Accordingly, a survey of the sciences tends to increase mutual respect,

and to heighten the humanitarian sentiment. The history of science can

be taught to people of all creeds and colors, and cannot fail to enhance

in the breast of every young man, or woman, faith in human progress and

good-will to all mankind.

This book is intended as a simple introduction, taking advantage of the

interests of youth of from seventeen to twenty-two years of age (and

their intellectual compeers) in order to direct their attention to the

story of the development of the sciences. It makes no claim to be in any

sense complete or comprehensive. It is, therefore, a psychological

introduction, having the mental capacity of a certain class of readers

always in view, rather than a logical introduction, which would

presuppose in all readers both full maturity of intellect and

considerable initial interest in the history of science.

I cannot conclude this preface without thanking those who have assisted

me in the preparation of this book--Sir William Osler, who read the

first draft of the manuscript, and aided me with his counsel; Dr.

Charles Singer, who read all the chapters in manuscript, and to whom I

am indebted for advice in reference to the illustrations and for many

other valuable suggestions; the officers of the Bodleian Library, whose

courtesy was unfailing during the year I worked there; Professor Henry

Crew, who helped in the revision of two of the chapters by his judicious

criticism; Professor J. E. Rush, whose knowledge of bacteriology

improved the chapter on Pasteur; Professor L. O. Grondahl, who read one

of the chapters relating to the history of physics and suggested

important emendations; and Dr. John A. Brashear, who contributed

valuable information in reference to the activities of Samuel Pierpont

Langley. I wish to express my gratitude also to Miss Florence Bonnet for

aid in the correction of the manuscript.

W. LIBBY.

February 2, 1917.

CONTENTS

I. SCIENCE AND PRACTICAL NEEDS--EGYPT AND BABYLONIA 1

II. THE INFLUENCE OF ABSTRACT THOUGHT--GREECE: ARISTOTLE 15

III. SCIENTIFIC THEORY SUBORDINATED TO APPLICATION--ROME:

VITRUVIUS 30

IV. THE CONTINUITY OF SCIENCE--THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH AND

THE ARABS 43

V. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE SCIENCES--FRANCIS BACON 57

VI. SCIENTIFIC METHOD--GILBERT, GALILEO, HARVEY, DESCARTES 72

VII. SCIENCE AS MEASUREMENT--TYCHO BRAHE, KEPLER, BOYLE 86

VIII. COÖPERATION IN SCIENCE--THE ROYAL SOCIETY 99

IX. SCIENCE AND THE STRUGGLE FOR LIBERTY--BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 114

X. THE INTERACTION OF THE SCIENCES--WERNER, HUTTON, BLACK,

HALL, WILLIAM SMITH 129

XI. SCIENCE AND RELIGION--KANT, LAMBERT, LAPLACE, SIR

WILLIAM HERSCHEL 142

XII. THE REIGN OF LAW--DALTON, JOULE 155

XIII. THE SCIENTIST--SIR HUMPHRY DAVY 170

XIV. SCIENTIFIC PREDICTION--THE DISCOVERY OF NEPTUNE 184

XV. SCIENCE AND TRAVEL--THE VOYAGE OF THE BEAGLE 197

XVI. SCIENCE AND WAR--PASTEUR, LISTER 213

XVII. SCIENCE AND INVENTION--LANGLEY'S AEROPLANE 231

XVIII. SCIENTIFIC HYPOTHESIS--RADIOACTIVE SUBSTANCES 245

XIX. THE SCIENTIFIC IMAGINATION 258

XX. SCIENCE AND DEMOCRATIC CULTURE 270

INDEX 283

ILLUSTRATIONS

EARLIEST PICTURE KNOWN OF A SURGICAL OPERATION.

EGYPT, 2500 B.C. 6

ST. THOMAS AQUINAS OVERCOMING AVERROËS 54

DR. GILBERT SHOWING HIS ELECTRICAL EXPERIMENTS

TO QUEEN ELIZABETH AND HER COURT 72

THE TICHONIC QUADRANT 88

WADHAM COLLEGE, OXFORD 104

SIR ISAAC NEWTON 112

JOHN DALTON COLLECTING MARSH GAS 162

THE FIRST SUCCESSFUL HEAVIER-THAN-AIR FLYING MACHINE 236

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

CHAPTER I

SCIENCE AND PRACTICAL NEEDS--EGYPT AND BABYLONIA

If you consult encyclopedias and special works in reference to the early

history of any one of the sciences,--astronomy, geology, geometry,

physiology, logic, or political science, for example,--you will find

strongly emphasized the part played by the Greeks in the development of

organized knowledge. Great, indeed, as we shall see in the next chapter,

are the contributions to the growth of science of this highly rational

and speculative people. It must be conceded, also, that the influence on

Western science of civilizations earlier than theirs has come to us, to

a considerable extent at least, through the channels of Greek

literature.

