Later he had a house of his own (ix. 18, 2, etc.), and mentions his

slaves (i. 101; v. 34, etc.). That he was still poor in A.D. 98 is

evident from Pliny, _Ep._ iii. 21, 2, 'Prosecutus eram viatico

secedentem: dederam hoc amicitiae, dederam etiam versiculis quos de me

composuit.'

Martial was evidently never married (ii. 92). In A.D. 98 he left Rome

and went to Spain, where he had liberal friends, as Terentius Priscus

(xii. 4), and Marcella (xii. 21), who gave him an estate, described in

xii. 18. From xii. praef. we see his longing for Rome:

'In hac provinciali solitudine ... bibliothecas, theatra, convictus

... desideramus quasi destituti. Accedit his municipalium robigo

dentium et iudici loco livor,' etc.

Martial died, at latest, about A.D. 104, being from 63 to 66 years

old.

Pliny _Ep._ iii. 21 (written not after A.D. 104), 'Audio Valerium

Martialem decessisse et moleste fero.'

Martial does not disguise the bad points of his character. Cf. his

flattery of Domitian, and his continual begging (_passim_), his

cynical reasons for giving panegyrics (v. 36, quoted above); the

number of indecent poems he wrote, for which he apologizes (_e.g._ i.

praef.). Among his good points are his 'candor,' mentioned by Pliny,

_Ep._ iii. 21; his love of unadorned nature, _e.g._ iii. 58; his love

for his friends, _e.g._ i. 15.

(2) WORKS.

_Publication of the Poems._--_Liber Spectaculorum_ was published A.D. 80,

on the opening of Titus' Amphitheatre. The _Xenia_ and _Apophoreta_

were two collections of inscriptions for presents at the _Saturnalia_

in December 84 or 85 A.D. The numbering of these as Books xiii. and

xiv. has no ancient authority. Martial furnished the other Books with

numbers (cf. ii. 92, 1, 'primus liber'). Books i., ii., appeared

together A.D. 86. Then came Books iii.-xi. at intervals of about a

year to December, 96 A.D. Martial prepared a selection from Books x.

and xi. for Nerva's use (no longer extant). This was presented along

with xii. 5,

'Longior undecimi nobis decimique libelli

artatus labor est, et breve rasit opus.

Plura legant vacui, quibus otia tuta dedisti;

haec lege tu Caesar; forsan et illa leges.'

Book xii. appeared at the beginning of A.D. 102. and shortly

afterwards in an enlarged edition. An edition of all the Books

probably did not appear till after Martial's death.

For Martial's immediate popularity, cf. vi. 61,

'Laudat, amat, cantat nostros mea Roma libellos,

meque sinus omnis, me manus omnis habet';

xi. 3, 3,

'Sed meus in Geticis ad Martia signa pruinis

a rigido teritur centurione liber,

dicitur et nostros cantare Britannia versus.'

Pliny _Ep._ iii. 21 (written just after Martial's death), 'Erat homo

ingeniosus acutus acer, et qui plurimum in scribendo et salis haberet

et fellis nec candoris minus.'

_Martial's Models._--His manner is very original, but some of his

motives are taken from Greek epigrammatists, especially from

Lucillius, who flourished under Nero. Thus iv. 53 = Lucill. 30; v. 53

= L. 93; xii. 23 = L. 34. Many of his pieces are doubtless

improvisations, and consequently contain careless expressions and

errors as to facts. Thus, vii. 61, 2,

'Inque suo nullum limine limen erat';

x. 2, 1,

'Festinata prior decimi mihi cura libelli

elapsum manibus nunc revocavit opus';

x. 93, 5,

'Ut rosa delectat, metitur quae pollice primo'

(= the rose which has not yet been plucked).

In iv. 55, 3, Arpi is given as Cicero's birthplace; in v. 30, 2, etc.,

Calabria instead of Apulia is given as Horace's native district.

Catullus is Martial's chief model for hendecasyllabics and

choliambics. He mentions no other poet so often. Cf. x. 103, 5,

'Nec sua plus debet tenui Verona Catullo

meque velit dici non minus illa suum.'

Ovid, of whom he has more than two hundred reminiscences, is Martial's

chief pattern for elegiacs. After these Martial's chief model is

Virgil, chiefly the _Priapea_; then Horace to a less extent;

Propertius; and Tibullus. Domitius Marsus, Gaetulicus, Calvus, etc.,

are mentioned frequently, and doubtless imitated.

For Martial's conception of himself as a painter of manners, cf. viii.

3, 19 (ad Musam),

'At tu Romano lepidos sale tinge libellos:

adgnoscat mores vita legatque suos.

Angusta cantare licet videaris avena,

dum tua multorum vincat avena tubas.'

x. 4, 7,

'Quid te vana iuvant miserae ludibria chartae?

hoc lege, quod possit dicere vita "Meum est."

Non hic Centauros, non Gorgonas, Harpyiasque

invenies: hominem pagina nostra sapit.'

Martial satirizes people under manufactured or arbitrarily chosen

names.

Cf. i. praef., 'Spero me secutum in libellis meis tale temperamentum,

ut de illis queri non possit, quisquis de se bene senserit, cum salva

infimarum quoque personarum reverentia ludant.'

Some are tell-tale names, as Vetustilla, 'an old woman,' iii. 93;

Dento, 'a gourmand,' v. 45; Eulogus, 'a herald,' vi. 8; but the same

names, _e.g._ Zoilus, are often used to denote different types.

The chief forms of verse used are the elegiac distich (most frequent),

scazons, and hendecasyllabics. In vi. 65 he apologizes for using the

pure hexameter, which is found only four times. Other metres are

extremely rare.

QUINTILIAN.

(1) LIFE.

M. Fabius Quintilianus was born at Calagurris in Spain. Auson. _prof._

i. 7, 'Adserat usque licet Fabium Calagurris alumnum.' Cf. Jerome yr.

Abr. 2104 (quoted below).

Quintilian came at an early age to Rome, where his father was a

rhetorician. Cf. his reminiscences:

x. 1, 86, 'Utar verbis isdem quae ex Afro Domitio (died A.D. 59)

iuvenis excepi.'

v. 7, 7, 'a Domitio Afro quem adulescentulus senem colui.'

vi. 1, 14, 'Nobis adulescentibus accusator Cossutiani Capitonis' (A.D.

57), etc.

From the above quotations, Quintilian must have been born somewhere

between A.D. 35 and 40. A.D. 35 is usually given as an approximation.

For Quintilian's father cf. ix. 3, 73, 'Et cur me prohibeat pudor uti

domestico exemplo? Pater meus contra eum qui,' etc. He is possibly the

person mentioned by Seneca, _Contr._ x. praef. 2, 'quo modo ...

Quintilianus senex declamaverit.'

For Quintilian's teachers of rhetoric, cf. Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 14, 10,

'Narrabat ille [Quintilianus], Adsectabar Domitium Afrum.' Others were

Iulius Africanus (Quint. x. 1, 118), Servilius Nonianus (x. 1, 102),

Galerius Trachalus (x. 1, 119), Iulius Secundus (x. 1, 120), Vibius

Crispus (xii. 10, 11), Remmius Palaemon (Schol. ad Iuv. 6, 452). After

his education Quintilian returned to Calagurris, but was brought back

to Rome by Galba in A.D. 68.

Jerome yr. Abr. 2084 = A.D. 68, 'M. Fabius Quintilianus Romam a Galba

perducitur.'

Quintilian engaged as a pleader at Rome, and makes some references to

his cases. Some of his speeches were published without his consent.

vii. 2, 24, 'In causa Naevi Arpiniani ... cuius actionem et quidem

solam in hoc tempus emiseram, quod ipsum me fecisse ductum iuvenili

cupiditate gloriae fateor. Nam ceterae, quae sub nomine meo feruntur,

neglegentia excipientium in quaestum notariorum corruptae minimam

partem mei habent.'

iv. 1, 19, 'Ego pro regina Berenice apud ipsam eam causam dixi.'

Cf. also vii. 2, 5; ix. 2, 73-4.

Quintilian was the first person who received an imperial grant as

teacher of oratory.

Jerome yr. Abr. 2104 = A.D. 88, 'Quintilianus ex Hispania

Calagurritanus primus Romae publicam scholam et salarium e fisco

accepit et claruit.' The date given by Jerome is much too late, as it

is Quintilian that is alluded to by Sueton. _Vesp._ 18, 'Primus e

fisco Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena constituit.' The

appointment must therefore have been made by A.D. 79. The

professorship is referred to by Mart. ii. 90, 1,

'Quintiliane, vagae moderator summe iuventae,

gloria Romanae, Quintiliane, togae.'

Cf. Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 14, 10, 'Ita certe ex Quintiliano, praeceptore

meo, audisse memini.' Quintilian's career as a teacher lasted for

twenty years.

i. prooem. 1, 'Post impetratam studiis meis quietem, quae per viginti

annos erudiendis iuvenibus impenderam.'

Teuffel thinks that the _Institutio_ was written A.D. 89-91, in which

case Quintilian's career as professor was from A.D. 68 to 88;

Peterson[91] thinks that Quintilian dated his educational work as from

A.D. 70 to 90, and that the _Institutio_ was begun A.D. 92.

Quintilian grew rich by the practice of his profession, from which he

ultimately retired. Iuv. 7, 186,

'Hos inter sumptus sestertia Quintiliano,

ut multum, duo sufficient; res nulla minoris

constabit patri, quam filius. "Unde igitur tot

Quintilianus habet saltus?"'

Quint. ii. 12, 12, 'quando et praecipiendi munus iam pridem deprecati

sumus et in foro quoque dicendi, quia honestissimum finem putamus,

desinere dum desideraremur.'

After his retirement Quintilian was appointed tutor of Domitian's

grandnephews, sons of his niece Flavia Domitilla and his cousin

Flavius Clemens.

Quint. iv. prooem. 2, 'Cum mihi Domitianus Augustus sororis suae

nepotum delegaverit curam.'

Through the influence of Clemens, he obtained the consulship.

Auson. _grat. act._ p. 23 (Schenkl), 'Quintilianus consularia per

Clementem ornamenta sortitus honestamenta potius videtur quam insignia

potestatis habuisse.'

Cf. Iuv. 7, 197,

'Si Fortuna volet, fies de rhetore consul;

si volet haec eadem, fies de consule rhetor.'

His gratitude led him into fulsome flattery of Domitian.

x. 1, 91, 'Germanicum Augustum ab institutis studiis deflexit cura

terrarum, parumque dis visum est esse eum maximum poetarum' (cf. iv.

prooem. 3-5).

Quintilian married late in life. His wife died at the age of eighteen,

his younger son soon afterwards at the age of five, the elder one

subsequently at the age of nine.

vi. prooem. § 2, 'Illum, de quo summa conceperam et in quo spem unicam

senectutis reponebam, repetito volnere orbitatis amisi'; § 9, 'Non

flosculos, sicut prior, sed iam decimum aetatis ingressus annum,

certos ac deformatos fructus ostenderat'; § 4, 'erepta prius mihi

matre eorumdem, quae nondum expleto aetatis undevicesimo anno duos

enixa filios ...'; § 5, 'cum omni virtute, quae in feminas cadit,

functa insanabilem adtulit marito dolorem, tum aetate tam puellari,

praesertim meae comparata, potest et ipsa numerari inter volnera

orbitatis'; § 6, 'Mihi filius minor quintum egressus annum prior

alterum ex duobus eruit lumen.'

The date of Quintilian's death is unknown. If he outlived Domitian it

was not for long, as Pliny in the letters quoted above (the earlier

written about A.D. 100) does not speak of Quintilian as alive.

(2) WORKS.

_Earlier works._--Quintilian refers to a work _de causis corruptae

eloquentiae_, and to an _ars rhetorica_ in two Books. For speeches of

his taken down and published, see vii. 2, 24, quoted p. 303.

vi. prooem. 3, 'eum librum, quem de causis corruptae eloquentiae

emisi.'

i. prooem. 7, 'Duo iam sub nomine meo libri ferebantur artis

rhetoricae neque editi a me neque in hoc comparati. Namque alterum,

sermone per biduum habito, pueri, quibus id praestabatur, exceperant;

alterum pluribus sane diebus, quantum notando consequi potuerant,

interceptum, boni iuvenes sed nimium amantes mei, temerario editionis

honore volgaverant.'

The _Institutio Oratoria_.--For the date of publication see p. 304.

The circumstances of publication are given by Quintilian in the

preface addressed to his bookseller Trypho.

'Efflagitasti cottidiano convicio, ut libros, quos ad Marcellum meum

de Institutione oratoria scripseram, iam emittere inciperem. Nam ipse

eos nondum opinabar satis maturuisse, quibus componendis, ut scis,

paulo plus quam biennium tot alioqui negotiis districtus impendi ...

Sed si tanto opere efflagitantur quam tu affirmas, permittamus vela

ventis et oram solventibus bene precemur.'

The work is dedicated to Vitorius Marcellus (to whom Statius'

_Silvae_, Book iv., is addressed), and was originally written in view

of the education of his son Geta.

i. prooem. 6, 'Quod opus, Marcelle Vitori, tibi dicamus ... quod

erudiendo Getae tuo ... non inutiles fore libri videbantur.'

Book iv. prooem. was written when Quintilian had been appointed tutor

to the young princes, who are mentioned along with Geta and

Quintilian's elder son; Book vi. prooem. was written not long

afterwards, and refers to his bereavements; in Book xii. prooem. no

names are mentioned.

The work deals with the whole education of the future orator.

i. prooem. 5, 'Nec aliter, quam si mihi tradatur educandus orator,

studia eius formare ab infantia incipiam.'

