Upon all the heterogeneous but coalescing units of the social mass
the group of magnates imposes its collective will. There are still
disputes and rivalries among the rulers, and may ever be; but these are
for the most part minor differences, to be settled among themselves
and their mutual arbitrators, the judges, and qualify in no way
the facts of a recognized community of interests and of collective
purposes and plans. Whatever the individual rivalries, they result in
no deliberate betrayal of class interest; practically every magnate
maintains, at all hazards, his fidelity to the group. A sense of group
honor may in most instances prompt this fidelity, but a lively sense
of apprehension is also influential. For should any magnate become
possessed of heretical notions, and thereupon make common cause with
the public against a particular interest of his class, he would by that
act banish himself from communion with his fellows, and jeopard his
possessions to the last dime. There is, as every one knows, a definite
seigniorial resolve that no strike of workmen on transportation lines
or in public utilities shall succeed; and when such a strike occurs,
every resource of the magnate class is brought to bear to resist and
defeat it. Often there are attendant circumstances which might tempt a
rival, for his own interests, to interfere on behalf of the workers.
But the thing is never done; and he who should do it would declass
himself as effectually as a mediæval nobleman would have done by
enlisting in a peasants’ rebellion. There is, furthermore, a definite
seigniorial determination to withstand to the utmost the agitation
for public ownership; every magnate, with his intellectual retainers
behind him, makes of himself a modern Stonewall Jackson in resistance
to this movement. Here, again, industrial rivalry might at times prompt
a desertion to the public cause. But there is no such case; here, as
elsewhere, the ruling class maintains its integrity. As is known,
great strikes are sometimes won; and occasionally, in isolated places,
an advance is made in the direction of public ownership. But neither
is accomplished through desertions in the seigniorial group, and the
instances prove only that its rule has not yet become supreme.
I
The new Feudalism will be but an orderly outgrowth of present
tendencies and conditions. All societies evolve naturally out of their
predecessors. In sociology, as in biology, there is no cell without a
parent cell. The society of each generation develops a multitude of
spontaneous and acquired variations, and out of these, by a blending
process of natural and conscious selection, the succeeding society
is evolved. The new order will differ in no important respects from
the present, except in the completer development of its more salient
features. The visitor from another planet who had known the old and
should see the new would note but few changes. _Alter et idem_--another
yet the same--he would say. From magnate to baron, from workman to
villein, from publicist to court agent and retainer, will be changes of
state and function so slight as to elude all but the keenest eyes.
An increased power, a more concentrated control, will be seen. But
these have their limitations, which must not be disregarded. A sense
of the latent strength of democracy will restrain the full exercise
of baronial powers, and a growing sense of ethics will guide baronial
activities somewhat toward the channels of social betterment. For
democracy will endure, in spite of the new order. “Like death,” said
Disraeli, “it gives back nothing.” Something of its substance it
gives back, it must be confessed; but of its outer forms it yields
nothing, and thus it retains the potentiality of exerting its will
in whatever direction it may see fit. And this fact, though now but
feebly recognized, will be better understood as time runs on, and
the barons will bear in mind the limit of popular patience. It is an
elastic limit, of a truth; for the mass of mankind are more ready
to endure known ills than to fly to others that they know not. It
is a limit which, to be heeded, needs only to be carefully studied.
Macaulay’s famous dictum, that the privileged classes, when their
rule is threatened, always bring about their own ruin by making
further exactions, is likely, in this case, to prove untrue. A
wiser forethought begins to prevail among the autocrats of to-day--a
forethought destined to grow and expand and to prove of inestimable
value when bequeathed to their successors. Our nobility will thus
temper their exactions to an endurable limit; and they will distribute
benefits to a degree that makes a tolerant, if not a satisfied, people.
They may even make a working principle of Bentham’s maxim, and after,
of course, appropriating the first and choicest fruits of industry to
themselves, may seek to promote the “greatest happiness of the greatest
number.” For therein will lie their greater security.
