APPENDIX.

In introducing to the reader’s notice the Canes Venatici of the

following monograph—wherein the embellishment of fable is often

admitted as the language of truth, and amusement is paramount to

instruction—it must not be expected that I should carry back the

history of the chase to the early period of the world’s annals, when

[Sidenote: Cowper’s Task. B. +vi.+]

harmony, and family accord,

Were driven from Paradise;

and man’s subject creatures revolted from their revolted lord—

[Sidenote: Phil. de Animal. Propriet. vs. 8.]

καὶ θῆρες αἰδοῦς ἀγνοήσαντες νόμους,

ὡς δυσμενῆ φεύγουσι τὸν πρὶν δεσπότην—

[Sidenote: Agrippa de Incert. et Van. Sc. et Art. c. +lxxii.+]

[Sidenote: De Invent. Rerum. L. +iii.+ c. +v.+]

[Sidenote: Euseb. de Præp. Evang. L. +i.+]

the probable date of its institution—(“cum peccato enim animalium noxa

simul et persecutio et fuga subintravit, et artes venationum excogitatæ

sunt,”)—nor to the later epoch of its Phenician origin, maintained by

Polydore Vergil on the authority of Eusebius; nor its more fabulous

Theban birth and distribution, the thrice-told tale of John of

Salisbury:[293] but rather consider hunting as an art of acquisition

and self-defence of remote and undefined antiquity.

On Venation, as a pastime, too much has already been said in the

preface to Arrian: and I will at present confine my remarks to a few

classical anecdotes of its primitive furniture, its founders, and

progressional improvement; premising, by the way, that when men were

unacquainted with the blessings of civilization, and had no idea of

pleasure beyond the gratification of their appetites—when, in short,

they were in a state of nature—hunting was not the by-work of leisure

hours, but the call of continual urgency—not the jocund diversion of a

day, but the toilsome and perilous occupation of a life. In such early

times, the nonage of a fallen world, commenced the war of men with

beasts:

[Sidenote: P. A. Bargæi de Aucupio L. +i.+ p. 13.]

Cœpêre in pecudes avidi sævire ferasque,

Et nil tale priùs meritas captare volantes.

The personal safety of himself and those dependent on his protection,

and the daily cravings of hunger, dictated to man the necessity of

animal slaughter; so that, in seeking his quotidian meal, he originated

the art of hunting:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 7.]

ἐπιδόρπιον εὕρατο θήρην.

[Sidenote: Tickell’s Miscellanies.]

Rude arts at first, but witty want refined

The huntsman’s wiles, and famine form’d the mind.

The first hostile efforts of the barbarian lords of creation against

their biped and quadruped subjects, “joint-tenants of the shade”

with themselves, were confined, we may suppose, to manifestations of

physical strength and brute courage; by which, under the powerful

incentives of self-interest, they procured the vital necessaries of

food and clothing:

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneget. vs. 2.]

priùs omnis in armis[294]

Spes fuit, et nudâ silvas virtute movebant

Inconsulti homines.

[Sidenote: Ovid. Metam. L. +iv.+ 699.]

[Sidenote: Xen. de Venat. c. +i.+]

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 5.]

And here at the head of rude pedestrian sportsmen we find the human

inventor of the science of the chase, that legendary personage, the

Gorgon-killing Perseus[295]—“Gorgonis anguicomæ Perseus superator”—(for

I would not deprive Latona’s hunting-twins, Apollo and Diana, nor the

worshipful race of Centaurs, φῦλα θηρομιγῆ,[296] of their priority of

claim, and patent of precedency, in the apotheosis of the chase,) who,

when he had performed this redoubted act of courage, as we are told by

the poet of Anazarbus:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 10.]

ποδῶν κραιπνοῖσιν ἀειρόμενος πτερύγεσσι

καὶ πτῶκας, καὶ θῶας ἐλάζυτο, καὶ γένος αἰγῶν

ἀγροτέρων, δόρκους τε θοοὺς, ὀρύγων τε γένεθλα,

ἠδ’ αὐτῶν ἐλάφων στικτῶν αἰπεινὰ κάρηνα.

[Sidenote: Bedingfield’s Education of Achilles.]

[Sidenote: Callimach. H. in Dian. 105.]

As men in general, however, did not possess the speed of Perseus and

Achilles,[297] “To sweep with winged feet along the level plain;”

nor the power of catching at force, νόσφι κυνοδρομίης, the fleetest

animals of chase, like the goddess Dian; it became necessary to add to

their naked powers sundry inartificial implements, auxiliary to the

subjugation of some, the destruction and expulsion of other beasts.

[Sidenote: Lucretii L. +v.+ 964.]

Et manuum mirâ freti virtute pedumque

Consectabantur sylvestria sæcla ferarum

Missilibus saxis, et magno pondere clavæ:

Multaque vincebant, vitabant pauca latebris.

