The future must be its own interpreter. Meantime in the Vatican sits

a king calling himself a prisoner, though he is free to go where he

will; and in the Quirinal, a king calling himself a good Catholic,

though he is a rebel against the Vicar of God. If the wisdom of Italy

in allowing to the Pope unlimited personal freedom has been great, the

want of wisdom in professing to exalt his spiritual authority, and in

giving in to his sole hand the ancient powers of both the crown and

the people in the election of bishops and clergy, amounts perhaps to

the grossest political folly of our age. When Bonaparte dealt with the

Pope as sole arbiter of the bishoprics of France, he opened a mine

against the national authority whether seated on a throne or on a

president's chair, over which it has never sat securely, and in which

it will one day sink if France goes on as she has done of late, giving

the priests increasing power in education. But when Victor Emmanuel

repeats this blunder in a form more completely providing for future

Papal power, he digs a grave under the feet of his own dynasty. To

Italians, unhappily, a great hypocrisy may be a great triumph of skill;

they smile at principles, admire shifts, and are wondrously clever at

them. In politics, till they found the principle of constitutional

monarchy, they, in spite of all their shifts, floundered between

fruitless conspiracy and repression--never ending, still beginning. In

religion they want what in politics they have found, a principle and a

basis. Ancient scriptural Christianity, the Christianity of the Epistle

to the Romans, would give them the firm rock between the quicksands of

sacerdotalism and the floods of infidelity; a rock on which a nation

might securely rise to take its place with realms which own no other

foundation. But hitherto scarcely a glimmer of light on this matter has

appeared among Italian statesmen. They sadly underrate the power of the

Curia. The Curia know their weakness, and count upon their fall. To

bring it to pass may, they think, take time; but the Pope well knows

how to play upon the king for the undoing of the nation. Any ruler who

does not in his conscience believe the Pope to be a pretender in his

claims to represent God and to rule the universal Church, and who does

not believe him to be the worst and greatest corrupter of the Christian

religion ever brought to light by time, is in constant danger of

risking all by some act of compliance induced perhaps by his religious

sentiments, by the remorse of his vices, by the intrigues of the women

about him, or by the guile of the ecclesiastics who lie in wait.

For the time being the Vatican is placed at the disadvantage of

complicating the general struggle for supremacy with the particular

one for the restoration of the temporal power. The ultimate end being

now manifestly distant, the whole power of the perfected mechanism is

turned to the gaining in detail of the proximate ends which will lead

to it. These, roughly stated, are, control over elections, control over

the Press, and control over schools. If we take Bavaria and Belgium as

favourable specimens of Roman Catholic countries, the priestly power in

elections has already become a source of bloodshed, and threatens to be

so in continuance. The Catholic and the Liberal parties stand arrayed

as two forces, not representing, like our Conservatives and Liberals,

two tendencies necessary to balance one another, but two hostile

principles one or other of which must perish. In Germany the power of

the Pope in elections has proved to be a real not to say a terrible

one. In France it was found such at the first election after the war as

to be all but sufficient to place the destinies of the country at his

disposal for a time. The last general election showed a decided recoil

from this danger. In Italy it had come to that point that in municipal

elections the moderate party, in several instances, made common cause

with the Papal one. But there, again, the last general election has

given a result in the opposite direction. The terror which the priests

can turn to account in elections is threefold--dread of civil hurt or

loss, for which contrivances are manifold; dread of personal violence,

which of course supposes a strong Catholic party; and dread of eternal

ruin, which the priest of God can inflict for voting against the

interests of the Church. Even on Roman Catholics not brought up in

the schools of priests, these influences are powerful. What will they

become with generations brought up in schools under the new inspiration

of the Syllabus?

"In every mode and by every means that is not contrary to our

conscience" is the formula expressing the solemn pledges of all

Catholics to war against the revolution, or the Modern State. Not

merely as to the occupation of Rome, but in its very principles, says

the _Civiltá_, will we oppose it--

We shall fight it with Catholic associations, we shall fight it

with the Press, we shall fight it in parliament. We shall confront

theory with theory, morality with morality, school with school, the

flag of Christ with the flag of Satan, raised by the revolution.

Catholic societies where they existed are being multiplied, where

they did not exist they are being planted. The number of Catholic

members in the Prussian Parliament has increased beyond hope, and

in Belgium they have drawn closer together. The struggle against

the Austrian ministry which favoured the revolution has grown

hotter, and _obligations in defence of Catholic principles will

be imposed upon the future Members of Parliament of England and

Ireland_. With whom will be the final victory?--there can be no

doubt.[488]

As to the Press, the "work of the 'good Press'" is one of the most

meritorious of the many "works" in operation for the new celestial

empire. From the great _Civiltá_, the mainspring of the whole, to

the episcopal organ in the remotest diocese, it moves for one end,

whether in the form of review, magazine, journal, pamphlet, or book.

It represents a literature really prodigious, and is in its own eyes

on the high road to supremacy. Of journals it is said that in Germany

alone hundreds are subsidized.[489] How far the assertions are true or

false we know not, which are frequently made, that the most rabid and

blaspheming organs of low and anarchical demagogues are in Jesuit pay;

but those assertions in themselves are a serious symptom. In Italy it

is often popularly said that there are one hundred and eighty thousand

nuns, friars, and priests, all counted. In France of priests alone

there are forty thousand. In Germany, as Schulte has shown, in certain

cities the ecclesiastical persons, male and female, number from ten

per cent. upwards of the _adult_ population. If we extend to the whole

Roman Catholic population of the world calculations of an organization

on a scale somewhat similar, we cannot do otherwise than regard a Press

which controls such a cosmopolitan force as a serious power.