Quintilian himself gives a sketch of the contents:

i. prooem. 21-2, 'Liber primus ea quae sunt ante officium rhetoris

continebit [including grammar and philology]. Secundo prima apud

rhetorem elementa et quae de ipsa rhetorices substantia quaeruntur

tractabimus. Quinque deinceps (iii.-vii.) inventioni, nam huic et

dispositio subiungitur, quattuor (viii.-xi.) elocutioni, in cuius

partem memoria ac pronuntiatio veniunt, dabuntur. Unus (xii.) accedet,

in quo nobis orator ipse informandus est, ut qui mores eius, quae in

suscipiendis, discendis, agendis causis ratio, quod eloquentiae genus,

quis agendi debeat esse finis, quae post finem studia ... disseramus.'

The ordinary handbooks of rhetoric are attacked.

i. prooem. 24-5, 'Nam plerumque nudae illae artes nimia subtilitatis

affectatione frangunt atque concidunt quidquid est in oratione

generosius, et omnem sucum ingeni bibunt et ossa detegunt, quae ut

esse et adstringi nervis suis debent, sic corpore operienda sunt.

Ideoque nos non particulam illam, sicut plerique, sed quidquid utile

ad instituendum oratorem putabamus, in hos duodecim libros contulimus

breviter omnia demonstraturi.'

Quintilian uses his own experience and the best views of different

authorities.

vi. 2, 25, 'Quod si tradita mihi sequi praecepta sufficeret,

satisfeceram huic parti, nihil eorum, quae legi vel didici, quod modo

probabile fuit, omittendo; sed eruere in animo est, quae latent, et

penitus ipsa huius loci aperire penetralia, quae quidem non aliquo

tradente sed experimento meo ac natura ipsa duce accepi.'

Quintilian insists that the orator must be a good man (cf. the

importance he attaches to early education, i. 1, etc.).

xii. 1, 1, 'Sit ergo nobis orator, quem constituimus, is qui a M.

Catone finitur, vir bonus dicendi peritus; verum, id quod et ille

posuit prius, et ipsa natura potius ac maius est, utique vir bonus.'

Cf. i. prooem. 9-10; ii. 2 (the whole chapter); ii. 15, 1.

Quintilian's exposition is founded mainly on Cicero, from whom he

seldom differs. Cf. vii. 3, 8, 'Quamquam dissentire vix audeo a

Cicerone.'

Quintilian's illustrations are mainly drawn from classical writers.

Upwards of four hundred and fifty passages of Cicero and about one

hundred and forty of Virgil are referred to. Quintilian not only

attacks the modern style, but warns his pupils against the early

writers.

ii. 5, 21-2, 'Duo autem genera maxime cavenda pueris puto: unum, ne

quis eos antiquitatis nimius admirator in Graccorum Catonisque et

aliorum similium lectione durescere velit ... Alterum, quod huic

diversum est, ne recentis huius lasciviae flosculis capti voluptate

prava deleniantur, ut praedulce illud genus et puerilibus ingeniis hoc

gratius, quo propius est, adament.'

For Quintilian's high appreciation of Cicero see x. 1, 105-112; and

for his antagonism to Seneca, x. 1, 125-131, and to philosophers in

general, i. prooem. 10.

For Quintilian's authorities see iii. 1, 'Prooemium de scriptoribus

artis rhetoricae.' They include Dionysius of Halicarnassus; Caecilius;

Chrysippus (for education; cf. i. 1, 16, etc.); Cicero; _Auctor ad

Herenn._; Celsus, cf. iii. 1, 21, etc.; Rutilius, cf. ix. 3, 89;

Remmius Palaemon.

Literary criticism is treated of in Book X. as regards the Greek and

Latin authors useful to the orator. The principal authority used was

the +peri mimêseôs+ of Dionysius Halicarnassius. Much of

Quintilian's criticism is traditional, and the lists of great writers

came ultimately from the critics of Alexandria. Roman literary critics

referred to were Cicero (_e.g._ on the Attic orators, x. 1, 76-80) and

Horace (x. 1, 24; 56, etc.).

_Spurious works._--These include two collections of _declamationes_.

1. Nineteen long pieces, ascribed to Quintilian by Jerome and others,

but much later than Quintilian's time.

2. One hundred and forty-five shorter pieces out of an original

collection of three hundred and eighty-eight, the first half being

lost. Some suppose they are the 'libri artis rhetoricae' (i. prooem.

7, quoted above), but this is not likely.

FRONTINUS.

(1) LIFE.

Iulius Frontinus (as he is called by Tacitus: inscriptions and some

MSS. give the _praenomen_ Sextus) was born at latest A.D. 41, for he

was _praetor urbanus_ A.D. 70.

Tac. _Hist._ iv. 39, 'in senatu quem Iulius Frontinus praetor urbanus

vocaverat ... Mox eiurante Frontino Caesar Domitianus praeturam cepit.'

He served in Gaul during the revolt of Civilis, and received the

submission of the Lingones (Front. _Strat._ iv. 3, 14[92]). Under

Vespasian he held the consulship, and preceded Agricola in the command

in Britain, where he conquered the Silures, probably A.D. 76-78.

Tac. _Agr._ 17, 'Et Cerealis quidem alterius successoris curam

famamque obruisset: sustinuit molem Iulius Frontinus, vir magnus,

quantum licebat, validamque et pugnacem Silurum gentem armis subegit,

super virtutem hostium locorum quoque difficultates eluctatus.'

His knowledge of the tactics of Domitian (_Strat._ i. 1, 8; i. 3, 10;

ii. 3, 23; ii. 11, 7) makes it probable that he took part in the war

with the Chatti, A.D. 83. In 97 he became _curator aquarum_ (_Aq._

102), and at the beginning of the following year was consul for the

second time (_C.I.L._ iii., p. 862); cf. Martial x. 48, 20, 'bis

Frontino consule.' In 100 he was once more consul (_C.I.L._ viii.

7066). He also held the office of augur, in which, A.D. 103 or 104, he

was succeeded by the younger Pliny; Plin. _Ep._ iv. 8, 'gratularis

mihi quod acceperim auguratum ... Successi Iulio Frontino, principi

viro.' His death then may be placed in A.D. 103.

Frontinus was a friend of Martial, who addresses to him _Epig._ x. 58.

We get a glimpse of his character from Pliny's words, _Ep._ ix. 19, 6,

'Vetuit exstrui monumentum: sed quibus verbis? "Impensa monumenti

supervacua est: memoria nostri durabit si vita meruimus."'

(2) WORKS.

During the reign of Domitian (A.D. 81-96) Frontinus composed two

works. One of these, of which only fragments survive, dealt with the

art of land-surveying and the laws relating to land. The other,

written after A.D. 84, when Domitian received the title of Germanicus

(_Strat._ ii. II, 7, 'eo bello quo victis hostibus cognomen Germanici

meruit'), is a manual of strategy, in three Books, entitled

_Strategemata_. It is a sequel to a previous work (now lost) on the

theory of the art of war, and illustrates its rules by historical

examples derived chiefly from Sallust, Caesar, and Livy. The purpose

of the book did not require the citation of authorities, and the

mention of Livy in ii. 5, 31 and 34, is probably spurious. Frontinus

gives either a paraphrase retaining some of the expressions of the

original (cf. _Strat._ i. 5, 16, with Liv. xxxv. 11, 2-13), or a bald

summary (cf. _Strat._ ii. 5, 1, with Liv. i. 14, 6-11). See G.

Gundermann, _Jahrb. f. class. Philol._, suppl. xvi., p. 315 _sqq._

(1888). Some later hand has added a fourth Book, which not only

presents marked differences in style and tone from the original three,

but deals with an entirely different subject--the maintenance of

discipline, and other duties of a commander.

Under Nerva and Trajan (A.D. 97-98) Frontinus wrote his treatise on

the Roman water-supply, _De Aquis Urbis Romae_. Having been appointed

_curator aquarum_, he considered it his first duty to acquaint himself

with the details of his department, and published the result of his

inquiries in the hope that they might be useful to his successors (cf.

the preface). The book was begun under Nerva (praef. 'cum ... sit nunc

mihi ab Nerva Augusto ... aquarum iniunctum officium'), but Nerva had

been succeeded by Trajan before it was completed (118, 'divus Nerva';

93, 'Traianum Augustum').

JUVENAL.

The sources for Juvenal's life are (1) his works; (2) an inscription

found at Aquinum; (3) thirteen extant _vitae_; (4) information of the

scholiasts; (5) references in Martial and other writers.

The inscription at Aquinum has been much debated; but it is safe to

follow the opinion of Mommsen, whose experience in identifying people

mentioned in inscriptions with historical characters depends upon a

width of knowledge that no other person possesses. The _vitae_ are all

early mediaeval works, probably founded on a brief account of the

poet's life composed by some unknown ancient writer, and existing at

the early Renaissance. The extant _vitae_ contain a very few facts

which appear to be derived from this source, together with a number of

inferences gathered, often incorrectly, from Juvenal's works. The most

important statement is that regarding Juvenal's birth, which is

contained in the _vita_ in the Codex Barberinus, 8, 18, discovered by

J. Dürr. The date is given in such precise and accurate terms, and is

in itself so probable as solving so many of the questions connected

with the poet's works, that to invent it requires an amount of

knowledge with which we cannot credit the writer of this otherwise

very poor account. The statements of the _vitae_ must be carefully

weighed, and accepted only when rendered probable by other

considerations.[93]

Juvenal's name is given in some of the MSS. as Decimus Iunius

Iuvenalis. He was born A.D. 55.

_Codex Barberinus_, 'Iunius Iuvenalis Aquinas Iunio Iuvenale patre,

matre vero Septumuleia ex Aquinati municipio Claudio Nerone et L.

Antistio consulibus natus est. Sororem habuit Septumuleiam, quae

Fuscino nupsit.'

The statement about his sister and mother is very doubtful; that about

Fuscinus is a bad inference from the fact that _Sat._ 14 (on the

education of children) is addressed to him. The name _Septumuleia_ may

be invented from 14, 105, _septima lux_. Juvenal's sister must have

been called Iunia after her father; the naming of a girl after her

mother was a mediaeval idea.

Juvenal was born at Aquinum, a town of the Volscians. Twelve of the

_vitae_ agree in this, and they are confirmed by the poet's own words

supposed to be addressed to him by his friend Umbricius: 3, 318-21,

'Quotiens te

Roma tuo refici properantem reddet Aquino,

me quoque ad Helvinam Cererem vestramque Dianam

converte a Cumis.'

Cf. 6, 57,

'agello cedo paterno.'

This is corroborated by the inscription found at Aquinum (_C.I.L._ x.

5382), which gives us other information about the poet:

_cere_RI · SACRVM

_d . iu_NIVS · IVVENALIS

_trib_ COH_·i_·DELMATARVM

II · VIR · QVINQ · FLAMEN

DIVI · VESPASIANI

VOVIT · DEDICAV_itq_VE

SVA PEC

This inscription appears to have stood near the temple of Ceres

Helvina or Elvina, dedicated by a member of the gens Elvia, references

to which are found on inscriptions of the district.

The _vitae_ say that Juvenal was the son of a freedman.[94] Cf.

_Vitae_ i. _a_, i. _b_, ii. _c_ (Dürr): 'libertini locupletis incertum

filius an alumnus.' _Vita_ v. (Dürr), 'ordinis ut fertur

libertinorum.' This story is due to a misapprehension of some of

Juvenal's references. 1, 99-102,

'Iubet a praecone vocari

ipsos Troiugenas (nam vexant limen et ipsi

nobiscum): "da praetori, da deinde tribuno."

Sed libertinus prior est.'

_Libertinus_ here is not to be taken to mean that the entire set are

freedmen.

As to 4, 98,

'unde fit ut malim fraterculus esse gigantis,'

it gives no evidence whatever of Juvenal's position. If it meant

anything, it would rather imply that Juvenal was the son of a poor

Italian and not of a foreign slave. So for 11, 145-6. His family was

respectable, his means were fair, and he could afford to look down on

upstarts in virtue both of his birth and of his property, although it

is clear from his own works that he had in Rome the position of a

rather humble dependent, who would be exposed to insult at the tables

of the rich and powerful. Cf. 3, 318; 6, 57 (above); 12, 89, 'laribus

paternis'; 1, 24,

'patricios omnes opibus cum provocet unus,

quo tondente gravis iuveni mihi barba sonabat.'

So 10, 225.

In _vita_ iv. he is said to have attained equestrian rank.

(Tribunician rank implied equestrian). This, on the whole, is

confirmed by the inscription, and may be founded on the original

_vita_.

Juvenal had a full course of education, first under the _litterator_

and the _grammaticus_, then under the _rhetor._[95] Cf. 1, 15,

'Et nos ergo manum ferulae subduximus, et nos

consilium dedimus Sullae, privatus ut altum

dormiret.'

This would imply a good position, and a certain command of money. Such

_patres libertini_ as Horace's were very rare.

The inscription above quoted (_divi Vespasiani_ shows that its date is

after A.D. 79, and probably not long after) informs us that Juvenal

was (1) 'tribunus cohortis I. Delmatarum'[96]; (2) 'duumvir

quinquennalis'[97] and 'flamen divi Vespasiani' at Aquinum. The dates

when Juvenal held these posts cannot be determined exactly; but we can

infer certain points.

(1) There was a _certus ordo honorum_ in municipal life, and Juvenal

must have held the quaestorship and the aedileship before the

_duumviratus quinquennalis_. The lower limit of entering on a

municipal career was twenty-five, according to an order of Augustus,

and people did not usually begin it much later; we may therefore

conclude that these municipal posts were held by Juvenal somewhere

between A.D. 80 and 90. The last year is approximately fixed by the

way in which Martial in two of his epigrams (vii. 24 and 91) belonging

to A.D. 91 or 92 speaks of Juvenal; the words show that the latter

must have been established in Rome for some time.

(2) In ordinary course Juvenal would enter the army after the

completion of his seventeenth year. The short time he took to arrive

at the position of tribune, and the statement of _vita_ iv. 'cum ...

ad dignitatem equestris ordinis pervenire sua virtute meruisset,' make

it probable that he entered the army as _petitor militiae equestris_,

as a preliminary step towards entering on a political career.