[Sidenote: Somerville’s Chace. B. +i.+]

New and unpolish’d was the huntsman’s art;

No stated rule, his wanton will his guide.

With clubs and stones, rude implements of war,

He arm’d his savage bands, a multitude

Untrain’d; of twining osiers form’d, they pitch

Their artless toils, then range the desert hills,

And scow’r the plains below: the trembling herd

Start at th’ unusual sound, and clam’rous shout

Unheard before; surpriz’d, alas! to find

Man now their foe, whom erst they deem’d their lord,

But mild and gentle, and by whom as yet

Secure they graz’d.

Acquiring knowledge by experience, man advanced in the mechanism

and variety of his hunting gear, as in other articles of increasing

civilization.

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 5.]

Post aliâ propiore viâ, meliùsque profecti,

Te sociam, ratio, rebus sumpsêre gerendis.

Hinc omne auxilium vitæ, rectusque reluxit

Ordo: et continuas didicêre ex artibus artes

Proserere; hinc demens cecidit violentia retro.

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +iv.+ 100.]

Finding, on patient trial, the χάος εὐρὺ περιστεφὲς of Oppian, with its

rude accompaniment of fire, &c. insufficient for capturing the more

wary creatures—

[Sidenote: Lucretii L. +v.+ 1249.]

Nam foveâ atque igni prius est venarier ortum

Quàm sepire plagis saltum, canibusque ciere;

he had recourse to the various kinds of weapons, snares, and wily

inventions of slaughter described by Xenophon, Gratius, Oppian, and

Nemesian; and often alluded to by other writers, both sacred and

profane:

[Sidenote: Virgil. Georg. L. +i.+ 139.]

Tum laqueis captare feras, et fallere visco

Inventum.

[Sidenote: Ejusdem 140.]

But “short of due perfection” were all the hunter’s wiles, till the

dog was tutored to assist in the sylvan pursuit and massacre, and to

contribute the acuteness of his senses, his speed and courage, to the

service of mankind; who consummated their superiority over the animals

of the forest, when they had directed to their chase the adapted powers

of this faithful ally, and begun, in the words of the cited poet of the

Georgics—“magnos canibus circumdare saltus,”—redeeming thereby their

esculent crops and innocuous herds from the ferocious and depredatory

aggression of quadruped felons.[298]

[Sidenote: Sophoclis Antigone, 350.]

Κουφονέων τε φῦλον ὀρ-

νίθων ἀμφιβαλὼν ἄγει,

θηρίων τ’ ἀγρίων ἔθνη

πόντου τ’ εἰναλίαν φύσιν

σπείραισι δικτυοκλώστοις

περιφραδὴς ἀνήρ·

κρατεῖ δὲ μηχαναῖς ἀγραύλου

θηρὸς ὀρεσσιβάτα.[299]

The “venandi mille viæ” of the Carthaginian poet have been superseded

in the British islands by the superior attraction of the gun:

[Sidenote: Adriani Cardinalis Venatio.]

machinæ,

Mirandæ, horrificæ, minacis, atræ,

Qualem nec Steropes, nec ipse fertur

Pater Lemnius inferis cavernis

Informâsse Jovi, nec ulla in orbe

Per tot secula cogitavit ætas;

[Sidenote: Certaine Illustrations, &c. p. 25.]

and of various eminent breeds of fleet and sagacious dogs, adapted to

the chase at force. But as these methods were heretofore employed by

our less civilized ancestry,[300] are still in vogue in unreclaimed

countries, and many of them yet practised on the continent of

Europe—whatever be their “incongruity to our present factions,” as Wase

expresses himself—a brief description of the “supellex venandi” will

not be unacceptable to the modern reader, by way of introduction to

the subject of classic hunting with the ancient varieties of the canine

race.

With seeming accuracy Gratius has described the whole of the antique

poaching gear;[301] but it must be confessed that neither Xenophon’s,

nor the Faliscian’s, nor the hunting technicalities of the other

Cynegetical writers, can be fully explained to modern comprehension.

The deities and demi-deities of sylvan life are objects of invocation

in the exordium of Gratius:

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 21.]

His ego præsidibus nostram defendere sortem

Contra mille feras, et non sine carmine, nisus

Carmine, et arma dabo venandi, et persequar artem

Armorum, cassesque, plagarumque ordiar astus.

and then, under their tutelary aid, the poet begins to handle the “arma

venandi;” which, as recorded in the Cynegetica generally, consisted

of the _linea_ or _formido_, nets of various mesh and size and shape,

nooses, springes, and other traps—missile weapons, as darts, arrows,

&c.; and those for standing-defence, as the halberd-like boar-spear,

&c.: many of these, however, were not of very remote antiquity.[302]

[Sidenote: De Irâ L. +ii.+ c. +xii.+]

The feathered line or _pinnatum_ was called, from its effect, _metus_,

_formido_, and δείματα θηρῶν, (Oppian. Cyneg. +iv.+ 389.) “Cum maximos

ferarum greges,” says Seneca, “linea pennis distincta contineat, et in

insidias agat; ab ipso effectu dicta _formido_.”