At the same time a twofold weakness of the "_good Press_" is obvious.

First, it does not carry with it the Press which really leads nations,

though it runs strong in by-channels of its own. And, again, it tends

to change the ignorance of the general Press into knowledge. In Germany

this is already done. There the pious and mystic style of the Vatican

dialect has ceased to be an unknown tongue. Men of letters and jurists

who twenty years ago would have passed over the ecclesiastico-political

phrases of a bishop or cardinal as unwittingly as an English Member of

Parliament, now read them with luminous and searching insight. Even

in England and America a process of self-instruction is rapidly going

on in the best journals. Lord Beaconsfield, in _Lothair_, has shown

that he is awake to the social and scenic aspects of the Ultramontane

movement, and has displayed more insight into the genealogy of its

cult than have the men in this nation to whom the country has a right

to look for something better than slipshod arguments, and well-played

parodies. Mr. Gladstone has shown himself awake to the national and

international, to the moral and political aspects of Ultramontanism.

Mr. Cartwright's work on the Jesuits shows that younger politicians

are beginning to do the best thing they can do, that is, to study at

original sources, and to give solid information. Mr. T.A. Trollope's

work on Papal Conclaves shows that all Englishmen are not able in Rome

to resist the rational tendency to see the place with unveiled eyes,

and to speak of it and its ways in plain English, and that some of

those who thoroughly know it are not disposed to enhance the reputation

which the English of late years have been earning for love of monkish

finery and open-mouthed credence of monkish fables. Perhaps in time

some ecclesiastic of a rank, in the religious world, corresponding to

that of Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. Gladstone in the political world,

may show some grasp of the subject. The relation of our jurists to

the movement is hardly so close as to warrant the hope that they will

be led to such a study of it as is now manifest among the jurists of

Germany. Yet no result is so much to be desired. In fact the whole

question belongs much more to the jurist and the politician than to

the theologian; although theological ideas are throughout employed as

the motive power.

Desirable as is the control of elections and of the Press, still

more desirable is that of universities, colleges, and schools, for

they now bear within their bosoms the electors and lawgivers, the

writers and readers who will hereafter mould statutes and determine

the temper of armies as well as their destination. The establishment

throughout Europe of universities canonically instituted was, at the

commencement of its career, pointed out by the _Civiltá_ as a leading

object in the movement it projected. When we trace with Ranke the Papal

restoration which in part repaired the great revolt of the sixteenth

century, we find that the greatest results of that movement were not

won till after a generation or two had passed away. It was only south

of the Pyrenees and the Alps that the arms of Charles V and Philip II

effectually stayed the Reformation. In central Europe and in France

the Bible, the school, and the Reformed Churches continued to spread

long after the Council of Trent. When the two princely youths Ferdinand

of Austria and Maximilian of Bavaria were still imbibing the Jesuit

lessons of Ingolstadt, the memory of Alva had long been execrated in

the Low Countries, and the songs of England had long thanked God for

the overthrow of the Armada. At the same time imperial cities on the

Danube, and castles in Austria, Styria, and Bohemia, were becoming

more and more centres of the Reformed doctrine. The decisive check

to the spread of that doctrine was not given till education had

done its work. Education did not supply the check otherwise than by

ensuring the command of the sword. The schoolmaster made the Thirty

Years' War. It was the teaching of Ingolstadt that trained Ferdinand

to the cool, conscientious, adroit, and unrelenting use of physical

force for the greater glory of God. No sooner had the young Archduke

begun to rule, than week after week, in one town or another, Styria

beheld the repression of the Reformed worship, till with quiet but

dreadful strength Ferdinand had shut up every heretical temple, "to

the astonishment of all Germany," as Schiller naïvely says. In this

manner did he kindle the flame; and at the end of thirty years the

Protestantism of Austria, Bohemia, Styria, and other states was no

more. This work went on till the revocation of the Edict of Nantes well

nigh accomplished for France what had been completely accomplished for

Austria by Ferdinand, and for Bavaria by Maximilian.

The fighting Company of Jesus now looks to a similar process for

results similar in nature, but on a wider scale. Colleges and high

schools are preparing young princes, nobles, and gentlemen to bear

the part of leaders, one at the Court, another in the parliament and

a third in the camp. Elementary schools are training the followers.

All round the Catholic horizon, in the literature of the new dominion,

one object looms up out of clouds of hazy words, dilates before the

imagination of the devout, and towers till others are dwarfed; and this

object is the Crusade of St. Peter. Lads with old blood in their veins

are learning how glorious it will be to lead a charge or to command a

division in the greatest of all Crusades, for the most glorious of all

restorations; and poor lads are learning how they that smite like Peter

Jong will win in death the palm of the martyr.