The cohors Delmatarum I., which Juvenal commanded as tribune, was in

Britain in A.D. 106, and in A.D. 124.[98] Probably it had been

stationed there for a period of years, and it is likely that Juvenal

filled his tribuneship there. Now, all the _vitae_ inform us that

Juvenal was banished under the pretext of a military command. While

the other _vitae_ give Egypt as the place of his banishment, _vita_

iv. gives Scotland; and it seems highly probable that _vita_ iv. has

confused Juvenal's regular military command in Britain, and his

banishment, late in life, to Egypt. The words are:

'[Tyrannus] sub honoris praetextu fecit eum praefectum militis contra

Scotos, qui bellum contra Romanos moverant.'

This is supported by Juvenal's references to Britain. Some of these,

like his references to Egypt, seem, in contradistinction to most of

his references to foreign parts, to imply personal knowledge and

observation. They are as follows:

(1) 2, 159-161,

'Arma quidem ultra

litora Iuvernae promovimus et modo captas

Orcadas ac minima contentos nocte Britannos.'

Here 'Iuverna' is the old name of Ireland, which is not mentioned even

in Tacitus' _Agricola_[99]; for the Orcades cf. Tac. _Agr._ 10; and

the excessive shortness of the summer nights mentioned in the last

clause is especially true of the north of Scotland.

(2) 10, 14,

'Quanto delphinis balaena Britannica maior.'

This is also particularly applicable to the north of Scotland, whales

being frequently seen off the Orkney and Shetland Islands.

(3) 4, 141,

'Rutupinove edita fundo

ostrea.'

(4) 14, 196,

'Castella Brigantum.'

(5) 15, 111,

'Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos,

de conducendo loquitur iam rhetore Thule.'

Cf. Tac. _Agr._ 21.

(6) 15, 124, 'Brittones.' This form is rarely found except in military

inscriptions,[100] and could scarcely have been used except by one

familiar with the camp in Britain.[101]

That Juvenal came to Rome about A.D. 90 has been shown above. This

step he may have taken to forward his promotion in the army and

afterwards in the procuratorial service. His failure in this direction

may have led to his pessimism. His friendship with Martial (whom,

however, he does not mention) is shown by Mart. vii. 24 (cf. vii. 91),

'Cum Iuvenale meo quae me committere temptas,

quid non audebis, perfida lingua, loqui?' etc.

That he was still in Rome in B.C. 101, and had the entrée of the atria

of rich nobles is shown by Mart. xii. 18, written in that year.

'Dum tu forsitan inquietus erras

clamosa, Iuvenalis, in Subura

aut collem dominae teris Dianae,

dura per limina te potentiorum

sudatrix toga ventilat vagumque

maior Caelius et minor fatigant,

me multos repetita post Decembres

accepit mea rusticumque fecit

auro Bilbilis et superba ferro.'

From this we see that he lived in the Subura, the plebeian quarter.

Cf. 3, 5,

'ego vel Prochytam praepono Suburae.'

While in Rome he still possessed his land at Aquinum and also a

property at Tibur; 11, 65,

'de Tiburtino veniet pinguissimus agro

haedulus.'

The statement of the _vitae_ that Juvenal studied rhetoric till middle

life is, as already stated, improbable, as being inconsistent with his

military and municipal career; 'facundus,' applied to him by Mart.

vii. 91, 1, does not mean 'declaiming,' but 'poetical' or

'oratorical.'

_Vitae_ i. _a_ and _b_ (and other seven) say, 'ad mediam fere aetatem

declamavit animi magis causa quam quod scholae se aut foro

praepararet.'

_Juvenal's literary life._--In the MSS. the satires are divided into

Books, and the division seems ancient. Book i. includes _Sat._ 1-5;

Book ii. = _Sat._ 6; Book iii. = _Sat._ 7-9; Book iv. = _Sat._ 10-12;

Book v. = _Sat._ 13-16.

Book i. was written under Trajan; certainly after A.D. 100, the date

of the trial of Marius Priscus [102]; 1, 49,

'exul ab octava Marius bibit et fruitur dis

iratis.'

Book ii. not earlier than A.D. 116. It is highly probable that 6, 407,

'instantem regi Armenio Parthoque cometen,' refers to a comet seen at

Rome in November A.D. 115; and 6, 411, 'nutare urbes, subsidere

terras,' to the earthquake at Antioch, 13th December, A.D. 115.

Book iii., probably about A.D. 120, was written under Hadrian, who is

eulogized in 7, 1-35. Dürr thinks it probable that 7, 36-243, was

written under Trajan, and that the introduction, in praise of Hadrian,

was written afterwards. This is also Friedländer's view; cf. l. 1, 'Et

spes et ratio studiorum in Caesare tantum,' with Spart. _vit. Hadr._

14, 8, 'poematum studiosissimus.' This also supports the view that the

introduction was written not long after Hadrian's accession, when a

new era for poets was supposed to be beginning.

Book iv. was probably written about A.D. 125.

Book v. A clue to the date is found in 13, 16-7,

'Stupet haec, qui iam post terga reliquit

sexaginta annos, Fonteio consule natus.'

Fonteius Capito and C. Iulius Rufus were consuls A.D. 67, in which

year the sexagenarian friend whom Juvenal addresses was born. The date

of writing will therefore be A.D. 127.[103]

Cf. also 15, 27, 'nuper consule Iunco.' Iuncus was consul A.D. 127, so

that this satire could not have been written before A.D. 128. So 15,

44,

'Horrida sane

Aegyptos, sed luxuria, quantum ipse notavi,

barbara famoso non cedit turba Canopo.'

Juvenal must have added these lines to the satire while he was an

exile in Egypt, if he did not write the whole of it there. This is in

accordance with what _vita_ v. says, 'in exilio ampliavit satyras.'

Supposing this passage to be an addition, we may conclude that Book v.

was written about A.D. 128, but not before that year.

_Juvenal's banishment._--As before stated, all the _vitae_ but one

give Egypt as the place of Juvenal's exile. The exact place, according

to the scholiast on 1, 1 and 4, 38, was the Great Oasis (Hoasa:

Hoasis). Three _vitae_ (i. _a_, _b_, iii. _c_) state that he was at

that time _octogenarius_. This would make the date A.D. 135 or 136.

Most of the _vitae_ give as the reason of his exile the fact that he

wrote the lines,[104] 7, 90-2,

'Quod non dant proceres dabit histrio. Tu Camerinos

et Baream, tu nobilium magna atria curas?

Praefectos Pelopea facit, Philomela tribunos.'

Now these lines, the first he ever wrote (_vita_ iii. _c_) were

composed in his youth as an epigram on Paris, Domitian's favourite,

probably about A.D. 81-3. The true story then is that, when Juvenal in

A.D. 135 or 136 published a new edition of _Sat._ 7, he added these

lines (_vitae_ i. _a_, _b_, 'ut ea quoque quae prima fecerat

inferciret novis scriptis').[105] Now it has been inferred from Spart.

_vit. Hadr._ 23 _sqq._ that at this time an actor had great influence

over Hadrian, and the lines were taken as referring to him. The

emperor in a rage banished Juvenal to Egypt _per honorem militiae_,

writing maliciously on his commission 'Et te Philomela promovit'

(_vita_ iv.). The banishment is assigned to the influence of Paris by

Iohannes Malalas, p. 262 _sqq._ (Dindorf), and by Suidas. Cf. also

_Sat._ 15, 44 _sqq._, already quoted, and Sidonius Apollinaris 9, 267

_sqq._,

'Non qui tempore Caesaris secundi

aeterno incoluit Tomos reatu:

non qui consimili deinde casu

ad volgi tenuem strepentis auram

irati fuit histrionis exul.'

_Vita_ iii. _b_, 'Tristitia et angore periit anno aetatis suae altero

et octuagesimo.'

_Vita_ v., 'Decessit longo senio confectus exul Antonino Pio

imperatore.'

If this last statement is correct, Juvenal died after reaching the age

of eighty-two, as Antoninus came to the throne on 10th July, A.D. 138.

It follows from this also that he must have been born in the second

half of A.D. 55.

_The Satires._--The following are the more important points regarding

these:

(1) Juvenal's reasons for writing satire are given in _Sat._ 1, ll.

1-14. He is wearied with tragedies and epics on mythological subjects,

'Semper ego auditor tantum?'

He is resolved to follow in the footsteps of Lucilius; ll. 19-21,

'Cur tamen hoc potius libeat decurrere campo,

per quem magnus equos Auruncae flexit alumnus,

si vacat ac placidi rationem admittitis, edam.'

His satire is due to indignation at the moral decay of the Roman

world.

l. 30, 'Difficile est satiram non scribere' (cf. ll. 63, 79).

However, he does not intend to satirize the living, at least under

their own names; and in fact he has in his mind particularly the times

of Domitian, while most of his names are those of persons living under

Claudius or Nero; l. 170,

'Experiar quid concedatur in illos,

quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque Latina.'

In the first nine Satires Juvenal's bitterness is directed mainly

against the senatorial class, possibly because they had given him no

support in his office-seeking. Even his violent attack on women in

_Sat._ 6 is launched chiefly against the women of the highest class.

Note also the unjust way in which he speaks of the government of the

provinces (_Sat._ 8, 87-139). Juvenal is very bitter against Greeks

and Orientals, most of all against Egyptians (cf. _Sat._ 15, and his

attacks on the Egyptian Crispinus in 4, 1-33, etc.). Cf. 3, 119-125,

for his attacks on foreigners.

(2) He claims a wide scope for his subject; 1, 85,

'Quidquid agunt homines, votum timor ira voluptas

gaudia discursus nostri farrago libelli est.'

(3) His pessimism is very marked; cf. 1, 147,

'Nil erit ulterius, quod nostris moribus addat

posteritas; eadem facient cupientque minores,

omne in praecipiti vitium stetit. Utere velis,

totos pande sinus.'

So 12, 48-9. His pessimism leads to extravagant language like 6, 29

_sqq._ He is as hard on trifling foibles as on the most heinous

offences. Cf. 6, 166 _sqq._, 185 _sqq._, 398 _sqq._, 434-56 (on

learned ladies).

(4) His rhetorical learning and style (found in all the Satires, but

particularly in the later ones) are shown by

(_a_) His metre and language. Thus we find rhetorical uses of _ergo_

(3, 104; 281, etc.); _nunc_ (3, 268; 10, 210); _porro_ (3, 126; 11,

9); and of other particles.

(_b_) The way in which he chooses themes for his Satires, and

subdivides them. Several of the Satires, as 5, 8, 10, 14, are

_theses_, _i.e._ problems of a general character worked out in the

manner of the rhetorical schools. Thus _Sat._ 5 discusses the

question, 'Is the position of a client worth having?' _Sat._ 8, 'Has

high birth a value in itself?' He sometimes uses the commonplaces of

the schools, as 8, 56,

'Animalia muta

quis generosa putet nisi fortia?'

So 8, 215-6. In the manner of a rhetorician he sometimes gives

superabundant details. The best example of this is 10, 190-250, on the

troubles of old age.

(_c_) His knowledge of mythology, history, law, and philosophy. This

is found mostly in the later Books. In the earlier Satires he dealt

more with life as he had known it. In the later Satires he has

recourse to republican times and to foreign history. His historical

examples Friedländer thinks he took mostly from Valerius Maximus.

Juvenal's knowledge of philosophy was very superficial, and was

probably got from his rhetorical training. Errors occur; thus in 13,

121-2, Stoics and Cynics are looked upon as identical.[106]

(_d_) His high-flown language referred to above.

(_e_) His references to previous literature. Thus Horace is often

referred to (cf. 7, 62 and 227); Virgil with great frequency (cf. 1,

162; 6, 434 _sqq._; 7, 66 and 227; 7, 233 _sqq._). Mayor mentions

Homer, Herodotus, Plato, Lucilius, Cicero, Ovid, Manilius, Valerius

Maximus, Seneca, Lucan, and Martial among the authors imitated by

Juvenal.

PLINY THE YOUNGER.

Pliny's full name on the inscriptions of the later period of his life

reads 'C. Plinius L. f. Ouf. Caecilius Secundus.' This name he partly

got from his mother's brother C. Plinius Secundus (Pliny the elder),

who adopted him by will: cf. _Ep._ v. 8, 5, 'Avunculus meus idemque

per adoptionem pater.' Pliny's name before his adoption in A.D. 79

(see below) was P. Caecilius L. f. Ouf. Secundus. His birthplace was

Comum, and he belonged to the Oufentina, the tribe of the people of

Comum, as well on the side of his natural as on that of his adoptive

father. In an inscription preserved at Como (_C.I.L._ v. 5279) Pliny's

father, Cilo, is mentioned, and two men who are undoubtedly Cilo's

sons, the second mentioned being Pliny the younger, who had always

been called Secundus.

'L. Caecilius L. f. Cilo iiii.vir a(edilicia) p(otestate), qui

testamento suo (sestertium) n(ummum) xxxx. (milia) municipibus

Comensibus legavit, ex quorum reditu quotannis per Neptunalia oleum in

campo et in thermis et in balineis omnibus, quae sunt Comi,

praeberentur, t(estamento) f(ieri) iussit et L. Caecilio L. f. Valenti

et P. Caecilio L. f. Secundo et Lutullae Picti f. contubernali.'[107]

For Cilo's bequests here mentioned cf. Pliny, _Ep._ i, 8, 5; Comum is

referred to as 'patria mea' in _Ep._ iv. 30, 1. The Caecilii were a

family of station at Comum even in Caesar's time. Cf. Catull. 35,

'Poetae tenero meo sodali

velim Caecilio, papyre, dicas,

Veronam veniat Novi relinquens

Comi moenia Lariumque litus.'

Pliny inherited landed property there from his father and mother.