Nevertheless, if you seek the very origins of the sciences, you will

inevitably be drawn to the banks of the Nile, and to the valleys of the

Tigris and the Euphrates. Here, in Egypt, in Assyria and Babylonia,

dwelt from very remote times nations whose genius was practical and

religious rather than intellectual and theoretical, and whose mental

life, therefore, was more akin to our own than was the highly evolved

culture of the Greeks. Though more remote in time, the wisdom and

practical knowledge of Thebes and Memphis, Nineveh and Babylon, are more

readily comprehended by our minds than the difficult speculations of

Athenian philosophy.

Much that we have inherited from the earliest civilizations is so

familiar, so homely, that we simply accept it, much as we may light, or

air, or water, without analysis, without inquiry as to its origin, and

without full recognition of how indispensable it is. Why are there seven

days in the week, and not eight? Why are there sixty minutes in the

hour, and why are there not sixty hours in the day? These artificial

divisions of time are accepted so unquestioningly that to ask a reason

for them may, to an indolent mind, seem almost absurd. This acceptance

of a week of seven days and of an hour of sixty minutes (almost as if

they were natural divisions of time like day and night) is owing to a

tradition that is Babylonian in its origin. From the Old Testament

(which is one of the greatest factors in preserving the continuity of

human culture, and the only ancient book which speaks with authority

concerning Babylonian history) we learn that Abraham, the progenitor of

the Hebrews, migrated to the west from southern Babylonia about

twenty-three hundred years before Christ. Even in that remote age,

however, the Babylonians had established those divisions of time which

are familiar to us. The seven days of the week were closely associated

in men's thinking with the heavenly bodies. In our modern languages they

are named after the sun, the moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and

Saturn, which from the remotest times were personified and worshiped.

Thus we see that the usage of making seven days a unit of time depends

on the religious belief and astronomical science of a very remote

civilization. The usage is so completely established that by the

majority it is simply taken for granted.

Another piece of commonplace knowledge--the cardinal points of the

compass--may be accepted, likewise, without inquiry or without

recognition of its importance. Unless thrown on your own resources in an

unsettled country or on unknown waters, you may long fail to realize how

indispensable to the practical conduct of life is the knowledge of east

and west and north and south. In this matter, again, the records of

ancient civilizations show the pains that were taken to fix these

essentials of science. Modern excavations have demonstrated that the

sides or the corners of the temples and palaces of Assyria and Babylonia

were directed to the four cardinal points of the compass. In Egypt the

pyramids, erected before 3000 B.C., were laid out with such strict

regard to direction that the conjecture has been put forward that their

main purpose was to establish, in a land of shifting sands, east and

west and north and south. That conjecture seems extravagant; but the

fact that the Phœnicians studied astronomy merely because of its

practical value in navigation, the early invention of the compass in

China, the influence on discovery of the later improvements of the

compass, make us realize the importance of the alleged purpose of the

pyramids. Without fixed points, without something to go by, men, before

they had acquired the elements of astronomy, were altogether at sea. As

they advanced in knowledge they looked to the stars for guidance,

especially to the pole star and the imperishable star-group of the

northern heavens. The Egyptians even developed an apparatus for telling

the time by reference to the stars--a star-clock similar in its purpose

to the sundial. By the Egyptians, also, was carefully observed the

season of the year at which certain stars and constellations were

visible at dawn. This was of special importance in the case of Sirius,

for its heliacal rising, that is, the period when it rose in conjunction

with the sun, marked the coming of the Nile flood (so important in the

lives of the inhabitants) and the beginning of a new year. Not

unnaturally Sirius was an object of worship. One temple is said to have

been so constructed as to face that part of the eastern horizon at which

this star arose at the critical season of inundation. Of another temple

we are told that only at sunset at the time of the summer solstice did

the sun throw its rays throughout the edifice. The fact that astronomy

in Egypt as in Babylonia, where the temples were observatories, was

closely associated with religion confirms the view that this science was

first cultivated because of its bearing on the practical needs of the

people. The priests were the preservers of such wisdom as had been

accumulated in the course of man's immemorial struggle with the forces

of nature.