The Positivists, in their prediction of social changes, give us the
phrase, “the moralization of capital,” and some of the more hopeful
theologians, not to be outdone, have prophesied “the Christianization
of capital.” So far there is not much to be said confirmatory of either
expectation. Yet it is not to be denied that the faint stirrings of
an ethical sense are observable among the men of millions, and that
the principle of the “trusteeship of great wealth” has won a number
of adherents. The enormous benefactions for social purposes, the
construction of “model workshops” and “model villages,” though in many
cases prompted by self-interest and in others by a love of ostentation,
are at least sometimes due to a new sense of social responsibility. A
duty to society has been apprehended, and these are its first fruits.
It is a duty, true enough, which is but dimly seen and imperfectly
fulfilled. The greater part of these benefactions, as has already
been pointed out, is directed to purposes which have but a slight or
indirect bearing upon the relief of social distress, the restraint of
injustice, or the mitigation of remediable hardships. The giving is
even often economically false, and if carried to an extreme would prove
disastrous to the community; for in many cases it is a transmutation
of wealth from a status of active capital, wherein it makes possible
a greater diffusion of comfort, to a status of comparative sterility.
But, though often mistaken as is the conception and futile the
fulfilment of this duty, the fact that it is apprehended at all is
one of considerable importance, and one that carries the promise of
baronial security in the days to come.
II
Bondage to the land was the basis of villeinage in the old régime;
bondage to the job will be the basis of villeinage in the new. The
new régime, absolving itself from all general responsibility to its
workers, extends a measure of protection, solely as an act of grace,
only to those who are faithful and obedient; and it holds the entire
mass of its employed underlings to the terms of day-by-day service. The
growth of industries has overshadowed the importance of agriculture,
which is ever being pushed back into the West and into other and
remote countries; and the new order finds its larger interests and its
greater measure of control in the workshops rather than on the farms.
The oil wells, the mines, the grain fields, the forests, and the great
thoroughfares of the land are its ultimate sources of revenue; but its
strongholds are in the cities. It is in these centres of activity,
with their warehouses, where the harvests are hoarded; their workshops,
where the metals and woods are fashioned into articles of use; their
great distributing houses; their exchanges; their enormously valuable
franchises to be had for the asking or the seizing, and their pressure
of population, which forces an hourly increase in the exorbitant value
of land, that the new Feudalism finds the field best adapted for its
main operations.
Bondage to the job will be the basis of the new villeinage. The
wage-system will endure, for it is a simpler and more effective
means of determining the baron’s volume of profits than were the
“boon-works,” the “week-works,” and the _corvées_ of old. But with
increasing concentration on the one hand, and the fiercer competition
for employment on the other, the secured job will become the laborer’s
fortress, which he will hardly dare to evacuate. The hope of bettering
his condition by surrendering one place in the expectation of getting
another will be qualified by a restraining prudence. He will no
longer trust his individual strength, but when he protests against
ill conditions, or, in the last resort, strikes, it will be only in
company with a formidable host of his fellows. And even the collective
assertion of his demands will be restrained more and more as he
considers the constantly recurring failures of his efforts. Moreover,
concentration gives opportunity for an almost indefinite extension of
the black-list: a person of offensive activity may be denied work in
every feudal shop and on every feudal farm from one end of the country
to the other. He will be a hardy and reckless industrial villein indeed
who will dare incur the enmity of the Duke of the Oil Trust when he
knows that his actions will be promptly communicated to the banded
autocracy of dukes, earls, and marquises of the steel, coal, iron,
window glass, lumber, and traffic industries.
There were three under-classes in the old Feudalism,--free tenants,
villeins, and cotters. The number of tenants on the farms has
approximately doubled in the last twenty years, while in the great
cities nearly the whole population are tenants. The cotters, with their
little huts and small holdings in isolated places about the margin
of cultivation, are also in process of restoration. The villeins are
an already existent class, more numerous proportionately than ever
before, though the exact status of their villeinage is yet to be fixed.
But modern society is characterized by complexities unknown in any
of its predecessors, and the specialization of functions requires a
greater number of subordinate classes. It is a difficult task properly
to differentiate them. They shade off almost imperceptibly into one
another; and the dynamic processes of modern industry often hurl,
in one mighty convulsion, great bodies of individuals from a higher
to a lower class, blurring or obscuring the lines of demarcation.