_Ep._ vii. 11, 5, 'Indicavit mihi cupere se aliquid circa Larium

nostrum possidere: ego illi ex praediis meis quod vellet ... optuli,

exceptis maternis paternisque.'

The above inscription shows that Pliny's father belonged to the

municipal nobility, and possibly had 'equestris nobilitas.'

Pliny was in his eighteenth year (_Ep._ vi. 20, 5, 'agebam

duodevicensimum annum') on 24th August, A.D. 79, when his uncle

perished in the eruption of Vesuvius, and he was therefore born in the

second half of 61 or in the first half of 62 A.D. Cilo died young,

before holding the chief municipal post, and before Pliny was of age;

and Verginius Rufus became Pliny's guardian.

_Ep._ ii. 1, 8, 'Ille mihi tutor relictus adfectum parentis

exhibuit.' Pliny was removed to Rome with his uncle, probably at the

end of A.D. 72. While at school he wrote poetry (_Ep._ vii. 4, 2,

quoted below), and studied philosophy and rhetoric.

_Ep._ vi. 6, 3, 'Quos tunc ego frequentabam, Quintilianum, Niceten

Sacerdotem.' Cf. also ii. 14, 10; i. 20, 4; vii. 4, etc. For literary

studies with his uncle cf. _Ep._ vi. 20, 5, 'Posco librum Titi Livi et

quasi per otium lego, atque etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo.'

His uncle, as above stated, died on 24th August, A.D. 79, and by his

will adopted Pliny, whose name thereafter was C. Plinius L. f. Ouf.

Caecilius Secundus. He therefore changed his praenomen to that of his

adoptive father, and put his former nomen among his cognomina. By his

contemporaries he is called Plinius (cf. Martial, x. 19), or Secundus,

as by Trajan. The name Caecilius was confined to formal inscriptions.

In A.D. 80 or 81 Pliny first appeared as an advocate. Cf. _Ep._ v. 8,

8, 'Undevicensimo aetatis anno dicere in foro coepi.' Before entering

the Senate, he held (as stated in the chief inscription, given below)

the decemvirate _litibus iudicandis_, the military tribunate in the

third Gallic legion, and the title of Sevir in the Roman knighthood.

Pliny probably held his military tribunate under Domitian (_i.e._,

after 13th September, A.D. 81) in Syria.

Cf. _Ep._ i. 10, 2, 'Hunc [Euphraten philosophum] ego in Syria, cum

adulescentulus militarem, penitus et domi inspexi.'

The date of Pliny's praetorship as A.D. 93 is settled by _Ep._ iii.

11, 2, the events recorded in which passage are known from Tac. _Agr._

45 to have taken place shortly after Agricola's death in August, A.D.

93.

'Fui praetor ... cum ... occisis Senecione Rustico Helvidio, relegatis

Maurico Gratilla Arria Fannia ... mihi quoque impendere idem exitium

certis quibusdam notis augurarer.'

The words in _Ep._ vii. 16 (of Calestrius Tiro), 'Simul quaestores

Caesaris fuimus: ille me in tribunatu liberorum iure praecessit, ego

illum in praetura sum consecutus, cum mihi Caesar annum remisisset,'

refer to the fact that the emperor did not insist on the year of

absence from office between the tribunate and the quaestorship. Pliny

was quaestor from 1st June, 89 to 31st May, 90 A.D., being nominated

by the emperor, as shown by the above passage. He was _trib. pleb._

from 10th December, 90 to 9th December, 91 A.D., and during his year

of office undertook no cases. Cf. _Ep._ i. 23, 2, 'Ipse cum tribunus

essem ... abstinui causis agendis.' By special favour he was allowed

to take office as praetor on 1st January, A.D. 93. In this year he

appeared before the Senate for the people of Baetica against the

procurator Baebius Massa.

_Ep._ vii. 33, esp. § 4, 'Dederat me senatus cum Herennio Senecione

advocatum provinciae Baeticae contra Baebium Massam.'

The inscriptions of Pliny show that he was _praefectus aerarii

militaris_ between his praetorship in 93 and his _praefectura aerarii

Saturni_ (from 98 onwards), and this office he held either from 94 to

96 or from 95 to 97 A.D. Pliny tells us that he and Cornutus Tertullus

were designated consuls, when they had held the _praefectura aerarii

Saturni_ for less than two years.

_Paneg._ 91, 'Nondum biennium compleveramus in officio laboriosissimo

et maximo, cum tu nobis ... consulatum obtulisti.'

This _designatio_ took place on 9th January, A.D. 100, whence the

_praefectura_ must have been entered on shortly after 9th January,

A.D. 98. Pliny was probably nominated to it by Nerva and Trajan.

Cf. _ad Trai._ 3, 'Ut primum me, domine, indulgentia _vestra_ promovit

ad praefecturam aerarii Saturni.'

Mommsen[108] believes that this praefectura was held at the same time

as the consulship, and on to December, A.D. 101, an unusual length of

tenure. H. F. Stobbe, however, makes the trial of Classicus, on which

the last date depends, extend from September 99 to July 100 A.D.

(_Philologus_, xxx. 347 _sqq._).

_Paneg._ 92, 'Nobis praefectis aerarii consulatum ante quam

successorem dedisti.'

Pliny, along with Cornutus Tertullus, his colleague in the

_praefectura_, was made consul A.D. 100. He held the office in

September of that year, and the tenure was either from July 1 to

September 30, or from September 1 to October 31.

_Paneg._ 92, 'Ei nos potissimum mensi attribuisti quem tuus natalis

exornat.'

The _Panegyricus_ is a speech of thanks to Trajan spoken on this

occasion. In A.D. 99 Pliny, along with Tacitus, appeared for the

Africans against the proconsul Marius Priscus (see _Ep._ ii. 11 quoted

p. 338); and in A.D. 101, while still _praefectus aerarii_, he

appeared for the people of Baetica against the proconsul Caecilius

Classicus.

_Ep._ iii. 4, 2, 'Legati provinciae Baeticae questuri de proconsulatu

Caecili Classici advocatum me a senatu petierunt.'

Pliny obtained the augurship, probably in 103 or 104, in succession to

Sex. Iulius Frontinus, who probably died in 102 or 103 A.D. Cf. _Ep._

iv. 8, 3, 'Successi Iulio Frontino.' In 103 or 104 A.D. he appeared

against the Bithynians for the proconsul Iulius Bassus (_Ep._ iv. 9

etc.). He held the _cura alvei Tiberis et riparum et cloacarum urbis_

probably from 105 to 107 A.D. See Pliny's chief inscription (below),

and cf. _Ep._ v. 14, 1-2, 'Mihi nuntiatum est Cornutum Tertullum

accepisse Aemiliae viae curam ... aliquanto magis me delectat mandatum

mihi officium, postquam par Cornuto datum video.'

About A.D. 106 Pliny appeared against the Bithynians for the proconsul

Varenus Rufus (_Ep._ vi. 29, 11).

From 111-2 or 112-3 A.D. Pliny was governor of Pontus and Bithynia,

being sent out for a special purpose by the emperor as _legatus pro

praetore consulari potestate_. Cf. the chief inscription (below) and

the words of Trajan.

_Trai._ 32, 'Meminerimus idcirco te in istam provinciam missum, quoniam

multa in ea emendanda apparuerint.'

The date of Pliny's governorship is fixed by the mention of Calpurnius

Macer in the letters (_ad Trai._ 42; 61; 62) as the governor of the

nearest province. Mommsen has identified him with P. Calpurnius Macer

Caulius Rufus, who is shown by an inscription (_C.I.L._ iii. 7 and 17)

to have been governor of Lower Moesia in 112 A.D. This is corroborated

by the fact that no mention is made of Bithynia in the chief

collection of letters, which was not completed till A.D. 108 at least.

Therefore the governorship falls after that time. On the other hand,

Pliny must have been sent out not later than A.D. 113, as in the chief

inscription _Optimus_ does not appear in Trajan's name, and this

cognomen he assumed in A.D. 114. Finally, the fact that Trajan was at

Rome during Pliny's governorship points to a time between the end of

the second Dacian War in A.D. 107 and the outbreak of the Parthian War

in A.D. 113.

Our information about Pliny ends with the close of his correspondence

with Trajan. It is certain that he held no further office, and it is

probable that he died before A.D. 114 in his province or shortly after

his return to Rome.

As regards municipal relations, Pliny held the post of _flamen divi

Augusti_, according to the inscription which the corporation of

Vercellae erected to him at his own town (_C.I.L._ v. 5667).

'C. Plini[o L. f. O]uf. Caec[ilio] Secundo [c]os. augur. cur. alv.

Tib. [et ripa]r. et cloac. urb. [praef. a]er. Sat. praef. aer. mil.

[pr. tr. pl.] imp. sevir. eq. R. tr. m[i]l. leg. iii. Gall. x. viro

stl. iud. fl. divi T. Aug.'

For bequests to his native town see the chief inscription (below).

Besides these are mentioned gifts in his life-time. Under Domitian

Pliny presented his townspeople with a library (_Ep._ i, 8),

apparently worth 1,000,000 sesterces (v. 7), and endowed it with

100,000 sesterces. He also gave 500,000 sesterces for the support of

freeborn boys and girls (_Ep._ i, 8); and promised to pay one-third of

the salary of the professor of rhetoric at Comum (_Ep._ iv. 13, 5).

The following is the chief inscription of Pliny (as restored by

Mommsen), which was erected at the _Thermae_ which he presented to

Comum (_C.I.L._ v. 5262):

'C. Plinius L. f. Ouf. Caecilius _Secundus cos._ augur legat. pro pr.

provinciae Pon_ti et Bithyniae_ consulari potesta_t_. in eam

provinciam e_x. s. c. missus ab_ Imp. Caesar. Nerva Traiano Aug.

German_ico Dacico p.p_. curator alvei Ti_b_eris et riparum e_t

cloacar. urb_. praef. aerari Satu_r_ni praef. aerari mil_it. pr. trib.

pl_. quaestor imp. sevir equitum _Romanorum_ trib. milit. leg. _iii_.

Gallicae _x.vir stli_tib. iudicand. therm_as ex HS_ ... adiectis in

ornatum HS ccc ... _et eo amp_lius in tutela_m_ HS CC t. f. i. _item

in alimenta_ libertor. suorum homin. C. HS XVIII LXVI DCLXVI rei_p.

legavit, quorum inc_rement. postea ad epulum _pl_eb. urban. voluit

pertin_ere ... item vivus_ dedit in aliment. pueror. et puellar. pleb.

urban. HS D _item bybliothecam et_ in tutelam bybliothecae HS C.'

Pliny was also patron of Tifernum Tiberinum and of the Baetici.

_Ep._ iv. 1, 4, 'Oppidum est praediis nostris vicinum, nomen Tiferni

Tiberini, quod me paene adhuc puerum patronum cooptavit ... In hoc ego

... templum pecunia mea exstruxi, cuius dedicationem ... differre

longius inreligiosum est.'

_Ep._ iii. 4, 4, 'Legati ... inplorantes fidem meam, quam essent

contra Massam Baebium experti, adlegantes patrocini foedus.'

Pliny married three times, twice under Domitian. Cf. _ad Trai._ 2,

'Liberos ... habere etiam tristissimo illo saeculo volui, sicut potes

duobus matrimoniis meis credere.' For his third wife, Calpurnia, who

died A.D. 97, see _Ep._ iv. 19. Pliny had no children, but Trajan

conferred on him the _ius trium liberorum_ in A.D. 98. Cf. _ad Trai._

2, 'Me dignum putasti iure trium liberorum.'

_Pliny as orator and writer._--Most of Pliny's cases were before the

_centumviri_, who dealt with inheritances: cf. _Ep._ vi. 12, 2, 'in

harena mea, hoc est apud centumviros.' So Mart. x. 19, 14 (written

A.D. 96),

'Totos dat tetricae dies Minervae

dum centum studet auribus virorum

hoc quod saecula posterique possint

Arpinis quoque comparare chartis.'

For Pliny's five speeches in criminal trials before the Senate see

above. Cf. _Ep._ vi. 29, 7 _sqq._, 'Egi quasdam a senatu iussus ...

Adfui Baeticis contra Baebium Massam ... Adfui rursus isdem

querentibus de Caecilio Classico ... Accusavi Marium Priscum ...

Tuitus sum Iulium Bassum ... Dixi proxime pro Vareno.'

Pliny recited his speeches before delivering them, and subsequently

published them, sometimes with additions.

_Ep._ vii. 17, 2, 'Miror quod scribis fuisse quosdam qui

reprehenderent quod orationes omnino recitarem.'

_Ep._ iii. 18, 1 (of the _Panegyricus_), 'Quod ego in senatu cum ad

rationem et loci et temporis ex more fecissem, bono civi

convenientissimum credidi eadem illa spatiosius et uberius volumine

amplecti.'

Pliny speaks of his early attempts at poetry:

_Ep._ vii. 4, 2-3, 'Numquam a poetice (altius enim repetam) alienus

fui; quin etiam quattuordecim natus annos Graecam tragoediam scripsi.

Qualem? inquis: nescio: tragoedia vocabatur.'

In Books i.-iii. he appears only as a lover of poetry and a patron of

poets (cf. i. 16; iii. 15). From Book iv. (published A.D. 105) onwards

he appears as a poet. In _Ep._ vii. 4, 6 are thirteen poor hexameter

lines on Cicero; _ibid._ §§ 7-8, 'Transii ad elegos: hos quoque non

minus celeriter explicui: addidi iambos, facilitate corruptus ...

Postremo placuit exemplo multorum unum separatim hendecasyllaborum

volumen absolvere, nec paenitet. Legitur, describitur, cantatur

etiam.' Pliny defends himself for writing light verses in _Ep._ v. 3,

etc. In the later books he refers to another proposed collection of

verses.

_Ep._ viii. 21, 3, 'Liber fuit et opusculis varius et metris.'

