I. GENTLEMEN FREEHOLDERS: THE MOSS FAMILY (1770-1835)

[1] Mrs. Don Ritchie, Arlington, Virginia, Moss family genealogist;

Vernon Lynch, Annandale, Virginia, a lifelong resident of

Fairfax County, now in his eighties; interviews.

Walter Macomber, interview on July 16, 1968, at Green Spring

Farm. In the opinion of Mr. Macomber of Washington, D.C., who

planned and supervised the 1942 renovation of the mansion

house, the original part of the house was built between 1750

and 1775.

[2] _The Journal of John Littlejohn_, MS., Louisville, Kentucky,

April 29, 1778.

[3] Elmer T. Clark, J. Manning Potts, and Jacob S. Payton (eds.),

_The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury_ (Nashville:

Abington Press, 1958), I, p. 531.

[4] Fairfax County Deed Book R-1, p. 413, contains a deed in 1789

from William and Mary Bushby to John Moss, William Adams,

William Waters, Samuel Adams, James Morrison, William Rhodes,

and William Hickman, and their survivors, in trust, conveying

a lot in the town of Alexandria, northward from the

Presbyterian meeting house, westward parallel with Duke

Street, southward parallel with Fairfax Street, and eastward

parallel with Duke Street to Chapple Alley "to build and

forever keep in good repair a house for the worship of God for

the use of the Reverend Thomas Cooke and the Reverend Francis

Asbury for the time being of the Methodist Episcopal

Church...."

[5] Fairfax County Will Book I, p. 150.

[6] Fairfax County Deed Book AA-2, p. 29, a lease for three lives to

John Moss, dated May 29, 1798.

[7] Fairfax County Deed Book R-1, p. 397.

[8] Mrs. Don C. Ritchie, letter dated October 17, 1969.

[9] _Ibid._

[10] William W. Hening (ed.), [Virginia] _Statutes at Large_, 1823,

reprint edition (Charlottesville: University Press of

Virginia, 1969), VII, p. 32.

[11] Albert Porter, _County Government in Virginia_ (New York:

Columbia University Press, 1947), p. 186.

[12] Fairfax County Court Minute Book, March 23, 1786, p. 191.

Subsequently John Moss was reappointed Commissioner of the

Land Tax in 1787, 1792, and 1793.

[13] Hening, _Statutes_, XII, p. 243.

[14] Fairfax County Court Order Book, 1787 (February 20 and October

15, 1787): "John Moss, Gent., Commissioner for Fairfax

district produced on oath an account against the Commonwealth

for his service in that capacity amounting to Twenty-five

pounds thirteen shillings and six pence, which being examined

by the court is allowed and ordered to be certified."

[15] Shepherd, _Code_, I, p. 114.

[16] Porter, _County Government_, p. 211.

[17] Shepherd, _Code_, III, p. 262.

[18] Fairfax County Deed Book Y-1, p. 69.

[19] Shepherd, _Code_, I, p. 11.

[20] F. Johnston, _Memorials of Old Virginia Clerks_ (Lynchburg: J.

P. Bell, 1880), p. 172.

_Alexandria Gazette_, October 4, 1839. The obituary notice for

Thomas Moss states that he died on October 2 after a long

illness, having been a Justice of the Peace for many years,

and also having served as a member of the State Legislature

and as county court clerk.

The Archives of the Virginia House of Delegates show that

Thomas Moss was a Delegate from Fairfax County for the

1828-1829 biennium. (Honorable George Rich, January 2, 1970;

personal communication.)

[21] K. M. Willis, "Old Fairfax Homes Give Up A Secret," _American

Motorist_, May 1932, p. 16; Johnston, _Clerks_, p. 174.

[22] M. Herndon, _Tobacco in Colonial Virginia_ (Williamsburg:

Virginia 350th Celebration Corp., 1957), pp. 7-8, indicates

that tobacco was introduced into Northern Virginia by the

settlers who moved into the Rappahannock and Potomac areas

around 1650. By the end of the seventeenth century, Herndon

states, tobacco farming dominated the lowlands all along the

Rappahannock and Potomac Rivers below the fall line.

F. Harrison, _Landmarks of Old Prince William_ (Berryville:

Chesapeake Book Co., 1964), pp. 148-150. Also to be noted is

the fact that settlement above the fall line was not permitted

prior to 1722 because of treaty provisions with the Iroquois.

By the Treaty of Albany in 1722, the Iroquois withdrew west of

the Blue Ridge.

[23] Herndon, _Tobacco_, pp. 14-16, cites introduction of plant

bedding practices, use of animal-drawn plows instead of hand

hoes, and improved methods of curing tobacco as responsible

for increasing the yield of the tobacco farm.

[24] _Ibid._, p. 10.

[25] Frederick Gutheim. _The Potomac_ (New York: Grosset & Dunlap,

1968), p. 98.

[26] R. B. Davis, _Intellectual Life in Jefferson's Virginia_ (Chapel

Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1964), p. 167, notes

that in 1773 the Society for the Advancement of Useful

Knowledge was formed in Williamsburg, followed by the

Philadelphia Agricultural Society in 1780, and the Richmond

Society for Promoting Agriculture in 1810, all dedicated to

working for the improvement of farming.

[27] A list of these writings on agriculture was compiled by E. G.

Swern in 1913 and published by the Virginia State Library.