M. Veuillot's description of the duty of governments in respect of

education was terse: "To allow men to be made against this perpetual

plague of revolution." To do this, governments must set aside all

other moral authorities but one. The authority of parents may, indeed,

determine for their children questions of diet and of dress, of calling

or of fortune, but the priest is the father of the child's soul, and

must determine the whole of its moral regimen. In keeping with this,

the authorities of a parish or a commune, as representing the parents

of a neighbourhood; a corporation, as representing the parents of a

city; a legislature, as representing the parents of the whole land, can

nowhere else be so effectually shut out from the realm of morals as in

the school. Not, we would once more say, that the devout Ultramontane

believes that by shutting them out he is loosening moral ties, for

he thinks that by ensuring full scope to the sole authority, of the

priest, he best defends every moral right. The object of training

that union of families which we call a State, to regard itself as a

union without any higher end than a material one, having in it neither

divine office nor divine authority, is an object which cannot be so

impressively advanced by any other means as when, at the bidding of

priests, a government by law renounces control over the moral portion

of the training of its own citizens, conducted under its own direction

and paid for out of its own funds. The object of training the laity to

own that it is not for them to have any opinion as to what, in morals

or in faith, is true or false, or for them to assume any responsibility

as to what is right or wrong, saving always the responsibility of

fulfilling the directions of their spiritual guides, can never be more

effectually promoted than when the representatives of the households

of an entire community, having set up schools and provided for their

maintenance, hand over to priests the power to determine whether any

moral training shall be given in those schools or not, and, if any,

what. When all this can be carried out in the normal manner, matters

are so arranged that throughout the days of impressible youth, no

authority shall be heard of, as deciding any moral question, but

that of the priest of God. When circumstances prevent the normal

arrangements from being carried out, the way for them will be best

prepared by whatever compromise leads the State furthest away from

principles opposed to those of the Pontiff, and entangles it in what

is called a practical solution wherein his principles are, if only

virtually, conceded. In preparing such a solution, dangers to be

shunned by his agents are anything that would practically recognize the

right of parents, singly or collectively, to decide moral questions

for their children independently of the priests; anything that would

recognize in the laity a right of moral or religious self-direction;

anything that would, in practice, show that others than Romanists have

the power of uniting for moral and religious purposes; anything that

would allow the Bible to be honoured as a public standard without a

priest; anything that would embody the hateful and condemned principle

of the equality of different denominations before the law.

Bishop Reinkens has described what is the practical effect of the

training now being given to very large portions of the children in

Europe. It is, he says, to fix in the mind the conviction "that

Roman Catholics have a divinely guaranteed right, under certain

circumstances, violently to overturn existing authorities, and the

chiefs of those authorities, if they have only the power to do so,

and that it is an exercise of virtue to employ all means for that

end." Bishop Reinkens[490] asserts that what formerly was regarded as

a mere theory of the Curia is now its practice, namely, that, in the

language of John Capestrano, the Pope "can abrogate all human rights,"

and that "what has the force of law is just what is pleasing to him."

Even already, according to Bishop Reinkens, does the denominational

instruction given in schools in Germany justify the prediction of

Hefele to the effect that, for scholastic purposes, the new exaltation

of the Papal power would be made the primary dogma. The bishop solemnly

adds: "The divine power of the Pope over all human beings perplexes the

children in the schools; they early learn to obey the Vicegerent of God

against the empire and the emperor. In the superior schools, the higher

scholastic clergy attend to the same thing" (p. 8).

The most urgent question appears to be, How far will the control of

schools in France ultimately enable the priests to determine the

destination of French armies, and how far will their partial control

of schools in other countries enable them to support any movements

of France, so as to sway Roman Catholic governments, and to paralyse

even Protestant ones? The enthusiastic priest strangely exaggerates

the power of his order. The superficial politician no less strangely

underrates it. What we at present know is, not what the clerical party

will be able to accomplish, but the simple fact that the hold which it

now has upon schools in France, Spain, Germany, England, and elsewhere,

assures to it, in the next generation, a vast number of men trained

in the doctrine of the Syllabus, and imbued with the antipathies and

the hopes which, in the eye of a Jesuit, form the cardinal virtues of

a soldier of God. Jesuits are often very unsuccessful in training the

convictions, turning as they do many of their pupils into deadly foes.

But they seldom fail to train the antipathies. Hatred of scriptural

Christianity is almost invariably a ruling passion with both classes of

their pupils, the Papists and the infidels. To all true disciples of

the new school, the holiest of public ends will be the reconstruction

of society in every country under the sky, according to the outline of

the Syllabus. In pursuit of that end all means will to them be not only

fair but meritorious, if adopted with a real intention to the greater

glory of God. And the States of Europe have put it into the power of

priests to train millions for the new school. And England has given

to the effort very considerable encouragement, though doubtless that

encouragement is praiseworthy in such eyes as those of the Marquis of

Ripon and Lord Robert Montagu, both of whom have held high place in our

department of education.

The _Stimmen aus Maria Laach_ met the first mutterings of discontent

with the Syllabus by saying that when those who, in pride of power,

were resisting its authority, had passed away, those judgments of the

Pontiff would be taught from every chair in the Catholic world. That

forecast is already fulfilled. The politics of the Syllabus and the

morals of teachers like Gury are now everywhere forming the clergy of

the future. And very carefully are the laity being trained in the same

principles, less expanded. To them the ideal of the one commonwealth,

with its one pastor-king, its unity of faith, its glory of ceremonial,

its divine law, and its supernatural magistracy, is made to appear as

the fairest of ideals, as one, indeed, truly divine. Many brave English

boys--heirs, some of them, to what once were noted Protestant names;

boys whose fathers or grandfathers our great schools and noblest

colleges trained up in gross ignorance of the principles that are

contending for the government of the world--are now imbibing from

continental priests principles and passions that will one day appear in

our mess-rooms and our legislature. And what are our great schools and

colleges even now doing to prepare our youth generally to understand

what the pupils of priests approve, what they condemn, and what they

mean when, to innocent Englishmen, they appear to assert one thing and

to deny another? Has the Papal cry for the exclusion of modern history

from national universities been met by any sensible attempt to teach

anything as to the elements struggling in contemporaneous history,

especially the most potent ones?