Pliny says he did not observe chronological order in publishing his

letters.

_Ep._ i. 1, 1, 'Collegi non servato temporis ordine (neque enim

historiam componebam), sed ut quaeque in manus venerat.'

This, however, is not convincing, as it falls in with

Pliny's wish to give an appearance of negligence to the work, and

besides it may apply only to Book i. Successive publication of the

different Books is shown by many references; so _Ep._ ix. 19,

'Significas legisse te in quadam epistula,' where _Ep._ vi. 10 is

referred to. So also contemporaneous events are always described in

the same Book or in two Books close together; and when a subject is

continued in another letter, the order of the two letters fits in with

chronology. So iii. 4 and iv. 1 deal with the building of a temple at

Tifernum; iii. 20 and iv. 25 with ballot at elections.

The following are the probable dates of publication: Book i. in A.D.

97; Book ii. in A.D. 100; Book iii. in A.D. 101 or 102; Book iv. in

A.D. 105; Book v. in A.D. 106; Book vi. possibly in A.D. 106; Book

vii. in A.D. 107; Book viii. not before A.D. 109; Book ix. probably

about the same time.

The correspondence with Trajan is independent of the nine Books of

letters. The epistles are roughly in chronological order. _Epp._ 1-14

range from 98 to 106 A.D. _Epp._ 15 to the end were probably all

written in Bithynia during Pliny's governorship there. Trajan's reply

is subjoined to most of the letters. The correspondence extant

stretches from September A.D. 111 over January A.D. 113.

Pliny had intimate relations with other writers, the principal being

Tacitus; Martial (cf. _Ep._ iii. 21); Silius Italicus (cf. _Ep._ iii.

7). See pp. 340, 298, 289. For his literary reputation see _Ep._ ix.

23, 2, quoted p. 338 and cf. _Ep._ i. 2, 6, 'Libelli quos emisimus

dicuntur in manibus esse, quamvis iam gratiam novitatis exuerint; nisi

tamen auribus nostris bibliopolae blandiuntur.'

_Pliny's character._--Pliny, without being a great man, is a more

favourable specimen of character, feeling, and gentlemanly tone, than

almost any other Roman author. He avoided censorious writing, and most

of the people he mentions are praised. The chief exception is Regulus

(_Ep._ i. 5, etc.), and possibly also Iavolenus Priscus (vi. 15). When

anybody is blamed, his name is omitted unless he is dead or has been

banished.

_Ep._ vii. 28, i, 'Ais quosdam apud te reprehendisse, tamquam amicos

meos ex omni occasione ultra modum laudem. Agnosco crimen, amplector

etiam. Quid enim honestius culpa benignitatis?'

For his desire of praise cf. _Ep._ ix. 23, 5, 'An ... ego celebritate

nominis mei gaudere non debeo? Ego vero et gaudeo et gaudere me dico.'

For his kindness to slaves cf. _Ep._ viii. 16, 1, 'Permitto servis

quoque quasi testamenta facere eaque ut legitima custodio' (and the

rest of the letter).

For his grief at the loss of friends cf. _Ep._ v. 21, 6, 'Sed quid ego

indulgeo dolori? cui si frenos remittas, nulla materia non maxima est.

Finem epistulae faciam, ut facere possim etiam lacrimis quas epistula

expressit.'

For his love of nature cf. Ep. i. 9, 6, 'O mare, o litus, verum

secretumque +mouseion+, quam multa invenitis, quam multa

dictatis!'

Cf. also descriptions of natural scenery, as in _Epp._ ii. 17, 3; v.

6, 13; vi. 31, 15; viii. 8.

TACITUS.

(1) LIFE.

The historian's full name is uncertain. Other writers, _e.g._ Pliny

the younger, call him Cornelius Tacitus, or simply Tacitus. His

praenomen is given as P. in the best Tacitean MS. (Mediceus I.), and

as C. in later MSS. and by Sidonius Apollinaris (_Ep._ iv. 14;

22).[109] His birthplace is unknown. The tradition that he was born at

Interamna in Umbria arose from the fact that the emperor Tacitus (A.D.

275-6), who claimed descent from the historian (Vopisc. _Tac._ 10, 3),

was born there.[110] The probable date of his birth is got from a

comparison of two passages:

_Dial._ 1, 'Disertissimorum ... hominum ... quos eamdem hanc

quaestionem pertractantes iuvenis admodum audivi.'

Pliny, _Ep._ vii. 20, 3, 'Erit rarum et insigne duos homines aetate

dignitate propemodum aequales ... alterum alterius studia fovisse.

Equidem adulescentulus, cum iam tu fama gloriaque floreres, te sequi,

tibi longo sed proximus intervallo et esse et haberi concupiscebam.'

The dramatic date of the Dialogue is A.D. 75 (_Dial._ 17), and at that

time Tacitus, as _iuvenis admodum_, must have been between seventeen

and twenty. From a consideration of the words of Pliny, who was born

A.D. 61 or 62, the later age seems nearer the mark, and we may

conclude that Tacitus was born A.D. 55 or 56.

We have no positive information about Tacitus' family, but his

education, political career, and marriage into a distinguished house,

prove that he belonged to a family of station. The first person of the

name we know of is mentioned by Pliny the elder as an _eques_, and may

have been Tacitus' father.

Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 76, 'Corneli Taciti, equitis Romani, Belgicae

Galliae rationes procurantis.'

Tacitus received the regular rhetorical training under the best

masters.

_Dial._ 2, 'M. Aper et Iulius Secundus, celeberrima tum ingenia fori

nostri, quos ego in iudiciis non modo studiose audiebam, sed domi

quoque et in publico adsectabar, mira studiorum cupiditate et quodam

ardore iuvenili, ut fabulas quoque eorum et disputationes et arcana

semotae dictionis penitus exciperem.'

That Tacitus had a very great reputation as a speaker is seen from

Pliny, _Ep._ ix. 23, 2, 'Numquam maiorem cepi voluptatem, quam nuper

ex sermone Corneli Taciti. Narrabat sedisse se cum quodam Circensibus

proximis: hunc post varios eruditosque sermones requisisse "Italicus

es an provincialis?" se respondisse "nosti me, et quidem ex studiis."

Ad hoc illum "Tacitus es an Plinius?"'

In A.D. 98 (according to others, 97) Tacitus delivered the funeral

oration over Verginius Rufus, and in A.D. 100 he and Pliny prosecuted

Marius Priscus, proconsul of Africa, for extortion.

Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 1, 6, 'Laudatus est [Verginius Rufus] a consule

Cornelio Tacito: nam hic supremus felicitati eius cumulus accessit,

laudator eloquentissimus.'

_Ibid._ ii. 11, 2, 'Ego et Cornelius Tacitus, adesse provincialibus

iussi.' § 17, 'Respondit Cornelius Tacitus eloquentissime, et quod

eximium orationi eius inest, +semnôs+.'

In A.D. 77 Tacitus was betrothed to the daughter of Agricola, then

consul, and in A.D. 78 he married her.

_Agr._ 9, 'Consul egregiae tum spei filiam iuveni mihi despondit ac

post consulatum collocavit, et statim Britanniae praepositus est.'

Tacitus gives us a clue to his political career in _Hist._ i. 1.

'Dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano incohatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano

longius provectam non abnuerim.'

This probably means that Vespasian granted him the _latus clavus_,

_i.e._ a place in the _ordo senatorius_, which was followed by the

_vigintiviratus_ given by the Senate, and a commission in the army as

_tribunus militum laticlavius_; that Titus appointed him quaestor A.D.

80-1; and that Domitian made him tribune or aedile (about 84), and in

A.D. 88 praetor. For the last office cf. _Ann._ xi. 11,

'Is [Domitianus] edidit ludos saeculares, eisque intentius adfui

sacerdotio quindecimvirali praeditus ac tunc praetor.'

That Tacitus was absent from Rome A.D. 90-93 we may infer from what he

says of Agricola's death (A.D. 93).

_Agr._ 45, 'Nobis tam longae absentiae condicione ante quadriennium

amissus est.'

He must have returned to Rome soon afterwards, for he says in the same

chapter: 'Mox nostrae duxere Helvidium in carcerem manus; nos Maurici

Rusticique visus, nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudit.'

Tacitus was appointed consul suffectus under Trajan A.D. 98 (see

Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 1, 6, above quoted).

An inscription found at Mylasa in Caria shows that Tacitus was

proconsul of Asia about 112-116 A.D.[111]

Tacitus probably died soon after the publication of the _Annals_ (A.D.

115-7), as he did not live to write his contemplated works on the

Augustan age and the reigns of Nerva and Trajan.

_Hist._ i. 1, 'Quod si vita suppeditet, principatum divi Nervae et

imperium Traiani ... senectuti seposui.'

_Ann._ iii. 24, 'Cetera illius aetatis [Augusti] memorabo, si effectis

in quae tetendi, plures ad curas vitam produxero.'

Tacitus was on intimate terms with Pliny, eleven of whose letters are

addressed to him. From vii. 20 and viii. 7 we see that they were in

the habit of "exchanging proof-sheets." To the same circle belonged

Fabius Iustus, to whom the _Dialogus_ is dedicated, and Asinius Rufus.

Pliny, _Ep._ iv. 15, 1, 'Asinium Rufum singulariter amo. ... Idem

Cornelium Tacitum arta familiaritate complexus est.'

(2) WORKS.

1. _Dialogus de Oratoribus_, an inquiry into the causes of the decay

of eloquence--'cur nostra potissimum aetas deserta et laude

eloquentiae orbata vix nomen ipsum oratoris retineat' (_Dial._ 1).

Some critics have supposed that Tacitus meant this work to be an

_apologia pro vita sua_, a justification of his preference for a

literary to a rhetorical career, but this cannot be proved. That

Tacitus is the author is clear from Pliny, _Ep._ ix. 10, 2, 'Itaque

poemata quiescunt, quae tu inter nemora et lucos commodissime perfici

putas'--a reference to _Dial._ 9, 'poetis ... in nemora et lucos, id

est in solitudinem, secedendum est.' The dramatic date is given in

_Dial._ 17 as A.D. 75; the statement there and in _Dial._ 24 that one

hundred and twenty years have passed since Cicero's death (which would

give A.D. 77) is made in round numbers. The date of composition is

uncertain. It was not under Domitian, as Tacitus remained silent

during his reign (_Agr._ 2). We can hardly suppose it to have been

written under Nerva, as its style is so different from that of the

_Agricola_; but it may have been written under Domitian, and published

after his death. Some authorities put it as early as A.D. 81.[112]

2. _De vita et moribus Iulii Agricolae liber_, an account of the life

of Cn. Iulius Agricola, Tacitus' father-in-law, and particularly of

his career in Britain. It was written early in the reign of Trajan,

and therefore after 27th Jan., 98 A.D., and probably in that year.

_Agr._ 3, 'quamquam primo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu Nerva Caesar

res olim dissociabiles miscuerit, principatum ac libertatem, augeatque

cottidie felicitatem temporum Nerva Traianus.'

3. _Germania_.--The Vatican MSS. give the title as _de origine et situ_

(another MS. adds _moribus ac populis_) Germanorum. The date of

publication, as seen from _Germ._ 37, was A.D. 98. The book is not

mentioned in _Agr._ 3 among the proposed works of Tacitus; and it has

therefore been supposed that the materials were collected for the

_Histories_, and that the work was published separately on account of

its length, and also the interest felt in Germany at the time. There

is nothing in the theory that the book is a political pamphlet, or

that it contains a moral purpose. Tacitus is by no means blind to the

faults of the Germans (c. 17 _sqq._, etc.), though he compares them

favourably in many respects with the Romans.

4. _Historiae_.--The title is guaranteed by Tertull. _apol._ 16,

'Cornelius Tacitus in quinta historiarum suarum.' The work embraced

the time from Galba to Domitian, _i.e._ 69-96 A.D. The first four

Books and part of the fifth are extant, and give the history of 69 and

most of 70 A.D. In MS. Mediceus II., the only ancient MS. that

contains _Ann._ xi.-xvi. and the _Histories_, there is no title, but

the Books are numbered continuously as belonging to the same work. Cf.

Jerome, _Comm. on Zacharias_, iii. 14, 'Cornelius Tacitus, qui post

Augustum usque ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum triginta voluminibus

exaravit.' If, therefore, the _Annals_ contained sixteen Books, the

_Histories_ must have contained fourteen, supposing Jerome's statement

to be correct. Some authorities think the numbers were eighteen and

twelve respectively. The work was written under Trajan (cf. _Hist._ i.

1, 'principatum divi Nervae et imperium Traiani'), and was probably

brought out in instalments. Pliny's letters (vi. 16; 20; vii. 33),

written about A.D. 106-9, contain contributions to it.

5. _Annales_, or rather _Ab excessu divi Augusti_, the title given by

MS. Med. I. Tacitus often calls his work _annales_ (as in _Ann._ iv.

32), but uses the word to signify his plan of recording events by

their years. Cf. _Ann._ iv. 71, 'Ni mihi destinatum foret suum quaeque

in annum referre, avebat animus antire,' etc.

He occasionally apologises (as in xii. 40) for departing from this

order for the sake of clearness. The Books, the division into which

was made by Tacitus himself (cf. vi. 27, 'in prioribus libris'),

usually, however, end with some important event.

The _Annals_ deal with the time from the death of Augustus to that of

Nero, _i.e._ from 14 to 68 A.D. There are extant Books i.-iv. and a

part of v. and vi., and Books xi.-xvi., except the beginning of xi.

and the end of xvi. We have thus lost the whole of the reign of

Caligula and the reign of Claudius from 41-47 (part), and Nero's reign

from the close of 66 to 68. The work was published between A.D. 115

and 117. This is settled by _Ann._ ii. 61, 'Exin ventum Elephantinen

ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare

patescit.'