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 75.]

Sunt quibus immundo decerptæ vulture plumæ

Instrumentum operis fuit, et non parva facultas.

Tantum inter nivei jungantur vellera cygni:

Et satis armorum est. Hæc clarâ luce coruscaut,

Terribiles species: ab vulture dirus avaro

Turbat odor silvas, meliusque alterna valet res.

[Sidenote: Wase’s Illustrations, &c. p. 7.]

The line of feathers of various hue, impregnated with artificial odour,

“was drawn about the woods (——ὀλίγον γαίης ἐφύπερθεν, Oppian. Cyneg.

+iv.+ 386.) in the intermitted spaces where the toyles were pitched,

that so the deer (than which no creature is more timorous) might balk

them, and be cast upon the net.” The _linea_ thus flanked the δίκτυ or

long net, where not extensive enough to enclose the covert; and filled

the intervals, between the purse-nets and nooses, when the latter were

set independent of the _retia_.

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 85.]

Hic magis in cervos valuit metus.[303] Ast ubi lentæ

Interdum Libyco fucantur sandice pinnæ,

Lineaque extructis lucent anconibus arma:

Rarum si qua metus eludat bellua falsos.

The Cilician poet has left a graphic description of the _formido_,

as employed in the Armenian bear-hunt—a picture so vividly sketched,

Cyneg. +iv.+ 380, that I regret its length prevents transcription.

A part of it will be found hereafter under the Eastern “Canis

_Inductor_”—the Armenian limehound. The fourth Halieutic, in an

apposite and beautiful simile, describes the startling effect of the

feathered line on timid animals of chase:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Hal. L. +iv.+ 586.]

ὧδε καὶ ἐν ξυλόχοισιν ὀρέστεροι ἀγρευτῆρες

εἷλον ἀναλκείην ἐλάφων εὐαγρέϊ τέχνῃ,

μηρίνθῳ στέψαντες ἅπαν δρίος· ἀμφὶ δὲ κούφων

ὀρνίθων δήσαντο θοὰ πτερά· ταὶ δ’ ἐσορῶσαι

ἠλέματα πτώσσουσι κενὸν φόβον, οὐδὲ πελάσσαι

μαψιδίαις πτερύγεσσιν ἀτυζόμεναι μεμάασιν

εἰσόκε θηρητῆρες ἐπαΐξαντες ἕλωσι.

Many notices of this instrument will occur to the classical reader in

the works of the Latin poets, but in none more copiously delineated

than in the Cynegeticon of Nemesian; who enumerates the many sources

whence the feathers of dissimilar tint are to be culled for decorating

the “plumed line:”

[Sidenote: Nemesian. Cyneg. vs. 312.]

Dat tibi pinnarum terrentia millia vultur;

Dat Libye magnarum avium fœcunda creatrix,

Dantque grues, cygnique senes, et candidus anser;

Dant quæ fluminibus crassisque paludibus errant,

Pellitosque pedes stagnanti gurgite tingunt:

Hinc magè Puniceas nativo munere sumes:

Namque illic sine fine greges florentibus alis

Invenies avium, suavique rubescere luto,

Et sparsos passim tergo vernare colores.

If the reader be interested in the minutiæ of Grecian and Roman

net-making, and the methods of fixing the ἄρκυες, δίκτυα, and ἐνόδια,

the _casses_, _retia_, and _plagæ_, he is referred for the former to

the Cynegeticus of the elder Xenophon, and that most extraordinary work

of human research, the Onomasticon of Julius Pollux—for the latter, to

the Venatio Novantiqua of Janus Vlitius, a scholar of deep erudition,

and an experienced sportsman:—a summary view being all that can be

rendered by the present writer, professedly epitomising the labours of

more experienced workmen.

The ἄρκυες or _casses_ were conical, purse or tunnel-like nets, ending

in a point at one end, and having a running noose of entrance at the

other, resembling somewhat a hooped calash, or cowl.

[Sidenote: Nemesian. Cyneg. vs. 300.]

The δίκτυα or _retia_ were long sean-like nets for open fields, and for

encircling brakes and coverts;——“longoque meantia retia tractu.”

The ἐνόδια or _plagæ_ were nets of much less length, to be placed

across roads, game-tracks, paths, and narrow openings between bushes.

The ἄρκυες appear to have been sometimes placed independent of the

δίκτυα, but more commonly in the course of the main nets; so that

when the animals passed along the _linear_ and _reticular_ barrier,

exploring a place of egress, terrified by the _formido_, (which flanked

the hayes, and occasionally was drawn along above the net-rope to scare

the game from overleaping,) and the meshes of the δίκτυα, (continuous

except where the purse-nets were introduced with their slip-knot

entrance), on attempting to pass out at the apparent opening of the

ἄρκυς, they became by their struggles entangled therein[305]—the purse

either spontaneously, or by the agency of the men placed there to draw

the necessary ropes, immediately closing at the mouth.