Nevertheless, to take a figure from geology, these convulsions become
less and less frequent as the substratum of industrial processes
becomes more fixed and regular; the classes become more stable and show
more distinct differences, and they will tend, under the new régime,
to the formal institution of graded caste. At the bottom are the
wastrels, at the top the barons; and the gradation, when the new régime
shall have become fully developed, whole and perfect in its parts, will
be about as follows:--
I. The barons, graded on the basis of possessions.
II. The court agents and retainers.
III. The workers in pure and applied science, artists and physicians.
IV. The entrepreneurs, the managers of the great industries,
transformed into a salaried class.
V. The foremen and superintendents. This class has heretofore been
recruited largely from the skilled workers, but with the growth of
technical education in schools and colleges, and the development of
fixed caste, it is likely to become entirely differentiated.
VI. The villeins of the cities and towns, more or less regularly
employed, who do skilled work and are partially protected by
organization.
VII. The villeins of the cities and towns who do unskilled work and
are unprotected by organization. They will comprise the laborers,
domestics, and clerks.
VIII. The villeins of the manorial estates, of the great farms, the
mines, and the forests.
IX. The small-unit farmers (land owning), the petty tradesmen, and
manufacturers.
X. The subtenants on the manorial estates and great farms
(corresponding to the class of “free tenants” in the old Feudalism).
XI. The cotters.
XII. The tramps, the occasionally employed, the unemployed--the
wastrels of city and country.
The principle of gradation is the only one that can properly be
applied. It is the relative degree of comfort--material, moral,
and intellectual--which each class directly contributes to the
nobility. The wastrels contribute least, and they are the lowest. The
under-classes who do the hard work lay the basis of all wealth, but
their contribution to the barons is indirect, and comes to its final
goal through intermediate hands. The foremen and superintendents
rightly hold a more elevated rank, and the entrepreneurs, who directly
contribute most of the purely material comfort, will be found well up
toward the top. Farther up in the social scale, partly from æsthetic
and partly from utilitarian considerations, will be the scientists and
artists. The new Feudalism, like most autocracies, will foster not only
the arts, but also certain kinds of learning--particularly the kinds
which are unlikely to disturb the minds of the multitude. A future
Marsh or Cope or Le Conte will be liberally patronized and left free
to discover what he will; and so, too, an Edison or a Marconi. Only
they must not meddle with anything relating to social science. For
obvious reasons, also, physicians will occupy a position of honor and
comparative freedom under the new régime.
But higher yet is the rank of the court agents and retainers. This
class will include the editors of “respectable” and “safe” newspapers,
the pastors of “conservative” and “wealthy” churches, the professors
and teachers in endowed colleges and schools, lawyers generally, and
most judges and politicians. During the transition period there will
be a gradual elimination of the more unserviceable of these persons,
with the result that in the end this class will be largely transformed.
The individual security of place and livelihood of its members will
then depend on the harmony of their utterances and acts with the wishes
of the great nobles. Theirs, in a sense, will be the most important
function in the State--“to justify the ways of God [and the nobility]
to man.” They will be the safeguards of the realm, the assuagers of
popular suspicion and discontent. So long as they rightly fulfil their
functions, their recompense will be generous; but such of them as have
not the tact or fidelity to do or say what is expected of them will be
promptly forced into class XI or XII, or, in extreme cases, banished
from all classes, to become the wretched pariahs of society. At times
two divisions of this class will find life rather a burdensome travail.
They are the judges and the politicians. Holding their places at once
by popular election and by the grace of the barons, they will be fated
to a constant see-saw of conflicting obligations. They must, in some
measure, satisfy the demands of the multitude, and yet, on the other
hand, they must obey the commands from above.
III
Through all the various activities of these classes (except the
wastrels and the cotters) our Benevolent Feudalism will carry on the
Nation’s work. The full measure of profit is its aim; and having the
substance of its desire, it shows a utilitarian scorn of the mummeries
and ceremonials by which the overlordship of other days was formally
acknowledged. The ancient ceremony of “homage,” the swearing of
personal fidelity to the lord, is relaxed into the mere beseeching
of the foreman for work. Directness and efficacy characterize its
methods. The wage-system, with its mechanical simplicity, continuing
in force, there is an absence of the old exactions of special work.