The conquest here spoken of was made by Trajan A.D. 115, and his

successor Hadrian, soon after coming to the throne (August, A.D. 117),

gave up the regions beyond the Euphrates and Tigris (Spartianus,

_Hadri._ 5).[113]

_Tacitus' views on politics, philosophy, and religion._--

(1) The ideal mixed form of government Tacitus considers to be

impracticable.

_Ann._ iv. 33, 'Cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut

singuli regunt: delecta ex eis et consociata rei publicae forma

laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse

potest.'

Tacitus is essentially a conservative. Thus he always uses _antiquus_

and _priscus_ in a good sense (_H._ ii. 5; 64; _Ann._ vi. 32).

In _Ann._ iii. 60 he speaks with pride of the republic: 'Magna eius

diei species fuit, quo senatus maiorum beneficia, sociorum pacta,

regum etiam, qui ante vim Romanam valuerant, decreta ipsorumque

numinum religiones introspexit, libero, ut quondam, quid firmaret

mutaretve.'

See also the speech of C. Cassius in _Ann._ xiv. 43. As an aristocrat

Tacitus is sometimes unjust to men of low birth, as in _Ann._ iv. 3,

where he sneers at Seianus as 'municipali adultero,' and attaches

great value to high birth (cf. vi. 27). He is prejudiced against

slaves and barbarians.

Tacitus theoretically prefers a republic (cf. _Ann._ vi. 42, 'Populi

imperium iuxta libertatem, paucorum dominatio regiae libidini propior

est'), but admits the impossibility of a restitution of the free state

(_H._ ii. 37-8) and the necessity of empire. _H._ i. 1 (of Augustus),

'omnem potentiam ad unum conferri pacis interfuit.'

Cf. also Galba's speech in _H._ i. 16. The problem is to reconcile the

empire with freedom (see _Agr._ 3 quoted p. 341). One's duty is to

steer one's course _inter abruptam contumaciam et deforme obsequium_

(_Ann._ iv. 20). Tacitus gives only modified approval to patriots like

Paetus Thrasea (_Ann._ xiv. 12; 49) and Helvidius Priscus (_H._ iv.

6), and on the other hand gives praise for moderation to men like

Agricola (_Agr._ 42), M. Lepidus (_Ann._ iv. 20), L. Piso (_Ann._ vi.

10).

_Ann._ xiv. 12, 'Thrasea Paetus ... sibi causam periculi fecit,

ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit.'

_Agr._ 42, 'Non contumacia neque inani iactatione libertatis famam

fatumque provocabat.'

Tacitus blames those who despair of their own times. _Ann._ ii. 88,

'dum vetera extollimus recentium incuriosi.' He thinks that the

emperors, from their irresponsible position, were often gradually led

into wickedness, their downward career being helped by flatterers and

satellites, and draws a moral lesson from the servile Senate and the

_delatores_, who, like the emperors themselves, received punishment

for their conduct (_Ann._ i. 74; iii. 65 _sqq._).

_Ann._ vi. 48, 'Cum Tiberius post tantam rerum experientiam vi

dominationis convulsus et mutatus sit.'

_Ann._ iv. 33, 'Pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus utilia ab

noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur.'

_Ann._ vi. 6, 'Adeo facinora atque flagitia sua ipsi quoque in

supplicium verterant ... Quippe Tiberium non fortuna, non solitudines

protegebant, quin tormenta pectoris suasque ipse poenas fateretur.'

(2) Tacitus attaches himself to no particular school of philosophy,

and deprecates too close an attention to the subject.

_Agr._ 4, 'Memoria teneo solitum ipsum [Agricolam] narrare se prima in

iuventa studium philosophiae acrius, ultra quam concessum Romano ac

senatori, hausisse, ni prudentia matris incensum ac flagrantem animum

coercuisset.'

He cannot make up his mind as to freewill and predestination, but in

spite of this doubt expressly states his desire to find out the causes

of events.

_Ann._ vi. 22, 'Sed mihi haec ac talia audienti in incerto iudicium

est, fatone res mortalium et necessitate immutabili an forte

volvantur' (and the rest of the chapter, where the Stoic and Epicurean

views are mentioned). On the other hand, _H._ i. 4, 'Ut non modo casus

eventusque rerum, qui plerumque fortuiti sunt, sed ratio etiam

causaeque noscantur.'

He expresses his belief in divine agency, particularly in the

_Annals_, but sometimes adopts the pessimistic view that the gods take

little interest in mankind.

_Ann._ xiv. 5, 'Noctem sideribus inlustrem et placido mari quietam,

quasi convincendum ad scelus, di praebuere.'

_H._ v. 5, 'Pessimus quisque spretis religionibus patriis.'

_H._ i. 3, 'Nec enim umquam atrocioribus populi Romani cladibus

magisve iustis indiciis adprobatum est non esse curae deis securitatem

nostram, esse ultionem.'

_Ann._ xvi. 33, 'Aequitate deum erga bona malaque documenta.'

He believes in the science of divination (see especially _Ann._ iv.

58), but speaks contemptuously of the impostors found among

soothsayers and astrologers.

_H._ i. 22, 'Mathematicis ... genus hominum potentibus infidum,

sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur semper et

retinebitur.'

Prodigies are recognized, but mentioned only in the _Histories_ and

the last books of the _Annals_ (from A.D. 51 onwards). See especially

_H._ ii. 50.

_Tacitus as a historian._--As regards his sources, Tacitus makes more

use of his predecessors than he does of original documents. Among the

latter he mentions _acta diurna_ (_Ann._ iii. 3) and _commentarii_ or

_acta senatus_ (_Ann._ xv. 74); but these he did not make much use of,

as they were apt to be falsified. He also refers to _publica acta_,

probably inscriptions (_Ann._ xii. 24); Tiberius' speeches (_Ann._ i.

81); memoirs of Agrippina, Nero's mother (_Ann._ iv. 53); and of

Domitius Corbulo on his campaigns in Parthia (_Ann._ xv. 16). He also

refers by name to several historians, especially in dealing with the

times after Nero, as C. Plinius (_Ann._ i. 69, quoted p. 284),

Vipstanus Messalla (_H._ iii. 25), Fabius Rusticus,[114] and Cluvius

Rufus[115] (_Ann._ xiii. 20).

Other writers are sparingly mentioned, as Sisenna (_H._ iii. 51),

Caesar (_Germ._ 28). It is certain that Tacitus made use of other

historians, but he generally refers to his sources without mentioning

names (as _Ann._ i. 29, 'tradunt plerique'). He sometimes weighs the

value of two conflicting accounts, or mentions a story only to reject

it.

_Ann._ iv. 11, 'Haec vulgo iactata, super id quod nullo auctore certo

firmantur, prompte refutaveris.'

Tacitus' credibility has been attacked, particularly as regards his

representation of the characters of Tiberius and Nero, but not very

successfully. He has, however, made mistakes, the most striking of

which are his view of the Christians (_Ann._ xv. 44) and his account

of the Jews (_H._ v. 2 _sqq._). The explanation is that he held the

view current in the upper classes, and did not take the trouble to

investigate these matters, as the Jews and Christians belonged mostly

to the lower orders.

Tacitus is not free from superstition (_Ann._ xi. 21; _H._ ii. 50,

etc.), but one must not suppose he believes the fables he relates (as

_Ann._ vi. 28; _H._ iv. 83) simply because he expresses no opinion of

them.

Tacitus is free from party spirit (_Ann._ i. 1, 'sine ira et studio,

quorum causas procul habeo'; cf. _H._ i. 1) and just in his judgment,

except in a few passages in the _Histories_, where he is rather unfair

(i. 42, ii. 95). He is milder in the _Annals_ through advancing years,

and from the better times he lived in. Generally he takes a lenient

view of things, except (1) in offences against the state (cf. the

character of Tiberius); (2) when the religious element comes in; cf.

what he says of Claudius' marriage with his brother's daughter

Agrippina: _Ann._ xiv. 2, 'Agrippina ... exercita ad omne flagitium

patrui nuptiis.'

He shows a somewhat lax morality occasionally, as in _Ann._ xiii. 17

_sqq._, when speaking of Nero's murder of his brother Britannicus. In

_Ann._ xi. 19 he approves of compassing a barbarian's death by

treachery.

For Tacitus' conception of history as dealing with great events cf.

_Ann._ xiii. 31, 'pauca memoria digna evenere, nisi cui libeat

laudandis fundamentis et trabibus, quis molem amphitheatri apud campum

Martis Caesar extruxerat, volumina implere, cum ex dignitate populi

Romani repertum sit res inlustres annalibus, talia diurnis urbis actis

mandare.'

His complaints as to his subject-matter in _Ann._ iv. 32, 'Nobis in

arto et inglorius labor,' must not be taken too seriously.

SUETONIUS.

(1) LIFE.

C. Suetonius Tranquillus was the son of Suetonius Laetus, a tribune of

the thirteenth legion, who took part in the battle of Bedriacum, A.D.

69 (Sueton. _Otho_, 10). His birth seems to have taken place soon

after that year,[116] for he was 'adulescens' twenty years after

Nero's death; _Nero_ 57, 'cum post viginti annos, adulescente me,

exstitisset condicionis incertae qui se Neronem esse iactaret.'

Suetonius was a friend of the younger Pliny, to whom he was indebted

for a military tribuneship, which he afterwards passed on to a

relative (Plin. _Ep._ iii. 8), and for assistance in the purchase of a

small estate (ibid. i. 24). Pliny encouraged him to publish some of

his writings (v. 10), and obtained for him from Trajan the _ius trium

liberorum_ (_ad Trai._ 94).

Under Hadrian he was _magister epistularum_, but was dismissed from

office in A.D. 121. Spartianus, _Hadr._ 11, 3, 'Septicio Claro

praefecto praetorio et Suetonio Tranquillo epistularum magistro

multisque aliis, quod apud Sabinam uxorem in usu eius familiarius se

tunc egerant quam reverentia domus aulicae postulabat, successores

dedit.' The remainder of his life appears to have been devoted to

literature.

(2) WORKS.

1. _De Vita Caesarum_, in eight Books (Books i.-vi. Iulius-Nero; vii.

Galba, Otho, and Vitellius; viii. Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian). It

was published A.D. 119-21, as it was dedicated (according to Joannes

Lydus) to C. Septicius Clarus, praetorian prefect, who held office

during those years. The preface and the beginning of the life of

Iulius are wanting. Suetonius is a conscientious and accurate writer

(cf. his discussion of Caligula's birthplace, _Calig._ 8), and he

makes use of good sources, e.g. the _Monumentum Ancyranum_, _Acta

populi_, _Acta senatus_, autograph documents of the emperors (_Aug._

87, _Nero_ 52); but there is in his work an almost entire absence of

dates, and the personal element is, from the point of view of history,

unduly prominent.

2. _De Viris Illustribus_, including poets, orators (beginning with

Cicero), historians (from Sallust onwards), philosophers, grammarians,

and rhetoricians. The greater part of the section _De grammaticis et

rhetoribus_ is extant, as well as lives of Terence, Horace, and Lucan

from the section _de poetis_, and of Pliny the elder from the section

_de historicis_. Extracts from the rest of the work are preserved by

Jerome. In each section there was (1) a list of the authors discussed,

(2) a general survey of their branch of literature, (3) brief notices

of the authors in chronological order. The publication took place,

according to Roth, 106-113 A.D.

3. Minor works, now lost (mentioned by Suidas), on Greek games, Roman

games, the Roman year, on critical marks, on Cicero's _Republic_, on

dress, on imprecations (+peri dysphêmôn lexeôn êtoi blasphêmiôn kai

pothen hekastê+), on Roman laws and customs. Some of these were probably

only sections of the _Prata_, a miscellany in ten Books, which also

treated of natural science and philology. The books on Greek games and

on imprecations were almost certainly composed in Greek.

Footnotes to Chapter IV

[72] The praenomen 'Gaius' is rendered highly probable by the reading

of the _editio princeps_ and by an inscription found in Africa

(_C.I.L._ viii. 10311).

[73] _Les Poètes Latins de la Décadence_, vol. i., p. 8.

[74] Antwerp edition, p. 89.

[75] Tacitus does not say openly that Seneca was privy to the murder.

On the whole he is favourable to Seneca, either because he followed

the authority of Fabius Rusticus, a friend of Seneca, or because

Seneca perished afterwards through Nero's agency, or because he

thought Seneca deserved his consideration.

[76] Seneca's influence on the Imperial policy, especially in the

liberal view it took regarding religion, is well brought out by Prof.

W. M. Ramsay, in his book, _St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman

Citizen_, pp. 354 _sqq._

[77] See the very large list of parallels collected by Heitland,

_Introduction_ to Haskins' _Lucan_, § 51.

[78] See under Varro, p. 96.

[79] Ed. of _Cena Trimalchionis_, p. 7.

[80] See O. Hirschfeld's note on this passage in _Römische

Verwaltungsgeschichte_, p. 261.

[81] Messalla was a favourite of Gaius, Narcissus of Claudius.

[82] Pomponius was the author of _Aeneas_ and other tragedies. Pliny

calls him 'consularis poeta,' 'vates civisque clarissimus' (_N.H._

vii. 80, xiii. 83). Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xii. 28.

[83] Given with other examples by W. C. Summers, _Study of the

Argonautica_ (Camb. 1894), p. 27.

[84] Summers, _ibid._ p. 56.

[85] Cf. Tac. _Hist._ iii. 65.

[86] Mart. vii. 63.

[87] Mart. xi. 48; 49.

[88] Mart. viii. 66.

[89] Mart. ix. 68.

[90] The references are to L. Friedländer's edition (Leipzig, 1886).

[91] Ed. of Book x., Introd. p. 9 (Oxford, 1891).

[92] A passage probably inserted by the pseudo-Frontinus from memoirs

of the genuine Frontinus to give an air of authenticity to his work.