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +iv.+ 409.]

ἐπεὶ κελάδοντος ἀήτεω

ταινίαι τ’ ἐφύπερθε διηέριαι κραδάουσι,

κινύμεναι πτέρυγές τε λιγήϊα συρίζουσιν.

οὕνεκα παπταίνουσα κατ’ ἄρκυας ἀντίον ἕρπει·

ἐν δ’ ἔπεσεν λινέοισι λόχοις.

The whole management of the nets and lines was vested in the watch

αἰζηῶν πυλαωρῶν referred to, who were concealed under copse-wood, for

the purpose, more particularly, of attending to the ἐπίδρομος and

περίδρομος, the ropes (smooth and knotless) which governed the ἄρκυες,

and passed through iron rings, along the course of the δίκτυα, up to

the watchmen’s hiding-place:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +iv.+ 382.]

ἐν δὲ δύω κλῖναν δοιαῖς ἑκάτερθε κεραιαῖς

ἀνέρας ἀκρολίνους ὑπὸ μειλινέοισι πάγοισιν.

The length of the δίκτυα or _retia_, properly so called, would

astonish a modern disciple of Diana. So great was the extent of ground

sometimes enclosed by these toils, that Plutarch mentions, in his life

of Alexander, hunting-nets above twelve miles long. With such it was

customary to encircle vast tracts of country, and then, by gradually

contracting their ambit, to force the animals of the district into a

narrower compass;—when at the will of the _magister venationis_, the

work of slaughter commenced.[306] This mode of hunting is very clearly

described, with its usual auxiliaries of noise and flame, in a simile

of the Achilleid:

[Sidenote: Statii Achil. L. +i.+ 459.]

sic curva feras indago latentes

Claudit, et admotis paulatim cassibus arctat.

Illæ ignem sonitumque pavent, diffusaque linquunt

Avia, miranturque suum decrescere montem,

Donec in angustam ceciderunt undique vallem,

Inque vicem stupuêre greges, socioque timore

Mansuescunt. Simul hirtus aper, simul ursa, lupusque

Cogitur, et captos contemnit cerva leones.

The Faliscian poet, in the early part of his Cynegeticon, specifies

the best materials for the composition of nets, with particular

instructions for their size and shape:

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 25.]

Prima jubent tenui nascentem jungere filo

Limbum, et quadruplici tormento adstringere limbos.

Illa operum patiens, illa usûs linea longi.

Tunc ipsum medio cassem qui nascitur ore,

Per senos circum usque sinus laqueabis, ut omnem

Concipiat tergo, si quisquam est plurimus, hostem.

Et bis vicenos, spatium prætendere passus

Rete velim, plenisque decem consurgere nodis.

On the same subject the Carthaginian summarily touches, distinctly

recognizing the three varieties of which we have been just speaking:

[Sidenote: Nemesian. Cyneg. vs. 299.]

Necnon et casses iidem venatibus aptos,

Atque plagas, longoque meantia retia tractu

Addiscant raris semper contexere nodis,

Et servare modum maculis linoque tenaci.

And an earlier poet, in his praise of the brumal pleasures of the

countryman’s life, sunders _plagæ_ and _retia_, applying them to such

totally different purposes, that it is probable they sometimes differed

as much in the structure of the mesh, its size, &c. as in the magnitude

of the whole instrument:

[Sidenote: Hor. Epod. L. +ii.+ 29.]

At cum tonantis annus hybernus Jovis

Imbres nivesque comparat:

Aut trudit acres hinc et hinc multâ cane

Apros in obstantes plagas;

Aut amite levi rara tendit retia

Turdis edacibus dolos,

Pavidumve leporem, et advenam laqueo gruem,

Jucunda captat præmia.

Whatever honour be attached to these reticular inventions, and that of

the running-noose, the βρόχος or _laqueus_, is due to Hippolytus:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 24.]

ἄρκυας αὖτε βρόχους τε, καὶ ἀγκύλα δίκτυα πρῶτος

Ἱππόλυτος μερόπεσσιν ἐπακτήρεσσιν ἔφηνε.

The βρόχος generally formed a rhomb-shaped entrance to the ἄρκυς, as

probably did the _laqueus_ to the _cassis_:—but as the tunnel was

occasionally used separate from the sean-like toil (δίκτυ—_rete_) and

from the road-net (ἐνόδιον—_plagæ_), so may these slip-knot nooses have

been also set independent of the purses, their usual additaments, in

narrow passes, or straits frequented by game:

[Sidenote: P. A. Bargæi Cyneg. L. +i.+]

Namque hos aut foveis, aut cæci in limine callis

Occultant, &c.

The noose-ropes,[307] being of much ruder manufacture, and more simple

structure, than any variety of net with meshes, must have been of

earlier institution.