In that strange literature to which the Prefects of the Pope give the

name of pastorals, it is in mystic phrases often indicated that the

flocks of the bellicose shepherds are to be prepared for a terrific

combat. Sometimes the veil is dropped and in plain language war is

spoken of as the only means of avenging the Church for her wrongs. Men

called bishops in the vineyard of Jesus Christ speak of the mustering

of the opposed hosts, and of the inevitable collision, covering the

design of raising nation against nation, and of raising the people

against their own rulers, by allusions to the fact that in the

beginning the Church had to act without the kings, and that once more

she will be obliged to throw herself upon the people. In Protestant

countries, or in mixed ones, aged men in sacred vestments will say,

without a blush, that the Pope himself would not make war. But let only

a glimmer of political hope invite, and then kings and queens, ay,

ex-kings and ex-queens, are applied to; and could the Pope only find

bayonets, the same aged men in the same sacred vestments, and again

without a blush, would be heard proving that in making war the Pope was

only fulfilling a painful duty imposed upon him by his office as the

Vicar of Christ! At this day Europe witnesses a stage of the movement

of reconstruction, at which every cope and mitre in the Papal hierarchy

covers a centre of force impelling to a general war. Every grey-headed

bishop is an official promoter of a cataclysm that shall engulf all

that opposes the Syllabus. Every friar schoolmaster and every quiet

nun who teaches school is a trainer for future bloodshed. Even at his

audiences the man of more than fourscore years old fans the flame in

little children dressed as soldiers, sometimes the boys of English

converts; and convert fathers flatter him by hoping that their sons

will yet bear his banner, so are womanhood, childhood, and old age all

fascinated by the war passion of the priest.[491]

We do not pretend to know how it is calculated that the great struggle

is to be brought on. We should think that, confidently as its approach

is foretold, it must be doubtful to all but those whose faith rests

only on the divine destiny of the Papacy. Yet many who may not believe

that the Pope is about to recover Rome, and then to make Rome the

capital of the world, and who do not even believe that he will succeed

in bringing about a general struggle with a view to those ends, do

nevertheless fully believe that he will succeed in leading forth France

once more against the Italians, and that he will, in some general

complication, be able to find means of unsettling other interests so

as to advance his own. To this it is replied that the Jesuits who

foster these hopes are poor politicians; and that is perfectly true.

Yet they are skilled in intrigue, and versed in the ways of courts

and of cliques. They proudly note their hold upon schools in France,

their growing hold upon colleges, the zeal of General Charette and

his ex-pontifical zouaves, the military preaching of Count Mun, the

adhesion to the dominion of the Syllabus publicly signified by many

French generals whose names are trumpeted with a joyful noise; and with

special pride do they note such an incident as that which occurred at

a recent examination in the great military college of St. Cyr, when,

out of twenty-eight candidates for admission, no less than twenty-two

came from one Jesuit college. They note the clubs and associations

everywhere spreading; that of the Sacred Heart, said to number a

million of members; that of Jesu-Workmen and that of Jesu-King, meant

to organize in factory, workshop, and palace a company of soldiers as

true to the chair of St. Peter as the central Company of Jesus. They

note the numbers of the official class who believe that "moral order"

is to be promoted by the priests. They note the zeal of ladies, and of

the aristocracy.

Beyond those encouragements openly proclaimed, lies that mystery which,

in Roman Catholic countries, envelopes all Courts. At the time when

Thiers was taking counsel with Louis Philippe for the fortification of

Paris, or even when Guizot was making himself the tool of the court for

compassing the Spanish marriages, who would have dared to tell those

statesmen that both of them would survive to see the day when the fate

of France for peace or war, slipping out of the hands of an exhausted

Bonaparte, would virtually fall into those of one who was then a

Spanish girl in a private station, one whose very name was unknown to

the people of France? To this Court element of strange uncertainty--and

women and priests can weave webs around presidents as well as around

emperors--is to be added the solid fact that even Frenchmen, who hate

the priests and dread their politics, are not healed of the idea that

it is well to have weak neighbours, so divided that, at any time, an

invasion of their territory is more a matter of excitement than of

serious peril. Against all this what have we to set? Humanly speaking,

only the fund of good sense and good feeling which, in spite of all

appearances to the contrary, does exist among the French people to a

degree far greater than they who do not know them well can realize.

And beyond this, the good providence of God; for surely France is not

to become a second Spain, or else to be partitioned, one or other of

which lots would seem to be before her if the priests can drive her as

they hope to do.

The "good Press" gloats over every prospect of a general broil of

nations. The failure in 1870 of calculations as to what would occur in

the Catholic portions of Germany on the breaking out of a war between

France and Prussia, did not change the current of Ultramontane hope.