It is well known that geometry had its origin in the valley of the Nile,

that it arose to meet a practical need, and that it was in the first

place, as its name implies, a measurement of the earth--a crude

surveying, employed in the restoration of boundaries obliterated by the

annual inundations of the river. Egyptian geometry cared little for

theory. It addressed itself to actual problems, such as determining the

area of a square or triangular field from the length of the sides. To

find the area of a circular field, or floor, or vessel, from the length

of the diameter was rather beyond the science of 2000 B.C. This was,

however, a practical problem which had to be solved, even if the

solution were not perfect. The practice was to square the diameter

reduced by one ninth.

In all the Egyptian mathematics of which we have record there is to be

observed a similar practical bent. In the construction of a temple or a

pyramid not merely was it necessary to have regard to the points of the

compass, but care must be taken to have the sides at right angles. This

required the intervention of specialists, expert "rope-fasteners," who

laid off a triangle by means of a rope divided into three parts, of

three, four, and five units. The Babylonians followed much the same

practice in fixing a right angle. In addition they learned how to bisect

and trisect the angle. Hence we see in their designs and ornaments the

division of the circle into twelve parts, a division which does not

appear in Egyptian ornamentation till after the incursion of Babylonian

influence.

There is no need, however, to multiply examples; the tendency of all

Egyptian mathematics was, as already stated, concerned with the

practical solution of concrete problems--mensuration, the cubical

contents of barns and granaries, the distribution of bread, the amounts

of food required by men and animals in given numbers and for given

periods of time, the proportions and the angle of elevation (about 52°)

of a pyramid, etc. Moreover, they worked simple equations involving one

unknown, and had a hieroglyph for a million (the drawing of a man

overcome with wonder), and another for ten million.

The Rhind mathematical papyrus in the British Museum is the main source

of our present knowledge of early Egyptian arithmetic, geometry, and of

what might be called their trigonometry and algebra. It describes itself

as "Instructions for arriving at the knowledge of all things, and of

things obscure, and of all mysteries." It was copied by a priest about

1600 B.C.--the classical period of Egyptian culture--from a document

seven hundred years older.

[Illustration: EARLIEST PICTURE KNOWN OF A SURGICAL OPERATION. EGYPT,

2500 B.C.]

Medicine, which is almost certain to develop in the early history of a

people in response to their urgent needs, has been justly called the

foster-mother of many sciences. In the records of Egyptian medical

practice can be traced the origin of chemistry, anatomy, physiology, and

botany. Our most definite information concerning Egyptian medicine

belongs to the same general period as the mathematical document to which

we have just referred. It is true something is known of remoter times.

The first physician of whom history has preserved the name, I-em-hetep

(He-who-cometh-in-peace), lived about 4500 B.C. Recent researches have

also brought to light, near Memphis, pictures, not later than 2500 B.C.,

of surgical operations. They were found sculptured on the doorposts at

the entrance to the tomb of a high official of one of the Pharaohs. The

patients, as shown in the accompanying illustration, are suffering pain,

and, according to the inscription, one cries out, "Do this [and] let me

go," and the other, "Don't hurt me so!" Our most satisfactory data in

reference to Egyptian medicine are derived, however, from the Ebers

papyrus. This document displays some little knowledge of the pulse in

different parts of the body, of a relation between the heart and the

other organs, and of the passage of the breath to the lungs (and heart).

It contains a list of diseases. In the main it is a collection of

prescriptions for the eyes, ears, stomach, to reduce tumors, effect

purgation, etc. There is no evidence of a tendency to homeopathy, but

mental healing seems to have been called into play by the use of

numerous spells and incantations. Each prescription, as in medical

practice to-day, contains as a rule several ingredients. Among the seven

hundred recognized remedies are to be noted poppy, castor-oil, gentian,

colchicum, squills, and many other familiar medicinal plants, as well as

bicarbonate of soda, antimony, and salts of lead and copper. The fat of

the lion, hippopotamus, crocodile, goose, serpent, and wild goat, in

equal parts, served as a prescription for baldness. In the interests of

his art the medical practitioner ransacked the resources of organic and

inorganic nature. The Ebers papyrus shows that the Egyptians knew of the

development of the beetle from the egg, of the blow-fly from the larva,

and of the frog from the tadpole. Moreover, for precision in the use of

medicaments weights of very small denominations were employed.