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 89.]

Nam fuit et laqueis aliquis curracibus usus.

Cervino jussêre magis contexere nervo;

Fraus teget insidias, habitu mentita ferino.

[Sidenote: Hor. L. +iii.+ Od. +iv.+ vs. 70.]

These _laquei curraces_,[308] seemingly from this passage made

of other materials than hemp before the days of Gratius, are

yet in use, under the form of springes and wires, with deer and

hare-poachers; who, I find in Oppian, are indebted to the giant-hunter

Orion—“integræ—tentator Orion Dianæ”—for the first establishment of

their nocturnal depredations:

[Sidenote: Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 28.]

νυκτερίους δὲ λόχους, νυχίην πανεπίκλοπον ἄγρην

Ὠρίων πρώτιστος ἐμήσατο κερδαλεόφρων.

[Sidenote: Xen. de Venat. c. +ix.+]

[Sidenote: Poll. Onom. L. +v.+ c. 32.]

We are next introduced by Gratius to _dentatæ pedicæ_, spiked

foot-traps or gins, resembling the ποδοστράβαι of Xenophon and Pollux;

and formed, as the following lines indicate, of wood, concealed on the

ground;

Quid qui dentatas iligno robore clausit

Venator pedicas? cum dissimulantibus armis

Sæpè habet imprudens alieni lucra laboris?

It being no small recommendation to them that one poacher might reap

the fruits of another’s labours. Their invention is attributed to a

virtuous and holy Arcadian, ycleped Dercylus,[309] in high favour with

the Sylvan goddess, and by her initiated in the mysteries of hunting,

and the formation of sundry destructive implements of predation, which

he first employed in the valleys of Mount Mænalus, and the Lacedæmonian

Amyclæ:

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 95.]

O felix, tantis quem primum industria rebus

Prodidit auctorem! Deus ille, an proxuma Divos

Mens fuit, in cæcas aciem quæ magna tenebras

Egit, et ignarum perfudit lumine vulgus?

And again:

Ergo illum primis nemorum Dea finxit in annis,

Auctoremque operi dignata inscribere magno,

Jussit adire suas et pandere gentibus artes.

[Sidenote: Plutarch. in Amatorio.]

But it must not be forgotten that a competitor for the glory of these,

and other like discoveries, is mentioned by Plutarch, in Amatorio,

and by Nonnus, in Dionysiacis, in the person of Aristæus—εὔχονται δ’

Ἀρισταίῳ δολοῦντες ὀρύγμασι καὶ βρόχοις λύκους καὶ ἄρκτους, ὃς πρῶτος

θήρεσσιν ἔπηξε ποδάγρας:—indeed, if we may credit the Christian poet of

Panopolis, the sire of the hapless Actæon is entitled to the invention

of almost every article of hunting-gear, the dresses of sportsmen,

initiation of hounds of chase, &c.—of many of which he has been

deprived by less rightful claimants:

[Sidenote: Nonni in Dionys. L. +v.+]

κεῖνος ἀνὴρ πρώτιστος ὀρίδρομος ἅλματι ταρσῶν

εὗρε φιλοσκοπέλοιο πόνον κεμαδοσσόον ἄγρης,

πῶς νοερῷ μυκτῆρι παρὰ σφυρὰ φορβάδος ὕλης

θηρὸς ἀσημάντοιο κύων μαντεύεται ὀδμὴν,

ὄρθια ὀξυκέλευθον ἐπὶ δρόμον οὔατα τείνων·

καὶ δολίης δεδάηκε πολύπλοκα δίκτυα τέχνης,

καὶ σταλίκων τύπον ὀρθόν. κ. τ. λ.

To the first-mentioned Arcadian worthy Gratius attributes the

earliest fashioning of hunting-spears with _moræ_ or guards. Virgil

sings of “lato venabula ferro,” for close conflict; and Gratius

more particularly adds, to the honour of Dercylus’s armoury, the

introduction of bifid spears:

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 108.]

Ille etiam valido primus venabula dente

Induit: et proni moderatus vulneris iram

Omne moris excepit onus. Tum stricta verutis

Dentibus et geminas subiêre hastilia furcas.

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 22.]

But although the Arcadian formed the spear for pedestrian assault, and

Meleager was conspicuous in the use of it,—ἐν σταδίοισιν ὀρειοτέροισι

μόθοισιν,—a more celebrated hero first wielded it in distant jaculation

on horseback:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 14.]

ἱππαλέην δ’ ἄγρην ὁ φαεσφόρος εὕρατο Κάστωρ,

καὶ τοὺς μὲν κατέπεφνεν, ἐπὶ σκοπὸν ἰθὺς ἄκοντι

βαλλόμενος, τοὺς δ’ αὖτε θοοῖς ἵπποισιν ἐλαύνων

θῆρας ἕλε ξυλόχοισι μεσημβρινοῖο δρόμοιο.

[Sidenote: Cyneg. L. +i.+ vs. 91. seqq.]