[93] J. Dürr, _Das Leben Juvenals_ (Ulm, 1888). L. Friedländer (ed. of

Juvenal: Leipzig, 1895) attaches little importance to this and the

other _vitae_, but his arguments do not appear to us to be convincing.

[94] E. G. Hardy (ed. of Juvenal: London, 1891, introd. p. 8) thinks

that this is supported by Juvenal's gentile name Iunius. As a

representative of the middle classes he (thinks Hardy) could not have

been related by blood to either of the two _gentes_ of that name.

Hardy also states that Decimus is a common _praenomen_ of the plebeian

_gens Iunia_, and suggests that Juvenal may have got his _praenomen_

from them. There is no reason, however, to think that every Iunius

must be related or associated in some way with one of these two

_gentes_.

[95] The statement of the _vitae_, 'ad mediam fere aetatem

declamavit,' may imply no more than that he continued his studies in

private; but it must be observed that the usual meaning of _declamare_

is 'to attend college classes'; and the statement, in whatever way it

is taken, must be looked upon as improbable.

[96] If the number I. is right, and this appears most likely. II. is

the only other possible reading, and it must be noted that the second

Dalmatian cohort was in Britain at the beginning of the second

century, and probably had been there for a considerable time. _Trib._

in the inscription is a conjecture suggested by the _vitae_: _praef._,

which is epigraphically possible, is preferred by some authorities.

[97] E. G. Hardy thinks that A.D. 87 was one of the years when

_duumviri quinquennales_ (appointed every five years) were elected in

Aquinum, and hypothetically assigns Juvenal's holding of the post to

that year.

[98] _C.I.L._ vii. 1195.

[99] Cf. E. G. Hardy, ed. of Juvenal.

[100] Cf. E. G. Hardy, _ibid._

[101] The reference in 4, 126, 'De temone Britanno excidet Arviragus,'

proves nothing. It is the sort of reference that would be made by an

Italian ignorant of Britain, and is, in fact, put into the mouth of

one.

[102] The view that _Sat._ i. 33 _sqq._ refers to M. Aquilius Regulus,

who died probably A.D. 105 (Pliny, _Ep._ i. 5, 14-15), is rejected by

Friedländer _ad loc._

[103] H. Nettleship (_Journal of Philology_, xvi., p. 45) points out

that C. Vipstanus Apronianus and C. Fonteius Capito were consuls A.D.

59, and suggests that this may be the year meant. This would give A.D.

119 as the date of composition.

[104] The scholiast connects with 4, 37-8.

[105] This story is rejected both by Hardy and by Friedländer.

[106] Juvenal had a leaning to Stoicism: cf. _Sat._ 10 _ad fin._, and

his references to fate, _e.g._ 7, 200; 10, 365; 12, 63. He believes in

the gods (13, 247-9), but disbelieves the doctrines of the popular

religion (2, 149 _sqq._).

[107] The inscription records the appointment of Cilo's sons and a

woman Lutulla as trustees of a fund, the interest of which was to be

disbursed to the people of Comum.

[108] _Hermes_, iii. 31 _sqq._

[109] The inscription in Caria, formerly supposed to give P. as

praenomen, is now shown to have been misread.

[110] The inhabitants of Terni (Interamna) erected a statue to Tacitus

as to a fellow-townsman in A.D. 1514.

[111] _Bull. de Corr. Hell._, 1890, p. 621, quoted by Prof. W. M.

Ramsay, _The Church in the Roman Empire_, p. 228.

[112] One of the speakers in the Dialogue, Curiatius Maternus, was the

author of tragedies _Medea_ and _Thyestes_, and of praetextae

_Domitius_ and _Cato_ (_Dial._ 2-3).

[113] Various attempts have been made, especially in a work published

in London, 1878, to prove, of course unsuccessfully, that the _Annals_

were forged in the fifteenth century by the Italian scholar Poggio

Bracciolini.

[114] Fabius Rusticus, a friend of Seneca, quoted also for the shape

of Britain (_Agr._ 10).

[115] Cluvius Rufus, governor of Hispania Tarraconensis B.C. 69 (_H._

i. 8). Mommsen considers that he is one of the historians censured in

_H._ ii. 101.

[116] Roth gives 71, Teuffel 75 at latest.

APPENDIX A

ON SOME OF THE CHIEF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES FOR THE HISTORY OF ROMAN

LITERATURE.

1. JEROME[117] (HIERONYMUS) was born about A.D. 335 at Stridon, on the

frontiers of Dalmatia and Pannonia, and died A.D. 420 at the monastery

of Bethlehem. His contributions to the history of Roman literature are

to be found in his translation of the Chronicle (+chronikoi

kanones+) of Eusebius, in which the dates are reckoned from the first

year of Abraham (= B.C. 2016 according to his chronology), the point

at which Eusebius commenced. On the period between the Trojan War and

A.D. 325 Jerome not merely translated the remarks of Eusebius, as he

had done in the earlier period, but also added numerous extracts from

authorities on Roman history and literature. The source from which he

derived nearly all his information on literature is universally

admitted to have been the work of Suetonius _De Viris Illustribus_.

With the statements in the surviving sections of that treatise the

observations of Jerome agree, and there can be no reasonable doubt

that he made a similar use of the parts no longer extant. It is a

significant fact that the important authors on whom Jerome is silent,

_e.g._ Tacitus, Juvenal, and the younger Pliny, are precisely those

whom Suetonius, as a contemporary, naturally could not discuss.

The statements of Jerome, based as they are on the high authority of

Suetonius, may be regarded as in the main trustworthy. Some of them,

however, are doubtful, and others manifestly wrong.

(_a_) Jerome's plan obliged him to fix every event to a definite year;

and this, in many cases, can only be guess-work, for Suetonius, as may

be seen from his extant writings, was often vague in his chronology.

(_b_) Comparison with the remains of Suetonius shows that Jerome's

claim to have made his extracts with care was not always well

grounded; _e.g._ his statement that Ennius was a native of Tarentum

(see p. 27).

(_c_) In reckoning, according to his system of dates, events dated by

one of the many confusing systems of chronology current in ancient

times, many openings for error presented themselves; _e.g._ he

sometimes erred through confusing consuls of the same or similar

names, as in the case of Lucilius (p. 59); or through confusing

similar events, as in the case of Livius Andronicus, although the

mistake about the latter was of long standing (p. 2). Once at least he

seems to have confused the date of an author's _floruit_ and that of

his death, making Plautus die in B.C. 200 instead of B.C. 184 (p. 8).

2. AULUS GELLIUS[118] was born probably about A.D. 123, and studied

under the most eminent teachers both at Rome and at Athens. Of his

subsequent life nothing is known except that he held some judicial

post at Rome. His work, the _Noctes Atticae_ in twenty Books (of Book

viii. only the headings of chapters are preserved), is a miscellany of

information on philology, philosophy, rhetoric, history, biography,

literary criticism, natural science, and antiquities. The title is due

to the fact that the book was commenced in the winter evenings during

the author's residence at Athens. The arrangement of the contents

simply follows the haphazard order of the notes which Gellius made in

the course of his reading of Greek and Roman authors. Those authors,

and the conversation of contemporaries, are Gellius' professed

sources, but in some cases the author he names is evidently quoted at

second-hand, and many of the conversations are doubtless quite

imaginary. Our obligations to Gellius are twofold.

(_a_) Innumerable extracts from ancient authors are preserved by him

alone. (No quotations are given from post-Augustan writers--a fact

which accords with the affected archaism of his style.)

(_b_) His remarks on incidents in the lives of the Roman poets are in

the main derived from Varro, whose work _De Poetis_ is quoted for the

epitaph of Plautus (see p. 9); elsewhere his source is indicated

either vaguely or not at all, e.g. iii. 3, 15, 'accepimus'; xii. 4, 5,

'ferunt.' For literary criticism Varro is quoted: iii. 3, 9, _sqq._;

vi. 14, 6 (see pp. 10, 51).

3. NONIUS MARCELLUS,[119] a Peripatetic, of Thubursicum in Numidia, is

identified by Mommsen with the Nonius Marcellus Herculius of _C.I.L._

viii. 4878 (date A.D. 323); but nothing is known of his life. His

work, _De Compendiosa Doctrina ad Filium_ in twenty Books (of Book

xvi. the title only is known; Book xx. is fragmentary), though

modelled on that of Gellius, is immeasurably inferior in execution.

According to the theory usually received Nonius borrowed largely from

Gellius; but it is possible that both compilers made independent use

of the same authorities, viz., scholars such as Verrius Flaccus,

Valerius Probus, and Suetonius, whose works they knew either directly

or through abridgments. The subjects with which Nonius deals are

grammar, lexicography, and antiquities; and he is often our sole

authority for the titles of works as well as for brief extracts.

4. AMBROSIUS THEODOSIUS MACROBIUS, doubtless identical with the

Macrobius who held, among other high offices, the proconsulship of

Africa A.D. 410, was probably, like Nonius, of African origin. Besides

his commentary on the _Somnium Scipionis_ of Cicero, Macrobius wrote a

work in seven Books on Roman literature and antiquities with the title

of _Saturnalia_. The imaginary conversations of which it consists are

supposed to take place during the festival of the Saturnalia at Rome

(hence the title); and the chief subject of discussion is the poetry

of Virgil. A remarkable feature of the book is its wealth of quotation

from Greek and Latin authors. Macrobius, like Gellius, bases his work

on extracts from older authorities; but, unlike him, arranges his

matter systematically.

5. AELIUS DONATUS, a grammarian who flourished at Rome about A.D. 350,

and was one of Jerome's teachers, extracted from the lost work of

Suetonius the Lives of Terence and Virgil, and prefixed them to his

own commentaries on Terence and on the _Georgics_ and _Aeneid_. The

latter is lost, and the commentary on Terence contains much that is

not from the hand of Donatus.

6. SERVIUS.--There are two versions of the Servian commentary on

Virgil. The shorter is the work of Maurus Servius Honoratus, who was

born about 350 A.D., and lived at Rome (Macrob. _Saturn._ i. 2, 15);

his topographical references show that he composed his commentary

there. Servius, whose notes are chiefly on the language of the poems,

gives illustrative quotations from Roman authors, in some cases from

memory and inaccurately. Donatus is the authority whom he mentions

oftenest, but he undoubtedly made extensive use of Suetonius.

The longer version contains learned additions to the work of Servius

by an anonymous Christian writer, who deals mainly with the

subject-matter of Virgil.

7. ACRO and PORPHYRIO.--Helenius Acro (probably about 200 A.D.) was

the author of commentaries on Horace and Terence, now lost. The

scholia on Horace extant under Acro's name are, with few exceptions,

taken from the commentary of Pomponius Porphyrio, which we possess in

a mutilated form. Porphyrio, who probably belonged to the 4th cent.

A.D., names among his sources Acro and Suetonius.

For ASCONIUS see p. 77; for VALERIUS PROBUS, p. 147.

Footnotes to Appendix A

[117] See _Quaestiones Suetonianae_ in Reifferscheid's _Suetonius_,

pp. 363 _sqq._

[118] See H. Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_ (1885), p. 248 _sqq._

[119] See Nettleship, _ibid._ p. 277 _sqq._

APPENDIX B

SELECT LIST OF EDITIONS.

NOTE.--All editions mentioned have explanatory notes, except those

marked "text" (which are merely texts), and those marked "crit." (which

have an apparatus criticus).

Editions published in England and Germany have English and German

notes respectively, unless otherwise stated.

F.P.R. = Fragmenta Poetarum Romanorum, ed. E. Bährens.

*Livius Andronicus.*

Plays--

In Scaenicae Romanorum Poesis Fragmenta, ed.

O. Ribbeck (vol. i. _Trag._, ii. _Com._) (crit.), Leip. '71-73

Do. (with Naevius' plays), L. Müller, Berl. '85

Odisia, in E. Bährens' Frag. Poet. Rom. (crit.), Leip. '86

*Naevius.*

Bellum Punicum, J. Vahlen, Leip. '54

" F.P.R.

Plays (see above)

*Plautus.*

J. L. Ussing (Latin commentary), Copenh. '75-87

F. Ritschl, revised by G. Loewe, G. Goetz, and F.

Schöll (crit.), Leip. '94

Amphitruo, A. Palmer, Lond. '90

Asinaria, J. H. Gray, Camb. '94

Aulularia, W. Wagner, Camb. '92

Captivi, J. Brix, Leip. '84

" W. M. Lindsay, Oxf. '95

" E. A. Sonnenschein, Lond. '80

" A. R. S. Hallidie, Lond. '95

Epidicus, J. H. Gray, Camb. '93

Mostellaria, A. O. F. Lorenz, Berl. '83

" E. A. Sonnenschein, Camb. '84

Menaechmi, J. Brix and M. Niemeyer, Leip. '91

" W. Wagner, Camb. '92

Miles, J. Brix, Leip. '82

" A. O. F. Lorenz, Berl. '86

" R. Y. Tyrrell, Lond. '94

Pseudolus, A. O. F. Lorenz, Berl. '76

Rudens, E. A. Sonnenschein, Oxf. '91

Stichus, C. A. M. Fennell, Camb. '93

Trinummus, J. Brix and M. Niemeyer, Leip. '88

" W. Wagner, Camb. '90

" C. E. Freeman and A. Sloman, Oxf. '96

*Ennius.*

F.P.R.

J. Vahlen Leip. '54

Do. (with Naevius'

Bell. Pun.), L. Müller, St. Petersb. '85

*Pacuvius* and *Caecilius Statius.*

Ribbeck, _Trag._ and _Com._

*Terence.*

K. Dziatzko (text), Leip. '84

W. Wagner, Lond. '92

Andria, A. Spengel, Berl. '88

" C. E. Freeman and A. Sloman, Oxf. '93

" and Eunuchus, T. L. Papillon, Lond. '70

Heaut. Tim., E. S. Shuckburgh, Lond. '94

" J. H. Gray, Camb. '95

Phormio, K. Dziatzko, Leip. '85

" A. Sloman, Oxf. '94

" J. Bond and A. S. Walpole, Lond. '95

Adelphoe, K. Dziatzko, Leip. '81

" A. Spengel, Berl. '79

" A. Sloman, Oxf. '92

" S. G. Ashmore, Lond. '93

*Cato the Elder.*

De Agricultura (and

Varro, Res Rusticae), H. Keil (crit.), Leip. '82-91

Other fragments, H. Jordan (crit.), Leip. '60

*Accius.*

Ribbeck, and F.P.R.