[28] Davis, _Intellectual Life_, pp. 159-160, 167. Among the

inventions of the McCormick family were threshing machines,

hydraulic machines, a hemp-brake, blacksmith's bellows, and

self-stoppers for grist mills. Other patents issued to

Virginians dealt with plows, grain screens, rice hullers, hemp

and flax breakers, corn shellers, beehives, clover seed

cleaners and gatherers, tobacco presses, and corn grinders.

[29] _Ibid._, p. 156. See also "Status of Virginia Agriculture in

1870" in _Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 1870_

(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1871), pp.

267-268.

[30] Davis, _Intellectual Life_, p. 151.

[31] _Ibid._, pp. 154-156.

[32] Dr. John Schlebecker, Curator, Division of Agriculture and

Mining, Museum of History and Technology, Smithsonian

Institution, Washington, D.C., interview. Dr. Schlebecker was

of the opinion that the price which this blower brought

suggested it might be animal-powered by a treadmill or

overhead sweep. Wheat fans were relatively new types of

equipment in 1835, but not uncommon among successful farmers.

[33] _Ibid._ Schlebecker discussed the possibility of dairying as

follows: "It's very likely he was in the business. Now whether

it was butter or cheese--butter would pay better, and he is

pretty close to Alexandria and Washington, and, for that

matter, by sea to Baltimore. Butter would have been the more

attractive of the commodities; cheese would keep better, could

be shipped farther and find a greater variety of markets, but

wouldn't pay quite as well. But I don't see evidence he was in

the cheese business, and I'd be happier if I saw more churns

on the list, or if the churn were better described. One churn

would be enough if it were big enough. And it could very well

be run by a sheep or a dog. You see, he's certainty got enough

cows to be in the dairy business, willy nilly." (Transcription

of tape-recorded interview with John Schlebecker, February 26,

1969, p. 6.)

[34] _Ibid._ See also inventory in appendix B.

[35] _Alexandria Gazette_, November 6, 1839, notice of sale.

[36] Alfred Moss and Thomas Love, affidavit of October 29, 1839, in

proceedings to sell the farm owned by Thomas Moss, deceased.

[37] The wills and property inventories of members of the Moss family

reveal much information that helps reconstruct the activity on

their farm. Considering the equipment used, the products grown

and processed, and the number of slaves reported, it is

possible that between the 1820's and 1850's the farm was also

engaged in breeding slaves for export to the rice and indigo

plantations of South Carolina and the cotton plantations of

Alabama and Mississippi. A certain amount of this traffic was

also carried on locally.

U.S. Census population records compiled from 1810 through 1850

show that slaveholding continued at a high level relative to

other changing circumstances in agriculture and in the Moss

family. See census records for Fairfax County in National

Archives, Microfilm Division, Microcopy Roll 68 (1810), 137

(1820), 201 (1830), 558 (1840), 942 (1850).

[38] These roads were the Dumfries and Falmouth Roads via Ashby's

Gap, the Colchester Road via Williams' Gap, and the Alexandria

Road via Vestal's Gap. Their origins and early history are

given in Harrison, _Landmarks_, pp. 466-484.

[39] Davis, _Intellectual Life_, p. 152, and A. Hulbert, _The Paths

of Inland Commerce_ (New Haven: Yale University, 1921), pp.

44-55. The situation appeared to improve little during the

nineteenth century, for in 1894 the Virginia Good Roads

Convention called the American rural roads "far below the

average" and "certainly are among the worst in the civilized

world and always have been largely as a result of permitting

local circumstances to determine the location with little or

no regard for any general system, and haste and waste and

ignorance in building." Virginia Good Roads Convention,

_Programme_ (Richmond: Stone Printing Co., 1894), p. 24.

[40] The act incorporating the Fairfax and Loudoun Turnpike Road

Company authorized construction and operation of an

"artificial road from Alexandria to the Little River." Laws,

1795, c. 31 (December 26, 1795). Shepherd's _Statutes_

(Richmond: Shepherd, 1836), I, p. 378. The successor company,

known as the Little River Turnpike Company, was incorporated

by legislation enacted in 1802 and 1803. Laws, 1801, c. 83

(January 28, 1802) and Laws, 1802, c. 52 (January 19, 1803),

Shepherd's _Statutes_, II, p. 383, 452. The extension into

Fauquier County was authorized by the incorporation of the

Fauquier and Alexandria Turnpike Company, designed to build

"an artificial turnpike road from Fauquier Court House to

Buckland farm, or Buckland town, and thence to the Little

River Turnpike road, at the most suitable point for affording

a convenient way from Fauquier Court House to Alexandria."

Laws, 1807, c. 27 (January 27, 1808), Shepherd's _Statutes_,

III, p. 379.

[41] _Alexandria Gazette_, May 23, 1809. The extension was built by

the Fauquier and Alexandria Turnpike Road Company, and was

constructed from the Little River Turnpike at Fairfax

Courthouse, through Centreville and Buckland, to Fauquier

County Courthouse (Warrenton).

[42] Annual Report of the President and Directors of the Board of

Public Works to the General Assembly of Virginia, Richmond,

1818, p. 34; 1819, p. 33; 1820, p. 76.

[43] Fairfax County Deed Book H-3, p. 226, May 28, 1843.

[44] Fairfax County Deed Book W-3, pp. 424-425, September 10, 1855.

[45] Hannah C. O'Brien v. John W. Green, et. al., Fairfax County,

Virginia County Court, Suspended File No. 10, 1878.

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