A mere altering of the wage-scale appropriates to the noble whatever
share of the product he feels he may safely demand for himself.
Thus “week-work,” the three or four days’ toil in each week which
the villein had to give unrecompensed to the lord, and “boon-work,”
the several days of extra toil three or four times a year, will
never be revived. Even the company store, the modern form of feudal
exaction, will in time be given up, for at best it is but a clumsy
and offensive makeshift, and defter and less irritating means are at
hand for reaching the same result. There will hardly be a restoration
of “relief,” the payment of a year’s dues on inheriting an allotment
of land, or of “heriot,” the payment of a valuable gift from the
possessions of a deceased relative. Indeed, these tithes may not be
worth the bother of collecting; for the villein’s inheritance will
probably be but moderate, as befits his state and the place which God
and the nobility have ordained for him.
Practically all industry will be regulated in terms of wages, and the
entrepreneurs, who will then have become the chief salaried officers
of the nobles, will calculate to a hair the needful production for
each year. Waste and other losses will thus be reduced to a minimum.
A vast scheme of exact systematization will have taken the place of
the old competitive chaos, and industry will be carried on as by
clock-work. The workshops will be conducted practically as now. Only
they will be very much larger, the individual and total output will be
greater, the unit cost of production will be lessened. Wages and hours
will for a time continue on something like the present level; but,
despite the persistence of the unions, no considerable gains in behalf
of labor are to be expected, except such as are freely given as acts
of baronial grace and benevolence. The owners of all industry worth
owning, the barons will laugh at threats of striking and boycotting.
No competitor will be permitted to make capital out of the labor
disputes of another. There may or may not be competitors. A gigantic
merger of all interests, governed by a council of ten, may supplant the
individual dukedoms and baronies in the different industries, or these
may continue as now, the sovereign units of a federated whole. But in
neither case can labor carry its point against them. Nevertheless,
dissatisfaction must be guarded against as a possible menace to the
régime. Wages and dividends will be nicely balanced with a watchful
regard for the fostering of content; workshops and villages of yet
more approved models than any of the present will be built, and a
thousand Pelzers and Pullmans will arise. Old-age pensions, or at
least the promise of them, will be extended to new groups, and by all
possible means the lesson that protection and security are due only to
faithfulness and obedience will be made plain to the entire villein
class.
Gradually a change will take place in the aspirations and conduct of
the younger generations. Heretofore there has been at least some
degree of freedom of choice in determining one’s occupation, however
much that freedom has been curtailed by actual economic conditions.
But with the settling of industrial processes comes more and more
constraint. The dream of the children of the farms to escape from their
drudgery by migrating to the city, and from the stepping-stone of a
clerkly place at three dollars a week to rise to affluence, will be
given over, and they will follow the footsteps of their fathers. A like
fixity of condition will be observed in the cities, and the sons of
clerks and of mechanics and of day laborers will tend to accept their
environment of birth and training and abide by it. It is a phenomenon
observable in all countries where the economic pressure is severe, and
it is yet more certain to obtain in feudal America.
IV
The outlines of the present State loom but feebly through the intricate
network of the new system. The nobles will have attained to complete
power, and the motive and operation of government will have become
simply the registering and administering of their collective will.
And yet the State will continue very much as now, just as the form
and name of the Roman Republic continued under Augustus. The present
State machinery is admirably adapted for the subtle and extra-legal
exertion of power by an autocracy; and while improvements to that end
might unquestionably be made, the barons will hesitate to take action
which will needlessly arouse popular suspicions. From petty constable
to Supreme Court Justice the officials will understand, or be made
to understand, the golden mean of their duties; and except for an
occasional rascally Jacobin, whom it may for a time be difficult to
suppress, they will be faithful and obey.
The manorial courts, with powers exercised by the local lords,
will not, as a rule, be restored. Probably the “court baron,” for
determining tenantry and wage-questions, will be revived. It may even
come as a natural outgrowth of the present conciliation boards, with
a successor of the Committee of Thirty-six of the National Civic
Federation as a sort of general court baron for the nation. But the
“court leet,” the manorial institution for punishing misdemeanors,
wherein the baron holds his powers by special grant from the central
authority of the State, we shall never know again. It is far simpler
and will be less disturbing to the popular mind to leave in existence
the present courts so long as the baron can dictate the general policy
of justice.