*Lucilius.*

L. Müller, Leip. '72

C. Lachmann (crit.), Berl. '76

F.P.R.

*Atta, Afranius, Laberius.*

Ribbeck.

*Matius, Laevius, Bibaculus, Calvus, Cinna, Varro Atacinus.*

F.P.R.

*Auctor ad Herennium.*

C. L. Kayser, Leip. '54

F. Marx (crit.), Leip. '94

*Varro.*

Sat. Menipp., Logistorici,

Sententiae Varronis, A. Riese (crit.), Leip. '65

Sat. Menipp. (text in F. Bücheler's Petronius), Berl. '95

Antiquitates (text in R. Merkel's Ovid, Fasti), Berl. '41

De vita pop. Rom., H. Kettner (crit.), Halle, '63

De gente pop. Rom., H. Peter (Frag. Hist. Rom.), Leip. '83

De Lingua Latina, A. Spengel (crit.), Berl. '85

Res Rusticae, H. Keil (see 'Cato').

Grammatical Works

(except _De L. L._), A. Wilmanns (crit.), Berl. '64

*Cicero.*

1. _Speeches_--

Pro Sex. Rosc. Amer., E. H. Donkin, Lond. '95

Pro Sex. Rosc. Amer., G. Landgraf, Erlangen, '84

Pro Q. Rosc. Com., C. A. Schmidt, Leip. '39

Verrines, C. G. Zumpt, Berl. '31

Div. in Caec. and in

Verr., Act. i., W. E. Heitland and H. Cowie, Camb. '95

Verr., Act. i., J. R. King, Lond. '87

Div. in Caec. and in Verr.

Act ii., 4 and 5, E. Thomas, Paris, '95

Pro Caecina, C. A. Jordan, Leip. '47

De Imp. Cn. Pompei, A. S. Wilkins, Lond. '94

Pro Cluentio, W. and G. G. Ramsay, Oxf. '89

Pro Cluentio, W. Y. Fausset, Lond. '88

De Lege Agraria, A. W. Zumpt, Berl. '61

Pro Rab. perd. reo, W. E. Heitland, Camb. '82

In Catilinam, A. S. Wilkins, Lond. '95

Pro Murena, W. E. Heitland, Camb. '93

Pro Murena, J. H. Freese, Lond. '94

Pro Sulla, J. S. Reid, Camb. '91

Pro Archia, J. S. Reid, Camb. '95

Pro Flacco, A. du Mesnil, Leip. '83

Pro Sestio, H. A. Holden, Lond. '95

In Vatinium, C. Halm, Leip. '46

De Prov. Cons., G. Tischer, Berl. '61

Pro Balbo, J. S. Reid, Camb. '90

Pro Plancio, H. A. Holden, Camb. '93

Pro Milone, J. S. Reid, Camb. '95

Pro Milone, A. C. Clark, Oxf. '95

Pro Marcello, Ligario,

Deiotaro, W. Y. Fausset, Oxf. '93

Philippics, J. R. King. Oxf. '78

II. Phil., J. E. B. Mayor, Lond. '93

II. Phil., A. G. Peskett, Camb. '91

2. _Rhetorical Works_--

De Oratore, A. S. Wilkins, Oxf. '92

De Oratore, G. Sorof, Berl. '82

De Oratore, K. W. Piderit

and O. Harnecker, Leip. '86-90

De Inventione, A. Weidner, Berl. '78

Brutus, K. W. Piderit

and W. Friedrich, Leip. '89

Brutus, O. Jahn and A. Eberhard, Berl. '77

Orator, J. E. Sandys, Camb. '85

Orator, K. W. Piderit, Leip. '76

Orator, (with De Opt.

Gen. Orat.), O. Jahn, Berl. '69

Partit. Orat., K. W. Piderit, Leip. '67

3. _Philosophical Works_--

De Re Publica, F. Osann, Gött. '47

De Legibus, A. du Mesnil, Leip. '79

Paradoxa, G. H. Moser, Gött. '46

De Finibus, J. N. Madvig (Lat. comm.), Copenh. '78

" H. Holstein, Leip. '73

Academica, J. S. Reid, Lond. '85

Tusc. Disp.,. R. Kühner (Lat.), Hanover, '74

" O. Heine, Leip. '92-96

" G. Tischer and G. Sorof, Berl. '84-87

De Nat. Deor., J. B. Mayor, Camb. '83-91

" G. F. Schömann, Berl. '76

De Senectute, J. S. Reid, Camb. '94

" Amicitia, J. S. Reid, Camb. '93

" Officiis, H. A. Holden, Camb. '93

" Divinatione, De

Fato, G. H. Moser, Frankf. '28

4. _Letters_--

Correspondence of C. R. Y. Tyrrell and

L. C. Purser, Dubl. '85-94

Selections, A. Watson, Oxf. '91

" (C. in his

Letters), R. Y. Tyrrell, Lond. '96

Epp. ad Att., J. G. C. Boot (Lat.) Amst. '86

Epp. ad Fam., L. Mendelssohn (crit.), Leip. '93

C. F. W. Müller (crit.), Leip. '96

5. _Poems_--

F.P.R.

_Complete texts_--

J. C. Orelli, J. G. Baiter, and C. Halm,. Zür. '45-61

C. F. A. Nobbe, Leip. '50

C. F. W. Müller, etc., Leip. '90-96

J. G. Baiter and C. L. Kayser, Leip. '60-69

*Caesar.*

B. Dinter (text), Leip. '96

B. Kübler (text), Leip. '93-94

Bell. Gall., J. Bond and A. S. Walpole, Lond. '87

" A. G. Peskett, Camb. '78

Bell. Gall., C. E. Moberly, Oxf. '90

Bell. Gall., F. Kraner and W. Dittenberger, Berl. '90

Bell. Gall., A. Doberenz and B. Dinter, Leip. '92

Bell. Civ., C. E. Moberly, Oxf. '92

Bell. Civ., F. Kraner and F. Hofmann, Berl. '90

Bell. Civ., A. Doberenz and B. Dinter, Leip. '84

Bell. Civ., (Bk. i.), A. G. Peskett, Camb. '90

Bell. Alex., R. Schneider, Berl. '89

Bell. Afr., E. Wölfflin and A. Miodonski, Leip. '89

*Nepos.*

C. Nipperdey and B. Lupus, Berl. '95

J. Siebelis and M. Jancovius, Leip. '96

O. Browning and W. R. Inge, Oxf. '88

E. S. Shuckburgh, Camb. '95

*Lucretius.*

H. A. J. Munro, Camb. '91-93

C. Lachmann, Berl. '82

Books i.-iii., J. H. W. Lee, Lond. '93

Book v., J. D. Duff, Camb. '96

*Sallust.*

Cat. and Iug., W. W. Capes, Oxf. '89

Cat. and Iug., C. Merivale, Lond. '84

Cat. and Iug., (and

frags. of Hist.), R. Jacobs and H. Wirz, Berl. '94

Cat., A. M. Cook, Lond. '88

Hist. (text), H. Jordan, Leip. '87

Historiarum Reliquiae, B. Maurenbrecher, Leip. '91-93

*Publilius Syrus.*

Sententiae, W. Meyer (crit.), Leip. '80

Sententiae, R. A. H. Bickford Smith, Camb. '95

*Catullus.*

A. Palmer (crit.), Lond. '96

R. Ellis (crit.), Oxf. '78

R. Ellis (commentary), Oxf. '89

B. Schmidt (introd. and text), Leip. '87

F. P. Simpson (selections), Lond. '94

(With Tibullus and

Propertius), L. Müller (text), Leip. '92

*Horace.*

E. C. Wickham, Oxf. '90-96

A. Kiessling, Berl. '89-95

J. C. Orelli, W. Hirschfelder, and W. Mewes, Berl. '86-92

Satires, A. Palmer, Lond. '96

Odes and Epodes, T. E. Page, Lond. '95

" J. Gow, Camb. '96

Epistles and A.P., A. S. Wilkins, Lond. '92

*Virgil.*

O. Ribbeck (crit.), Leip. '94-95

" (text only), Leip. '95

T. E. Papillon and A. E. Haigh (text only), Oxf. '92

[The above include the minor poems.]

J. Conington and H. Nettleship, Lond. '83-84

T. E. Papillon and A. E. Haigh, Oxf. '92

A. Sidgwick, Camb. '90-94

B. H. Kennedy, Lond. '79

T. Ladewig, C. Schaper, and P. Deuticke, Berl. '91

K. Kappes, Leip. '93-95

Aeneid (i.-vi.), T. E. Page, Lond. '94

*Tibullus.*

E. Hiller (text), Leip. '85

E. Bährens (text), Leip. '78

L. Dissen, Gött. '35

*Propertius.*

W. A. Hertzberg, Halle, '43-45

F. A. Paley, Lond. '72

A. Palmer (text), Lond. '80

J. P. Postgate (selections), Lond. '94

" (text), Lond. '94

*Ovid.*

A. Riese (introd.), Leip. '71-89

Heroides, A. Palmer, Lond. '74

" E. S. Shuckburgh, Lond. '96

Metam., J. Sibelis and F. Polle, Leip. '92-96

" M. Haupt, O. Korn, and H. J. Müller, Berl. '85

Fasti, G. H. Hallam, Lond. '93

Fasti, R. Merkel, Berl. '41

" H. Peter, Leip. '89

Tristia, S. G. Owen (crit.), Oxf. '89

" (Bks. i., iii.), S. G. Owen, Oxf. '90-93

" and Ibis, R. Merkel, Berl. '37

Ibis, R. Ellis (Lat.), Oxf. '82

*Manilius.*

F. Jacob, Berl. '46

[See also R. Ellis, _Noctes Manilianae_, Oxf. '91.]

*Livy.*

W. Weissenborn and H. J. Müller, Berl. '73-96

M. Hertz (introd. and text), Leip. '57-63

Book i., J. R. Seeley, Oxf. '81

Books iv., vi., ix., xxvii., H. M. Stephenson, Camb. '90-94

Book v., L. Whibley, Camb. '94

Books xxi., xxii., M. S. Dimsdale, Camb. '94-95

" W. W. Capes, Lond. '95

*Trogus.*

A. Bielowski, Lemberg, '53

*Verrius Flaccus.*

(Festus and Paulus), C. O. Müller, Leip. '80

*Vitruvius.*

V. Rose and H. Müller-Strübing (crit.), Leip. '67

*Seneca the Elder.*

H. J. Müller (text), Prague, '87

A. Kiessling (text), Leip. '72

*Velleius.*

C. Halm (crit.), Leip. '76

D. Ruhnken, ed. C. H. Frotscher, Leip. '39

*Valerius Maximus.*

C. Kempf (text), Leip. '88

*Celsus.*

C. Daremberg (text), Leip. '59

*Phaedrus.*

J. Siebelis and F. A. Eckstein, Leip. '89

*Seneca the Younger.*

Prose Works, F. Haase (text), Leip. '93-95

Apocolocyntosis, in F. Bücheler's Petronius (text).

Tragedies, R. Peiper and G. Richter (text), Leip. '67

*Curtius Rufus.*

T. Vogel, Leip. '93

*Columella.*

In _Scriptores Rei Rusticae_,

ed. I. G. Schneider (Lat.), Leip. 1794-7

*Asconius.*

A. Kiessling and R. Schöll, Berl. '75

*Mela.*

C. Frick (text), Leip. '80

*Persius.*

O. Jahn and F. Bücheler (text), Berl. '93

J. Conington, ed. H. Nettleship, Oxf. '93

*Probus.*

H. Keil, Halle, '48

*Lucan.*

C. Hosius (text), Leip. '92

C. E. Haskins (introd. by W. E. Heitland), Lond. '87

Book i., W. E. Heitland and C. E. Haskins, Camb. '95

" Lejay, Paris, '94

Books i.-v., C. M. Francken (Lat.), Leiden, '96

*Petronius.*

F. Bücheler (text), Berl. '95

Cena Trimalchionis, L. Friedländer (text, German

trans., and notes), Leip. '91

*Calpurnius Siculus.*

H. Schenkl (text), Prague, '85

C. H. Keene, Lond. '87

*Aetna.*

H. A. J. Munro, 'Camb. 67

*Pliny the Elder.*

L. van Jan and Mayhoff (text), Leip. '75-92

J. Sillig, Hamburg, '51-58

J. Hardouin, Paris, 1723

D. Detlefsen (crit.), Berl, '66-82

(Selections) Chrestomathia

Pliniana, L. Urlichs, Berl. '57

*Valerius Flaccus.*

J. A. Wagner, Gött. 1805

N. E. Lemaire, Paris, '24

G. Thilo (text), Halle, '63

*Silius Italicus.*

A. Drakenborch (Lat.), Utrecht, 1717

G. A. Ruperti, ed. Lemaire, Paris, '23

L. Bauer (text), Leip. '90

*Statius.*

Silvae, E. Bährens (text), Leip. '76

Achilleis, P. Kohlmann (text), Leip. '79

Thebais, Leip. '84

*Martial.*

L. Friedländer, Leip. '86

(Selections,) H. M. Stephenson, Lond. '95

F. A Paley and W. H. Stone, Lond. '82

*Quintilian.*

G. L. Spalding and C. G. Zumpt, Leip. 1798-1834

F. Meister (text), Prague, '86-87

C. Halm (crit.), Leip. '69