Any great conflict, it seems to be assumed, must somehow lead to a

restoration of the Pope. The poor old man has himself all along fed

a belief in the certainty of that restoration. At first he seemed to

emit tentative prophecies giving mystic hints of dates. Time blotted

out the dates hinted at. Then came declarations more general but

perhaps more impressive to the conscience of his disciples. On the

second anniversary of the Roman _plébiscite_, after many promises of

restoration had been long overdue, the aged high priest said to the

nobles of Rome--

Yes, this change, this triumph is to come: and IT IS OF FAITH.

Whether it is to come while I am living, while this poor Vicar of

Jesus Christ is living, I know not. I know that it is to come. _The

resurrection is to take place_, and this great impiety is to have

an end (_Discorsi_, ii. p. 82).

When from the lips of the Pontiff speaking as Vicar of Jesus Christ

fall the words "It is of faith," it is hard to see how the body which

has now bound itself to take the faith from his lips can help accepting

them as a prophecy which that body is bound to see fulfilled. And it

is no insignificant proof of the portentous contents of that one dogma

called Papal infallibility that so soon after it had been adopted,

the creature invested by his fellow-creatures with such control over

them should, in the name of the meek Prince of Peace, commit what they

consider their faith to a temporal throne for a minister of the gospel.

On the very day on which the nobles received the above prophecy,

the same lips told the youths of the Catholic Association that the

faithful, now passing through the deep, would soon reach the further

shore of the Red Sea, and would cry with Moses, "We will sing unto

the Lord, for He hath triumphed gloriously: the horse and his rider

hath He thrown into the sea." So were the Italians to fall, for as the

_Civiltá_ expresses it, "Which is of more account, the greatness of one

human kingdom, or the independence and the liberty of the kingdom of

God?" (X. ii. 143).

When the Pope said, The resurrection is to take place, he reflected

language used in an address presented to him a few days previously, on

the sad anniversary of the commencement of the "captivity," as it is

called, the second time it came round. The _Piana Federation_ said--

Similar in your passion to the God-man of whom You are the Vicar on

earth, the second day of Your mystic burial is fulfilled, amid the

confusion of society and of Your impious guards, destined, in spite

of themselves, and in the day which God shall appoint, to bear

testimony to Your resurrection. In the august sepulchre wherein

those whom You had laden with benefits have confined You, wrapped

in the sweet spices of the lamentation and the love of Your sons,

You also descend into the abyss of society as now existing, and

there does Your voice resound, casting down the demons of sect, and

consoling those who anxious and trembling await the blessed hour

when with You they are to rise again. And the third day is already

commencing; but, as it was not completed for the Divine Saviour,

so have we confidence that no more will it be completed for You,

O Holy Father: the prayers of the blessed Virgin whom You have so

greatly honoured, the prayers of the Saints, Patrons of the Church

and of Rome, with those of so many souls who suffer and who weep

to obtain Your liberation, your triumph, will shorten this day of

utmost anguish, and God, God whom your enemies do with Satanic

impiety unceasingly defy, will not permit the day to close without

having witnessed the fulfilment of the devout desires of Your

sons.[492]

Notwithstanding these promises, not only did the third "day" run its

course but the sixth has set, with the Satanic guards still standing

around the august sepulchre. For six years Italy has held Rome as

her capital, and Pius IX has confined himself to the Vatican, making

speeches. But at this moment the hope of a general complication, and

of a restoration as the effect of it, is very likely. The present

obscuration of the Papacy is treated as if it were passing and light

as the shadow of an April cloud on the Alban Hills. The shadow will

pass and the hills will abide. Rome, for a moment the mere capital of

a kingdom, is to be the capital of the world. Let but the temporal

power be once restored, and then the steps to the universal theocratic

monarchy can be taken both with deeper secrecy and with greater force.

Even those who most despise the political influence of the priests must

own that for disturbance their power is great. Taking the sixty years

which have elapsed since the peace of 1815, let us, for a moment, look

at the Roman Catholic countries of Christendom, and at the non-Catholic

ones, in respect of the one blessing of public repose. In those

sixty years the three great Protestant powers--England, Prussia, and

America--have not drawn the sword one against the other. The smaller

Protestant powers have not fought among themselves. No Protestant

capital has undergone a foreign occupation. With the exception of

America, no Protestant State has been desolated by civil war. No

Protestant army has been given to military insurrection, or has, in the

day of trial, proved untrue. No Protestant sovereign has been expelled

by his own people. No Protestant President of a Republic has been

executed, or exiled, or condemned as a traitor. No Protestant monarchy

has been changed by violence into a republic; no Protestant republic

into a monarchy. If we set off as one against the other, the war of

German unity which partly occurred in the one group of States, and that

of Italian unity which occurred in the other group, the only case of

war between Protestant States, in the two generations, has been that of

Prussia and Denmark, and the only case of war between two great powers

non-Catholic has been that of Russia and England, in the Crimea. But

how has it been on the Papal side of the line?

No leading Catholic power can be named which has not within the sixty

years made war on other Catholic powers as well as on non-Catholic

ones. France has fought with Spain, with the Italians, with Austria,

as well as with Russia, with Prussia, with Holland, and has even gone

away to Mexico to seek a war of which the Vatican spoke as if it were

a campaign of the Church. Austria has fought with Italy and with

France, as well as with Prussia and with Denmark. As to the wars of

Catholic States in America with one another, they have been numerous.