Armed force will, of course, be employed to overawe the discontented
and to quiet unnecessary turbulence. Unlike the armed forces of the old
Feudalism, the nominal control will be that of the State; the soldiery
will be regular, and not irregular. Not again will the barons risk the
general indignation arising from the employment of Pinkertons and other
private armies. The worker has unmistakably shown his preference, when
he is to be subdued, for the militia and the Federal army. It is not an
unreasonable attitude, and it is hardly to be doubted that it will be
respected. The militia of our Benevolent Feudalism will be recruited,
as now, mostly from the clerkly class; and it will be officered largely
by the sons and nephews of the barons. But its actions will be tempered
by a saner policy. Governed by those who have most to fear from popular
exasperation, it will show a finer restraint.
V
Peace will be the main desideratum, and its cultivation will be the
most honored science of the age. A happy blending of generosity and
firmness will characterize all dealings with open discontent; but
the prevention of discontent will be the prior study, to which the
intellect and the energies of the nobles and their legates will be
ever bent. To that end the teachings of the schools and colleges, the
sermons, the editorials, the stump orations, and even the plays at the
theatres will be skilfully moulded; and the questioning heart of the
poor, which perpetually seeks some answer to the painful riddle of the
earth, will meet with a multitude of mollifying responses. These will
be: from the churches, that discontent is the fruit of atheism, and
that religion alone is a solace for earthly woe; from the colleges,
that discontent is ignorant and irrational, since conditions have
certainly bettered in the last one hundred years; from the newspapers,
that discontent is anarchy; and from the stump orators that it is
unpatriotic, since this nation is the greatest and most glorious that
ever the sun shone upon. As of old, these reasons will for the time
suffice; and against the possibility of recurrent questionings new
apologetics will be skilfully formulated, to be put forth as occasion
requires.
Crises will come, as in the life of all nations and societies; but
these will be happily surmounted, and the régime will continue, the
stronger for its trial. A crisis of some moment will follow upon
the large displacements of labor soon to result from the shutting
up of needless factories and the concentration of production in the
larger workshops. Discontent will spread, and it will be fomented,
to some extent, by agitation. But the agitation will be guarded in
expression and action, and it will be relatively barren of result. For
most ills there is somewhere a remedy, if only it can be discovered
and made known. The disease of sedition is one whose every symptom
and indication will be known by rote to our social pathologists of
to-morrow, and the possible dangers of an epidemic will, in all cases,
be provided against. In such a crisis as that following upon the
displacement of labor a host of economists, preachers, and editors will
be ready to show indisputably that the evolution taking place is for
the best interests of all; that it follows a “natural and inevitable
law”; that those who have been thrown out of work have only their own
incompetency to blame; that all who really want work can get it, and
that any interference with the prevailing régime will be sure to bring
on a panic, which will only make matters worse. Hearing this, the
multitude will hesitatingly acquiesce and thereupon subside; and though
occasionally a radical journal or a radical agitator will counsel
revolt, the mass will remain quiescent. Gradually, too, by one method
or another, sometimes by the direct action of the nobility, the greater
part of the displaced workers will find some means of getting bread,
while those who cannot will be eliminated from the struggle and cease
to be a potential factor for trouble. Crises of other kinds and from
other causes will arise, only to be checkmated and overcome. What the
barons will most dread will be the collective assertion of the villeins
at the polls; but this, too, from experience, they will know to be
something which, while dangerous, may yet be thwarted. By the putting
forward of a hundred irrelevant issues they can hopelessly divide
the voters at each election; or, that failing, there is always to be
trusted as a last resort the cry of impending panic.
VI
Gradually the various processes in the social life merge, like the
confluents of some mighty Amazon, into a definite and confined stream
of tendency. A more perfect, a better coördinated unity develops in
the baronial class, and the measure of its control is heightened and
extended to a golden mean which insures supremacy with peace. The
under-classes settle in their appointed grooves, and the professional
intermediaries definitely and openly assume their dual function of
advisers to the barons and of interpreters to the people of the
baronial will and ways. Laws, customs, the arts,--all the institutions
and social forces,--change with the industrial transformation, and
attain a finer harmony with the actual facts of life. All except
literature, be it said, for this has outdistanced its fellows in the
great current and already reflects the conditions, the moods, and
ideals of the society of to-morrow. Here, at least, the force of nature
can no farther go, and no change is to be anticipated for the present.