—a style of hunting, which we may suppose to have been much practised

in the Roman empire by persons of noble rank, as Montfaucon gives

several representations of it from the sepulchre of the Nasoni:—in

exact accordance with which, the ἱππελάτης of Oppian is decked out for

the equestrian chase.

[Sidenote: Martial. de Amph. Cæsar. L. +xi.+]

The reader’s recollection will readily supply, from authors in every

one’s hands, the use of bows and arrows,[310] and small darts—“excussâ

lancea torta manu,”—in the early annals of field-sports:

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 122.]

Quocirca et jaculis habilem perpendimus usum:

Neu leve vulnus eat, neu sit brevis impetus illi.

Ipsa arcu Lyciâque suas Diana pharetrâ

Armavit comites; ne tela relinquite Divæ,

Magnum opus et volucres quondam fecêre sagittæ.

The far-famed female ally of Meleager in the attack on the Calydonian

boar,

[Sidenote: Golding’s Ovid’s Metam. B. +viii.+]

the paragone

Of Lycey forest, Atalant, a goodly lady, one

Of Schænyes daughters,

claims the merit of first employing archery; having been

instructed[311] both in κυνηλασίη and εὐστοχίη by Dian herself, (see

Callim. H. in Dian. vs. 217.)

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 26.]

Σχοινῆος πρώτη δὲ κλυτὴ θυγάτηρ Ἀταλάντη

θηρσὶ φόνον πτερόεντα συηβόλος εὕρατο κούρη.

We are unacquainted with the form and use of many of the weapons, with

which Oppian accoutres his able-bodied rustics for the covert-side,

[Sidenote: Ejusdem L. +i.+ 148.]

καὶ μὴν τόσσα φέροιντο ποτὶ κνημοὺς ξυλόχους τε

ἐργοπόνοι κρατεροὶ θήρης ἐρικυδέος ὅπλα,

ἔντεά τ’ εὐθήροιο μέγα πνείοντα φόνοιο, κ. τ. λ.

[Sidenote: Nat. Com. de Venat. L. +iv.+]

[Sidenote: Hieron. Ruscell. Schol. Breviss. Illustr. Ald. F. Venet.

+m.d.li.+]

and Natalis Comes, with his brief scholiast Ruscellius, throws no light

on them, in the borrowed armoury of his first cynegetic. The Oppianic

catalogue runs through eight lines, in which we recognize, in addition

to the former implements of predatory hunting, others particularly

devoted to the capture of the hare, the ἁρπάλαγον and λαγωοφόνος

τρίαινα, the hare-pole, and three-pronged hare-fork—belonging probably

to the class of murderous instruments mentioned by the poet of Barga:

[Sidenote: P. A. Bargæi Cyneg. L. +i.+]

Nec desint duræ sinuato vertice clavæ

Quæ leporis cursum jactæ compescere possint.[312]

Among the more simple modes of following wild animals for capture, I

should have earlier mentioned that of _tracking_—from its simplicity,

probably, coeval with the rudest species of pursuit. It is alluded to

in the 32nd Epigram of Callimachus,

Ὠγρευτὴς, Ἐπικυδὲς, ἐν οὔρεσι πάντα λαγωὸν

διφᾷ, καὶ πάσης ἴχνια δορκαλίδος,

στίβῃ καὶ νιφετῷ κεχαρημένος—

in the 1st Georgic of Virgil vs. 308. and the 2nd Satire of the 1st

book of Horace vs. 105. Oppian describes _tracking_ as twofold, by

men, and dogs,—the former of course being the more ancient, and more

correctly termed _tracking_, the latter _scenting_:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +i.+ 450.]

εἴδεα δὲ στιβίης δυσδερκέος ἔπλετο δισσὰ,

ἀνδρῶν, ἠδὲ κυνῶν· μέροπες μὲν ἄρ’ αἰολόβουλοι

ὄμμασι τεκμῄραντο, καὶ εὖ φράσσαντο κέλευθα·

μυξωτῆρσι κύνες δὲ πανίχνια σημήναντο.

Savary’s ejaculation on snow-tracking the hare is more amusing than

poetical:

[Sidenote: Alb. Dianæ Leporicidæ L. +iii.+]

O nix! improba nix! generosæ invisa Dianæ,

Pernicies leporum! venantum ignobile vulgus

Quam votis petit assiduis, ut cæde cruentâ

Depopuletur agros! &c.

The many wily inventions devised by man’s ingenuity of old for

ensnaring noxious and timid animals, appear to us more like instruments

of lawless poaching, than fair hunting, and fully justify the

conclusion of Arrian’s 24th chapter de Venatione; wherein, with the

spirit of a genuine courser, he exclaims, “there is as much difference

between a fair trial of speed in a _good run_, and ensnaring a poor

animal without an effort, as between the secret piratical assaults of

robbers at sea, and the victorious naval engagements of the Athenians

at Artemisium, at Salamis, at Psyttalia, and at Cyprus.”