Rome has undergone twenty years of foreign occupation; France has

undergone two; and Austria has had recourse to foreign intervention.

Civil war in Portugal, civil wars in Spain, civil war in Austria, civil

war repeatedly in Italy apart from the great war of unity, civil war

chronically in the American Catholic States, have made that plague

familiar in Roman Catholic countries. The foremost, and the least

priest-ridden of them, France, has had her three days of July, her

three days of February, her four darker days of June, her bloody days

of December, her awful weeks of the Commune. Military insurrections

properly so-called have not occurred in the great Catholic nations

that refused to submit to the disciplinary decrees of the Council of

Trent. But in Spain, Portugal, and the nations of America, military

insurrection, that worst of anarchies, seems to have acquired a sort

of prescriptive place in the Constitution. In Italy, till 1860, the

armies of the princes faithful to the Papacy were largely foreign.

As to conspiracies and risings, it is strange that where they have

occurred out of Roman Catholic States they have often been among the

Roman Catholic portion of the population; and in Roman Catholic States

they have been much more frequent within the circle of countries where

the decrees of Trent had been fully accepted, than in those which,

by Gallican liberties, Josephine laws, or in some other form, uphold

national supremacy. As to thrones in Roman Catholic countries, the

difficulty is to name those which during the sixty years have not been

emptied by violence; Austria and Sardinia, perhaps, exhaust the list,

in both of which, however, an abdication, compelled by misfortune,

has taken place. Twice has a limited monarchy, once an empire, and

once a republic, been overthrown in France by revolution. As to Spain

and South America, it were weary work to count up catastrophes.

The discrowned princes who, like ghosts, haunt Europe, and the

ex-presidents under ban who prowl in America, are nearly all Roman

Catholics.

Perhaps the entire course of history does not afford an example of any

contemporaneous development of four great Powers, bringing with it in

the aggregate such an increase of territory, population, and strength,

as that which within the sixty years since the peace of Vienna has

occurred in the case of the four non-Catholic Powers, Russia, Prussia,

America, and England. No corresponding development has taken place in

Roman Catholic or in Moslem nations. Italy, indeed, has risen up, but

only by breaking the yoke of the Papacy, and by swimming against a

sulphurous stream of anathemas.

It would be a curious and not altogether an idle speculation did some

clear-headed and calm economist carefully work out the question, What

would be the effect in the course of three hundred years, upon the

peace of Europe, on the bulk of standing armies, on the stability of

thrones, on the development of arts, sciences, laws, and morals, on the

security of life and property, and on the general spread of charity,

brotherhood, and virtue among men, supposing that by some unseen power

the hundreds of thousands of priests, now working to bring about the

dominion of the Pope over our species, could be instantly changed into

simple ministers of the gospel, without a political head or a political

aim, but each one seeking only to bring the wicked to repentance and to

lead the godly onward, adding virtue unto virtue and grace to grace?

Would the change bring France more wars and more revolutions? Would

the change make the new career opened to Italy more obscure or thorny?

Would the change make Austria feebler, or make Spain less united and

prosperous? Would it bring a blight upon Mexico? and in South America

would it make the rulers less tranquil, the people less obedient to

law, and less attached to order? Would the south and west of Ireland

less strongly attract capital and residence? Would Croatia be less

refined? Would the island of Sardinia be less highly civilized? Would

Sicily be less secure? Would the dominion of Canada be more difficult

to govern? Would the city of New York and other cities of the United

States in which the political power of priests is now formidable be

worse ordered and more corrupt? In Hayti and St. Domingo, would public

affairs be more unstable, would family life be more blameworthy?

Or conversely: What would be the effect of a change in the opposite

direction? Suppose that at once every Protestant minister could be

changed into a zealous priest, and that the Headship of the Pope

could exert its full influence unshackled by those restraints which

have hampered him ever since the Reformation--partly, indeed, ever

since the large-eyed man of Lutterworth brought into existence that

terrible thing the English Bible--and suppose that with all the

liberty of power and all the power of liberty he could rule over the

whole of Christendom as completely as he formerly ruled over his own

States, what would be the practical effect? Would Scotland produce

more authors, heroes, and worthies, fewer beggars, thieves, rioters,

and assassins, than she does to-day? Would England produce more good

landlords, more comfortable tenants, more honest merchants, more bright

men of letters and science, more deeds of Christian charity, and fewer

civil wars, fewer conspiracies, fewer insurrections, fewer military

revolts, fewer beggared nobles, and fewer ill-cultivated estates than

she does to-day? Would Germany be more united? Would Holland, Denmark,

and Sweden be more stable? Would the United States be more prosperous,

more free, and more peaceable? Would the British Colonies be increasing

tranquil and enlightened?

With the facts of the past, and the principles of the present which

are to be the plastic forces of the future, before him, a calm

and wide-minded observer, taking long stretches of time and great

varieties of circumstance to illustrate any hypothesis and to test

any conclusion, might form an estimate which would not be without a

properly scientific value. We are often told by one class of writers

that Roman Catholics are as good subjects as Protestants, and by

another that in proportion to their numbers they yield a much greater

amount of illiteracy, of turbulence, of pauperism, and of offences

against the law. These are points which statesmen have no right to

leave to theologians, and on which they have no right to remain

themselves in doubt. Above all, they have no right if not in doubt

about them, but if they have on sufficient grounds a clear opinion,

to keep that opinion back, or to cloud it by ambiguities. Both in

England and in America there are intelligent and loyal men who believe

that they are more burdened and that public law and order are less

well observed in proportion as priests have power over any section of

the population. These are questions of fact capable of a scientific

solution, and it is the duty of statesmen scientifically to solve them.