The Egyptian embalmers relied on the preservative properties of common

salt, wine, aromatics, myrrh, cassia, etc. By the use of linen smeared

with gum they excluded all putrefactive agencies. They understood the

virtue of extreme dryness in the exercise of their antiseptic art. Some

knowledge of anatomy was involved in the removal of the viscera, and

much more in a particular method they followed in removing the brain.

In their various industries the Egyptians made use of gold, silver,

bronze (which on analysis is found to consist of copper, tin, and a

trace of lead, etc.), metallic iron and copper and their oxides,

manganese, cobalt, alum, cinnabar, indigo, madder, brass, white lead,

lampblack. There is clear evidence that they smelted iron ore as early

as 3400 B.C. maintaining a blast by means of leather tread-bellows. They

also contrived to temper the metal, and to make helmets, swords,

lance-points, ploughs, tools, and other implements of iron. Besides

metallurgy they practiced the arts of weaving, dyeing, distillation.

They produced soap (from soda and oil), transparent and colored glass,

enamel, and ceramics. They were skilled in the preparation of leather.

They showed aptitude for painting, and for the other fine arts. They

were expert builders, and possessed the engineering skill to erect

obelisks weighing hundreds of tons. They cultivated numerous vegetables,

grains, fruits, and flowers. They had many domestic animals. In seeking

the satisfaction of their practical needs they laid the foundation of

geometry, botany, chemistry (named, as some think, from the Egyptian

Khem, the god of medicinal herbs), and other sciences. But their

practical achievements far transcended their theoretical formulations.

To all time they will be known as an artistic, noble, and religious

people, who cherished their dead and would not allow that the good and

beautiful and great should altogether pass away.

Excavations in Assyria and Babylonia, especially since 1843, have

brought to our knowledge an ancient culture stretching back four or five

thousand years before the beginning of the Christian era. The records of

Assyria and Babylonia, like those of Egypt, are fragmentary and still in

need of interpretation. Here again, however, it is the fundamental, the

indispensable, the practical forms of knowledge that stand revealed

rather than the theoretical, speculative, and purely intellectual.

By the Babylonian priests the heavens were made the object of expert

observation as early as 3800 B.C. The length of the year, the length of

the month, the coming of the seasons, the course of the sun in the

heavens, the movements of the planets, the recurrence of eclipses,

comets, and meteors, were studied with particular care. One motive was

the need of a measurement of time, the same motive as underlies the

common interest in the calendar and almanac. It was found that the year

contained more than 365 days, the month (synodic) more than 29 days, 12

hours, and 44 minutes. The sun's apparent diameter was contained 720

times in the ecliptic, that is, in the apparent path of the sun through

the heavens. Like the Egyptians, the Babylonians took special note of

the stars and star-groups that were to be seen at dawn at different

times of the year. These constellations, lying in the imaginary

belt encircling the heavens on either side of the ecliptic, bore

names corresponding to those we have adopted for the signs of the

zodiac,--Balance, Ram, Bull, Twins, Scorpion, Archer, etc. The

Babylonian astronomers also observed that the successive vernal (or

autumnal) equinoxes follow each other at intervals of a few seconds

less than a year.

A second motive that influenced the Babylonian priests in studying the

movements of the heavenly bodies was the hope of foretelling events. The

planets, seen to shift their positions with reference to the other

heavenly bodies, were called messengers, or angels. The appearance of

Mars, perhaps on account of its reddish color, was associated in their

imaginations with war. Comets, meteors, and eclipses were considered as

omens portending pestilence, national disaster, or the fate of kings.

The fortunes of individuals could be predicted from a knowledge of the

aspect of the heavens at the hour of their birth. This interest in

astrology, or divination by means of the stars, no doubt stimulated the

priests to make careful observations and to preserve religiously the

record of astronomical phenomena. It was even established that there is

a cycle in which eclipses, solar and lunar, repeat themselves, a period

(_saros_) somewhat more than eighteen years and eleven months. Moreover,

from the Babylonians we derive some of our most sublime religious and

scientific conceptions. They held that strict law governs the apparently

erratic movements of the heavenly bodies. Their creation myth proclaims:

"Merodach next arranged the stars in order, along with the sun and moon,

and gave them laws which they were never to transgress."

The mathematical knowledge of the Babylonians is related on the one hand

to their astronomy and on the other to their commercial pursuits. They

possessed highly developed systems of measuring, weighing, and

counting--processes, which, as we shall see in the sequel, are essential

to scientific thought. About 2300 B.C. they had multiplication tables

running from 1 to 1350, which were probably used in connection with

astronomical calculations. Unlike the Egyptians they had no symbol for a

million, though the "ten thousand times ten thousand" of the Bible

(Daniel VII: 10) may indicate that the conception of even larger numbers

was not altogether foreign to them. They counted in sixties as well as

in tens. Their hours and minutes had each sixty subdivisions. They

divided the circle into six parts and into six-times-sixty subdivisions.