[Sidenote: Antiq. Expl. Tom. +iii.+ l. +iii.+ c. +iv.+]

It has been erroneously stated by Montfaucon and others, that the use

of nets and snares was not an exercise of pleasure to men of quality,

but only to peasants, and persons of inferior grade;—the praise of a

noble employment being, on this view, alone awarded to hunting with

dogs, or being armed for the sport with _venabula_, _hastilia_, &c.

either on foot or horseback. But this distinction, however plausible in

theory, is not tenable in fact. Discreditable as the use of snares may

be deemed, and irreconcilable to modern taste, the philosophic recluse

of Scillus, the patrician Xenophon, and every other sportsman, whether

high or low, of the classic ages, must plead guilty to their employment:

[Sidenote: Manilii L. +v.+]

ducuntur et ipsi

Retibus, et claudunt campos formidine mortis,

Mendacesque parant foveas, laqueosque tenaces,

Currentesque feras pedicarum compede nectunt,

Aut canibus ferrove necant, prædasque reportant.

I do not mean that the gentry had not the aid of servants in these as

in other menial occupations—(for it is evident that Xenophon’s ἀρκυωρὸς

was a servant; and on the huntsman’s tomb, recorded by Pausanias in

Achaicis c. +xxii.+, by the side of the principal is the οἰκέτης

ἀκόντια ἔχων, καὶ ἄγων κύνας ἐπιτηδείας θηρεύουσιν ἀνθρώποις—The

ostentation too of the Horatian Gargilius,

[Sidenote: Hor. L. +i.+ Epist. +vi.+ 58.]

qui mane plagas, venabula, _servos_,

Differium transire forum populumque jubebat,—

[Sidenote: Xenophon de Venat. c. +v.+]

is farther proof; and so likewise the “_famuli_, comitumque animosa

juventus” of Nemesian, engaged in preparing the furniture of

hunting;[313])—but I mean that the gentry were practically engaged

in this predatory venation, themselves directing and assisting in

the distribution of the whole machinery of it. In defence, however,

of Xenophon, the most accomplished of ancient sportsmen, and in

contradistinction of his habits in the field to those of modern

poachers, whom in some of his predatory tackling it must be allowed he

resembled, we may observe that he orders all the apparatus to be taken

away when the sport is over—ἀναλύειν χρὴ τὰ περὶ κυνηγέσιον πάντα—a

clear indication, that though he and his compeers used nets and dogs

together, forestalling their prey, contrary to the custom of the more

enlightened moderns, who hunt at force, κατὰ πόδας,—yet it was held

illegal, or at least unsportsmanlike, to leave snares on the ground

longer than the time of the actual chase.[314]

But of “the abrogated styles of hunting in the ignorant non-age of the

world,”—to use the language of Christopher Wase,—enough. The pit, the

snare, and other _supellex venandi_, were employed, as already stated,

long before the dog was tutored to the chase,[315] and were continued

after his initiation, and that of his valued associate and coadjutor

the horse, (the joint-presents of the twin-sons of Leda,) who

contributed their services in common to almost every variety of chase:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +iv.+ 43.]

ξυναὶ θηροσύναι τε λίνων, ξυναί τε ποδάγραι·

ξυνὰ δέ τ’ ἀνθρώποισι ποδωκέα πάντα γένεθλα

ἵπποις ἠδὲ κύνεσσι διωκέμεν.

We know not at this period whether the different varieties of the

canine tribe are to be classed under the same species—whether a

specific identity exist in the wolf, the jackal, and the dog—nor

whether, in the latter family, the peculiar adaptation of each variety

for peculiar functions can be the accidental consequences of mere

degeneration, excited to change by the climate of different countries,

and the ingenuity of man.

Let the primeval stock be what it may, the race was first initiated in

the pursuit of wild animals by that celebrated sportsman, the Amyclean

Pollux;—for we must not despise fable where history is silent, and

again quote the Greek poet of the chase:

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +ii.+ 18.]

πρὸς δὲ μόθους θηρῶν κύνας ὥπλισε καρχαρόδοντας

διογενὴς πρῶτος Λακεδαιμόνιος Πολυδεύκης,

καὶ γὰρ πυγμαχίῃσι λυγροὺς ἐναρίξατο φῶτας,

καὶ σκυλάκεσσι θοαῖς βαλίους ἐδαμάσσατο θῆρας.

The species being distributed over the habitable world, derived its

various names from its geographical distribution[316]—each country

having its variety of the race, characterized by remarkable qualities,

and distinguished by them in the Cynegetical works of Greece and Rome:—

[Sidenote: Gratii Cyneg. vs. 151.]

prima illa canum, non ulla per artes

Cura prior, sive indomitos vehementior hostes

Nudo marte premas, seu bellum ex arte ministres.

Mille canum patriæ, ductique ab origine mores

Cuique suâ.