If the authorities, which are clearly natural and Christian, clearly

both divine and human, are undermined where priests do not rule and

are built up where they do, let statesmen tell mankind that it is so.

If the unnatural, the merely artificial authority of the priest is

proved, on a test of ages, of various races, and of various polities,

to be unfriendly rather than helpful to the stability and vigour of

lawful authority, then let all incumbents of that authority--kings,

presidents, nobles, lawgivers, magistrates, parents, and husbands--lift

up a clear voice, the voice of intelligent conviction, and tell all men

how the matter stands. "The sword of the mouth" is the only sword which

ought to be drawn in this war; and if they to whom God has given real

authority draw that sword against the spurious authority of the priest,

it will prevent the call which otherwise will surely come to draw a

feebler sword but a bloody one. Priestcraft, mighty against artifice,

subtle against force, invincible against compromise and subterfuge, is

strangely weak against a calm and Christian denial of its authority.

Long since this chapter was written, we find that the Italian journals

while noting the base immorality which week by week is brought to

light among the priests, and pointing to their multitude and the low

repute of many of them as a moral plague, now (1877) fasten upon them

even more than of wont charges of exciting anarchical conspiracies.

The _Emancipatore Cattolico_, the organ of what is called the Italian

National Catholic Church, formed by the priests who belonged to the

Society for the Emancipation and Mutual Aid of the Clergy, writes as

follows--

The _red_ International, in appearance with a different end and

program, but in reality in full accord with its _black_ sister,

after the stimulus from the Vatican sets itself in motion, and

lifts up its head.... We ask, Has the alliance of this double

International a probability of success in a future nearer or more

remote? We do not hesitate to reply affirmatively if the powers and

States in the two hemispheres do not agree rather to overthrow the

_black_ international which is the true and efficient cause of the

other, than the _red_ which is the effect.... Christian governments

of Europe, open your eyes! the international that truly menaces

you, and that will undo you if you are not wise, is that of the

Vatican. You accept it and smile upon it because you suppose it to

be the conservator and champion of order and authority; but the

order and the authority which it represents and champions are those

of the absorption of all the social powers into the despotic and

arbitrary will of a miserable mortal who believes himself to be

God, and who as such imposes himself upon the entire universe.[493]

While these last sheets have been passing through the press, events

have occurred which illustrate many of the hints contained in this

chapter. Many who, when we first began to write this work, would have

seen nothing "practical" in that solemn hint of Vitelleschi when,

speaking of the frequent occurrence of disturbances at the same time

when the Church is pressing some point upon a government, he says that

the circumstance is an organic phenomenon deserving of the most serious

attention, now begin to feel that it is scarcely rational any longer to

be insensible to facts which day after day rise into the view of Europe.

In March 1877, Pius IX delivered a carefully-prepared Allocution, full

of bitter attacks on Italy, and manifestly intended to raise once more

the Roman Question. A feverish agitation becoming speedily discernible

in different countries, none could help noting the coincidence of the

two events. In Italy broke out an attempt at insurrection in Benevento,

professedly by socialists, but as the Italian papers believed fomented

and directed by priests. This was speedily followed by a vote of the

Italian Senate, by which that body threw out a Bill, that had been

passed by the Lower House, for restraining ministers of religion,

of all denominations, from certain abuses of their office. Italian

journals of different shades intimated their impression that this event

was solely due to the direct action of the Pope upon the king, and of

the king upon a number of courtier senators.

Shortly afterwards the Prime Minister of France, M. Jules Simon,

explained in debate, with all propriety of language, that the popular

idea about the Pope being a prisoner was unfounded. The Pope, in

that characteristic style which has never risen to the level even of

municipal, much less of national public life, stated that a certain

government had said that the Pope was a liar; and as if to rehabilitate

any one who might have been so impertinent, he added that he did not

know what government it was! Soon afterwards, on May 16, 1877, M. Simon

was abruptly dismissed by Marshal MacMahon, and the Assembly, of which

a majority supported M. Simon, was silenced by an enforced adjournment.

This pale edition of a _coup d'état_ was hailed and claimed by the

clerical papers as a direct result of the interference of the Pope. Its

ill effects in France forced upon many the reflection, how enviable is

the lot of nations in which the influence of the Pontiff is feeble, and

how well would it be with any nation in which that influence should be

_nil_!

Strange does it seem that the prophets of reconstruction should for

encouragement point more frequently to France and England than to

any other countries. To France they look for military service, to

England for religious converts. The one is to glorify the Church by

a sacred war, the other by an edifying submission. In France they

count upon the schoolmasters, the army, the ancient aristocracy, and

many of the politicians. In England they count upon that portion of

the clergy which they call the Puseyite party, upon a portion of the

aristocracy, upon the ceremonies in the churches, and the teaching

in the denominational schools. Grossly exaggerating, as they do, the

position and the influence of Cardinal Manning, and speaking at times

as if the whole English hierarchy, unable to face him, were trembling

and falling down before him, they also exaggerate the strides actually

made by the Ritualistic party in carrying the whole nation towards

submission to Rome. They boast, in the language of Dr. Newman, that

the English Church is, through that party, "doing our work;"[494] and

they always seem to have taken to heart the principle which he taught

them as long ago as 1841: "Only through the English Church can you act

upon the English nation."[495] They are not much read in our political

literature, and when they meddle with it, often make strange blunders.