But the other institutions and social forces are gradually transformed,
and when the full coalescence of all the factors is attained, our
Benevolent Feudalism, without a shock, without so much variance as will
enable any man to say, “It is here,” passes to its ascendency, and the
millennium of peace and order begins.
Peace and stability it will maintain at all hazards; and the mass,
remembering the chaos, the turmoil, the insecurity of the past,
will bless its reign. Peace and stability will be its arguments of
defence against all criticism, domestic or foreign. An observant
visitor from some foreign State may pick a defect here and there;
but the eloquent defender of the régime will answer: Look upon the
tranquillity that everywhere prevails, and reflect upon the inquietude
and anarchy of the past. The disturbances of labor have ceased, and
sedition, though occasionally encountered, is easily thwarted and put
down. The crudities and barbarities of other days have given way to
ordered regularities. Efficiency--the faculty of getting things--is
at last rewarded as it should be, for the efficient have inherited
the earth and its fulness. The lowly, “whose happiness is greater
and whose welfare is more thoroughly conserved when governed than
when governing,” as a twentieth-century philosopher said of them,
are settled and happy in the state which reason and experience teach
is their God-appointed lot. They are comfortable, too; and if the
patriarchal ideal of a vine and fig tree for each is not yet attained,
at least each has his rented patch in the country or his rented cell
in a city building. Bread and the circus are freely given to the
deserving, and as for the undeserving, they are merely reaping the
rightful rewards of their contumacy and pride. Order reigns, each has
his justly appointed share, and the State rests in security, “lapt in
universal law.”
INDEX
A
Abbott, Rev. Dr. Lyman, quoted, 150.
Absolutism, of heads of combinations, 24;
“enlightened,” 60.
Abstinence, seigniorial, 44.
Accidents, to railroad workers, 65, 100-101;
to workmen generally, 94;
laws regarding, 93-96.
Adams, Professor Henry C., 49;
quoted, 50.
Addams, Jane, 79.
Agriculture, 9, 19, 21, 47-57, 184.
Alger, George W., quoted, 89, 110.
Anacharsis the Scythian, quoted, 38.
Anarchist-Communism, 4.
“Anticipations,” 1, 3.
Arbitration, legislation in behalf of, 97-98, 151.
Aristotle, quoted, 136.
Arnold, Matthew, quoted, 152.
Ashby-Macfadyen, Irene, 79;
quoted, 81.
Automobiles, 37, 38, 39.
B
Bacon, Francis, quoted, 117.
Baer, George F., quoted, 27, 81.
Baldwin, Judge Simeon A., 127;
quoted, 128.
Barons, _see_ Magnates.
Benefactions, of the magnates, 9-10, 39, 45-46, 59-66, 80, 149, 151.
Benevolence, of the magnates, 9, 39, 40, 45, 46, 60, 64, 160-161,
183, 191, 196.
Blacklisting, 89, 185-186.
Blue, Leonard A., quoted, 84-85.
Brewer, Justice David J., quoted, 120, 131-132.
Bryan, Hon. W. J., 5.
“Business,” main cult of magnates, 28;
cultural effect of, 28;
honesty of, 30;
sacred privileges of, 92, 98.
C
Capital, independent, persistence of, 19, 20;
transformation of, 20.
Carnegie, Andrew, quoted, 28, 29, 32.
Census, bulletin on industrial combinations, 11;
on agriculture, 51;
on wages, 68-79;
on printing and publishing, 141-143.
Chapman, John Jay, 84.
Child labor, 76-82;
abuses of, 79-81.
Clark, Professor John B., 3, 6;
quoted, 136.
Coke, Sir Edward, quoted, 112.
Colorado Fuel and Iron Co., 60-61.
Combinations, industrial, 11, 12;
recent growth of, 13, 14;
commercial, mining, and transportation, 14;
unification of, 15;
absolutism of heads of, 24.