Tables of squares and cubes discovered in southern Babylonia were

interpreted correctly only on a sexagesimal basis, the statement that 1

plus 4 is the square of 8 implying that the first unit is 60. As we have

already seen, considerable knowledge of geometry is apparent in

Babylonian designs and constructions.

According to a Greek historian of the fifth century B.C., there were no

physicians at Babylon, while a later Greek historian (of the first

century B.C.) speaks of a Babylonian university which had attained

celebrity, and which is now believed to have been a school of medicine.

Modern research has made known letters by a physician addressed to an

Assyrian king in the seventh century B.C. referring to the king's chief

physician, giving directions for the treatment of a bleeding from the

nose from which a friend of the prince was suffering, and reporting the

probable recovery of a poor fellow whose eyes were diseased. Other

letters from the same general period mention the presence of physicians

at court. We have even recovered the name (Ilu-bani) of a physician who

lived in southern Babylonia about 2700 B.C. The most interesting

information, however, in reference to Babylonian medicine dates from the

time of Hammurabi, a contemporary of the patriarch Abraham. It appears

from the code drawn up in the reign of that monarch that the Babylonian

surgeons operated in case of cataract; that they were entitled to twenty

silver shekels (half the sum for which Joseph was sold into slavery, and

equivalent to seven or eight dollars) for a successful operation; and

that in case the patient lost his life or his sight as the result of an

unsuccessful operation, the surgeon was condemned to have his hands

amputated.

The Babylonian records of medicine like those of astronomy reveal the

prevalence of many superstitious beliefs. The spirits of evil bring

maladies upon us; the gods heal the diseases that afflict us. The

Babylonian books of medicine contained strange interminglings of

prescription and incantation. The priests studied the livers of

sacrificial animals in order to divine the thoughts of the gods--a

practice which stimulated the study of anatomy. The maintenance of state

menageries no doubt had a similar influence on the study of the natural

history of animals.

The Babylonians were a nation of agriculturists and merchants. Sargon of

Akkad, who founded the first Semitic empire in Asia (3800 B.C.), was

brought up by an irrigator, and was himself a gardener. Belshazzar, the

son of the last Babylonian king, dealt in wool on a considerable scale.

Excavation in the land watered by the Tigris and Euphrates tells the

tale of the money-lenders, importers, dyers, fullers, tanners,

saddlers, smiths, carpenters, shoemakers, stonecutters, ivory-cutters,

brickmakers, porcelain-makers, potters, vintners, sailors, butchers,

engineers, architects, painters, sculptors, musicians, dealers in rugs,

clothing and fabrics, who contributed to the culture of this great

historic people. It is not surprising that science should find its

matrix in so rich a civilization.

The lever and the pulley, lathes, picks, saws, hammers, bronze

operating-lances, sundials, water-clocks, the gnomon (a vertical pillar

for determining the sun's altitude) were in use. Gem-cutting was highly

developed as early as 3800 B.C. The Babylonians made use of copper

hardened with antimony and tin, lead, incised shells, glass, alabaster,

lapis-lazuli, silver, and gold. Iron was not employed before the period

of contact with Egyptian civilization. Their buildings were furnished

with systems of drains and flushes that seem to us altogether modern.

Our museums are enriched by specimens of their handicraft--realistic

statuary in dolerite of 2700 B.C.; rock crystal worked to the form of a

plano-convex lens, 3800 B.C.; a beautiful silver vase of the period 3950

B.C.; and the head of a goat in copper about 4000 B.C.

Excavation has not disclosed nor scholarship interpreted the full record

of this ancient people in the valley of the Tigris and the Euphrates,

not far from the Gulf of Persia, superior in religious inspiration, not

inferior in practical achievements to the Egyptians. Both these great

nations of antiquity, however, failed to carry the sciences that arose

in connection with their arts to a high degree of generalization. That

was reserved for another people of ancient times, namely, the Greeks.

REFERENCES

F. H. Garrison, _An Introduction to the History of Medicine_.

H. V. Hilprecht, _Excavations in Assyria and Babylonia_.

Max Neuburger, _History of Medicine_.

A. H. Sayce, _Babylonians and Assyrians_.

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