Where the descriptions of these _mores_ or qualities are sufficiently

full, in the works alluded to, for a satisfactory classification of

the several varieties of the canine tribe, it is the object of the

following trivial work to attempt it—

[Sidenote: Tickell’s Miscellanies.]

the various gifts to trace,

The minds and genius of the latrant race.

[Sidenote: Ben Jonson’s Sad Shepherd. Act +ii.+ sc. 3.]

But it must not be expected that it will give an account of all the

semi-fabulous dogs of classical antiquity, or attempt to reduce within

the pale of a zoological arrangement the shape and properties of every

mongrel, however memorable, that has puzzled the discriminative acumen

of Conrad Gesner himself; or find archetypes in the kennels of Greece

and Rome, for “all the barkand parishtikes” of the credulous Dr. Caius,

and more recent writers of canine biography.

This little monograph being almost exclusively confined to the common

Canes Venatici—

[Sidenote: Oppian. Cyneg. L. +i.+ 369.]

τόσσοι τ’ ἐπὶ πᾶσι κύνεσσιν

ἔξοχ’ ἀρίζηλοι μάλα τ’ ἀγρευτῆρσι μέλονται—

[Sidenote: Hesiod. Theog. vs. 308.]

[Sidenote: Virgil. Æn. L. +viii.+ 768. Lucian. Jupiter Tragœdus.]

[Sidenote: Pollucis Onomast. L. +v.+]

[Sidenote: In Ibin.]

[Sidenote: Plutarch. de Solert. Animal. &c.]

[Sidenote: Pollucis Onomast. L. +v.+]

it is not incumbent on me to inquire whether a Cerberus, or an Orthrus,

(the κρατερόφρονα τέκνα of Typhaon and Echidna[317]), ever existed

in canine shape—whether Anubis was a biped or quadruped “latrator”—a

genuine _barker_, or a dog-faced Mercury—Ἕρμης ὁ κυνοπρόσωπος—whether

Euripides was torn to pieces by ferocious dogs or spiteful

women—whether the beauty of the dog of Alcibiades, probably a Canis

Ostiarius and not a Canis Venaticus, was impaired by the loss of his

tail, or the act of decurtation conferred on the eccentric Athenian the

notoriety he expected—nor on what variety of the race is to be charged

the deaths of Thrasus, Actæon,[318] and Linus, of Ovid’s well-known

tetrastic. It is foreign to my purpose to inquire whether Plutarch’s

dog, who threw stones into an oil-cruse till he had raised its contents

sufficiently high in the neck of the vessel to lap the oleaginous

fluid, surpassed in sagacious ingenuity the cunning brutes of more

modern dog-fanciers—whether the disciplined mimic, exhibited before

Vespasian in the theatre of Marcellus, must yield to the discriminative

feats of his congener before Justinian. All these non-descripts,

from the _janitor Orci_ to the theatrical _pantomimi_, are out of my

beat. Amusing too as it might be to the reader to have an account of

every faithful dog, recorded by the immortal German naturalist as the

σύμμαχοι and σωματοφύλακες of man,—and the anecdotes of canine instinct

and affection registered by Plutarch, Ælian, Pliny, Solinus, and Julius

Pollux—versified by Johannes Tzetzes and Natalis Comes, and reprinted

by the laborious Paullini in the Cynographia Curiosa, presented to his

notice,—such a compilation would lead me into too wide a field. For the

same reason, and without meaning any disrespect to the ladies of Greece

and Rome, I am prevented from enrolling on my file their domestic pets—

[Sidenote: Lucret. L. +iv.+ 995.]

consueta domi catulorum blanda propago

Degere—

[Sidenote: Martial. L. +i.+ Ep. 110.]

the οἱ ἐπὶ τερπωλὴν, καὶ οἱ μελιταῖοι λεγόμενοι of the visionary

Artemidorus.[319] I cannot, however, deny the reader the gratification

of perusing the following lines of Darcius, in which he celebrates

these tiny creatures;—of whom Martial’s Issa will be remembered as a

classic exemplar—“Deliciæ catella Publî.”

[Sidenote: J. Darcii Venusini Canes.]

Sunt humiles etiam Melitæâ ex gente catelli,

Quos gremio gestare solent Heroïdes, hique

Nec cursu celerem sectantur præpete cervum,

Nec lato pavidum leporem scrutantur in arvo:

Veste sedent fluxâ, et pedibus mylesia calcant

Serica, sub Tyrioque recumbunt molliter ostro:

Nunc caput exertant gremio, saliuntque decorum

Nobilis in vultum dominæ, lusuque fatigant

Labra corallino modicum suffusa rubore,

Vernantesque genas, et ebur superantia colla,

Smaragdoque graves digitos, et Perside gazâ.

Nunc tenui latrare sono, pictoque videbis

Lascivire toro, aut nitidâ juveniliter aulâ.

Arrian on coursing · 第 13 / 40 题