Commissions, state, 84-85.
Competition, decline of, 5.
Conspicuous consumption, 40-41.
Contract-labor law, violations of, 35.
Court agents, 186, 187-188.
Courts, 86, 93, 96, 97, 99, 102-121.
“Courts baron,” 98, 193.
D
Davies, Professor Henry, quoted, 7.
Democracy, persistence of, 182-183.
Discontent, 66, 125-129, 191, 194.
Disraeli, Benjamin, quoted, 182.
Dodd, S. C. T., quoted, 29, 34.
Draper, William R., 49, 55.
Drink consumption, 170-171.
E
Edwards, Professor George Clinton, quoted, 79.
Emery, Judge Lucilius A., quoted, 108.
Employers’ duties (legal), 90-91, 104.
Employers’ liability, 26, 83, 87, 99-100, 103-112.
Endowments, _see_ Benefactions.
Engels, Friedrich, 2.
Entrepreneurs, 187, 190.
F
Farmers, _see_ Agriculture.
Fellow-servants, 108-109.
Fessenden, Stephen D., quoted, 90, 91, 96, 108-109.
Feudalism, 9, 10, 26, 66, 74, 88, 98, 181-199.
Fisher, Brooke, 141.
Flint, Charles R., 29;
quoted, 30.
Fowler, Thomas P., 31.
Frick, H. C., 33.
G
Gambling, increase of, 170, 171-172.
George, Henry, 5.
Godkin, E. L., quoted, 126-127, 130.
Gould, George, 33.
H
Hadley, Dr. Arthur Twining, quoted, 129, 131.
Hall, Dr. Stanley, 7.
Hanna, Hon. Marcus A., 29.
Harriman, E. H., quoted, 35.
Hewitt, Hon. Abram S., quoted, 32, 169.
Hill, James J., 28.
Hillis, Rev. Dr. Newell Dwight, 151.
Honesty, in “business,” 30, 158.
Huntington, Rev. Dr. W. R., 151.
I
Immigration, of farmers into Canada, 49-50.
Income Tax, 162.
Industrial Commission, 95.
Industries, petty, numerical growth of, 18;
limitation of, 22;
subordination of, 23.
Injunctions, against automobilists, 38;
against workmen, 103, 118-121.
Interstate Commerce Commission, quoted, 34, 87, 101.
Ireland, Archbishop John, quoted, 139.
J
Jackson, Judge John J., 31;
quoted, 118, 120.
Jones, Hon. Samuel M., 164.
Judiciary, 25, 83, 92, 99, 102-121.
K
Keller, Judge B. F., quoted, 118.
Kelly, Edmond, 2.
Kershaw, John B. C., quoted, 161.
Kidd, Benjamin, 2, 3.
Kropotkin, Peter, 2, 4, 5.
L
Labor, seigniorial praise of, 30;
in factories, 66-82;
of children, 76-82;
attitude of lawmakers toward, 85-89;
attitude of judges toward, 103 _et seq._;
under new feudalism, 184-186, 190, 191-192.
Lacey, B. R., 80.
Lawmakers, 25, 83-101.
Legislation, “labor” and social, 85-89, 112, 130-133.
Literature, present state of, 175-179.
Lloyd, Henry D., 2, 3;
quoted, 28.
Low, Seth, 36;
quoted, 37.
M
MacArthur, Rev. Dr. R. S., quoted, 152.
McLennan, Judge Peter B., 105.
Magnates, 8, 9, 16, 23, 24, 26;
self-consciousness of the, 27;
cult of “business” of the, 28;
invasion of literature by the, 28-29;
praise of labor by the, 30;
attitude toward trade-unions of, 30;
attitude toward government of the, 32-39;
benefactions of the, 9-10, 39, 45-46, 59-66, 80, 149, 151;
ostentation of the, 39-44, 183;
“liberality” to employees of the, 59-66;
control of legislation by the, 83-89, 99-101;
influence upon judiciary of the, 121, 133, 135;
praise of the, 137;
influence upon the press of the, 143-148;
influence upon the pulpit of the, 148-153;
general influence upon society of the, 154-170;
influence upon literature of the, 175-179;
class consciousness of the, 180-181;
increased power of the, 182-183, 185, 187, 191, 192-193, 196-198.
Magruder, Justice B. D., quoted, 114-115.
Mallock, W. H., quoted, 134.
Manufactures, census of, 68-79.
Marx, Karl, 2;
quoted, 102.
Matson, Clarence H., 49.
Militia, under new feudalism, 193.
Mitchell, John, 31.
Model workshops and villages, 60-61.
Morganization of industry, 25, 175.
Mosso, Professor Angelo, quoted, 123.
Munseyization of literature, 175.
N
Neo-Jeffersonians, 5, 6.
Newspapers, 25, 139-148, 188.
O
O’Brien, Judge Denis, 116.
Old-age pensions, 61-66, 191.
Ostentation, of the magnates, 39-44, 183.
P
Pastors, of churches, 148-153, 188.
Patton, Professor Francis L., quoted, 15.
Peck, Professor Harry Thurston, quoted, 128-129, 134-135, 137.
Pensions, old-age, 61-66, 191.
Potter, Bishop Henry C., quoted, 16, 151.
Production, small-shop, 17.
R
Railroads, combinations of, 14;
resistance to law and justice by, 34, 111-112;
commissions for control of, 35;
accidents upon, 65, 100-101.
Relief organizations, 61, 62, 93.
Retailers, small, decline of, 22-23.
Richmond, Benjamin A., “The New Feudalism,” 58.
Rockefeller, John D., Jr., quoted, 29.
Roosevelt, Theodore, quoted, 127.
Ross, Edward A., 154;
quoted, 156, 159.
Russell, George W. E., quoted, 41.
Russell, Hon. W. E., quoted, 85.
S
Sage, Russell, quoted, 29, 163, 165.
Sanborn, Judge Walter H., 104.
Savage, Rev. Dr. Minot J., 151.
Schooling, J. Holt, 170.
Seigniorial mind, renascence of, 27;
instances of, 28, 29, 30, 32, 37, 39, 45, 180-181.
Shareholders, increase of, 17, 18, 160-163;
subordination of, 23, 24, 163.
Shearman (Thomas G.) and Redfield (Amasa A.), quoted, 111.
Single-Taxers, 5, 6, 7.
Socialism, 5, 6, 7.
Socialists, 2, 164, 167.
Social Reform Club, pamphlet of, quoted, 118-120.
Spencer, Herbert, 88.
Steel combination, magnitude of, 13, 16, 31, 66.
Stimson, F. J., 86, 112;
quoted, 132.
“Success,” 156-160.
Suicide, increase of, 173-174.
Sullivan, J. W., 79.
Sumner, Professor William G., quoted, 122-123, 133, 135-136, 174.
Swayne, Judge Charles, 117.
T
Talbot, Bishop Ethelbert, quoted, 151.
Tenantry, 9, 19;
increase of, 21, 50-55, 186.
Thayer, Judge Amos M., 104.
Tolstoi, Lyof N., 2, 3.
Trusts, _see_ Combinations.
V
Value of dollar, comparative, 73-74.
Vandervelde, Emile, quoted, 22.
Veblen, Thorstein, quoted, 40, 43.
Villeinage, the new, 59, 184-185, 187.
W
Wadlin, Horace G., quoted, 87-88.
Wage-earners, 58, 66-82;
number in manufactures, 71;
child, 76-82;
women, 74-76.
Wage-scale, adjustment of, 66;
comparisons of, 66-79.
Wage-system, continuance of, 185, 190.
Wallace, Judge William J., quoted, 106.
Warman, Cy, 49.
Webb, Sidney, 3.
Wells, H. G., 1, 3.
Whittelsey, Dr. Sarah S., 95.
Willoughby, William F., 94.
Wright, Colonel Carroll D., 66-67.
Wyckoff, Professor Walter A., 133;
quoted, 168.
* * * * *
Transcriber’s note:
Footnotes have been relabeled consecutively through the document, and
the one footnote not associated with a table has been moved to the end
of its chapter.
Punctuation has been made consistent.
Variations in spelling and hyphenation were retained as they appear in
the original publication, except that obvious typographical errors were
corrected.