But some of them are shrewdly aware of the services done to their cause

by writers who treat Ritualism as a matter of aesthetics, and treat

each particular ceremony as a trifle.

Looking back on the turns and windings of the movement for

reconstruction, and remembering how little human foresight would have

availed to predict either their successive phases or the results up to

the present hour, it is natural to feel that as to those further turns

and windings which as yet lie out of ken, hidden behind the veil of

an inscrutable Providence, it is not for us presumptuously to divine.

Rather would we, in humble hope, await the future, so far as to us it

may be permitted to witness its unfolding. In the sixty years since

the peace of Vienna the Papacy has passed through two distinct stages,

of thirty years each; the one up to the beginning of the present

pontificate, the other during the course of it. In the first thirty

years the flag displayed was that of Liberal Catholicism. During that

time the Papacy gained emancipation in England and Ireland, a footing

in the schools of France and Belgium, a repute of liberality and other

great advantages; while on the whole it held its ground in Italy,

Spain, Austria, and the minor States. But a true instinct taught the

Curia that temporary gain was preparing final ruin. Since 1849 the

policy has been reversed, and the external results to the Papacy so far

have been disadvantageous. "Catholic unity" has been lost in Italy,

Spain, Portugal, Austria, Mexico, Brazil, and elsewhere. In Poland the

losses to the Church have been immense, whether they may be due to the

persecuting policy of Russia, as the Catholic party alleges, or to the

rebellious excitements of the Pope and the priests, as others allege,

or to both these causes united, as seems most probable. In Switzerland

and Germany the Papacy has had heavy loss, and its future is gloomy.

In France it has made immense gains; in Ireland heavy loss; in England

gain, and that of the kind it values most--gain by the help of the

clergy, of the aristocracy, and of a great university. But still,

while the population of the United Kingdom has much increased, Pius

IX cannot count among the thirty millions now inhabiting it so many

Roman Catholics as he found among, say, five millions less. He has to

note a decrease in Poland concurrently with persecution, and one in

the British Isles concurrently with extended political privileges. The

Curia, if not unconscious of these losses, never confesses to them,

and avers that the increased compactness gained by recent changes

far more than compensates for any increased opposition, and in fact

insures the overthrow of all resisting forces; while the submission of

England--Queen, bishops, lords, and people--is spoken of as a thing

nigh at hand to the eye of faith. Firmly, however, do we believe that

in mercy to this great empire, within which dwells in peace and with

ample privileges a portion of mankind larger than ever before under one

sceptre enjoyed the blessings of free government, and in mercy also

to the whole redeemed race in the midst of which this empire holds a

place so influential and on the whole so beneficent, never will England

justify the promises of submission to the Pope wherewith continental

priests are wont to cheer the courage of their partisans, albeit they

proudly point to men in important places, and boast how the triumph of

the Vatican is being prepared under the patronage of both Church and

State.

All this notwithstanding, we do not believe that the English

commons are to be reduced into a populace without constitutional

representation; or that the English aristocracy is to be reduced

into an order of nobles without constitutional powers; or that our

magistracy, from squire up to chancellor, is to be put under the

bishops' courts; or that our chairs of philosophy, science, and

literature are to be placed under the tutelage of chairs of theology

filled by Jesuits, or by men of whom Jesuits approve; or that our

universities are to be placed under Romish canon law; or that the

priest, to the exclusion of the State and of the laity, is to be made

as completely moral lord of all the schools in England as he is now of

his denominational schools; or that the works of our authors are to

wait till a Dominican has cut out what he deems amiss, and has written

on the remainder _Imprimatur_; or that our printers are to wait for a

licence from the friars; or that our journals and periodicals are to

be cut down to the proportions which were allowed to the Press in the

Model State; or that our armies are to be composed of men so schooled

that to them the word of the priest shall take the lawful command

out of the lips of the king. No more do we believe that from these

English shores the dear old English Bible is to be driven away as a

forbidden book. Neither do we believe that for these fair fields of

Britain that dark Saturday night is to come after which will no more

dawn the English Sunday morning--a morning when streets thronged and

country lanes enlivened with families wending their way to worship

God, each as led by the voice of conscience, and each jealous for the

religious liberty of its neighbours as well as for its own, present a

more Christian-like and more solid display of unity in variety, and of

catholicity in charity, than ever can be gained by any preciseness of

constrained uniformity. Never will our own happy Sunday morning cease

to shine; never instead of it will a dismal day come when the sound

of the church-going bell shall be the signal of physical force, and

when every one whose conscience will not let him obey the official call

shall be spied out by the familiars of the Inquisition.

When priests tell Englishmen that such things as are here indicated

are not really embraced within the ultimate objects of their movement,

they well know that they can deceive only those who have not sought

out their principles at the fountain. And under all their illusions,

they must surely have some consciousness that such as have done so can

feel but shame and pity when they see any man, born to the blessings

of English citizenship, sinking to a moral level at which he becomes

capable of attempting to move the noble power of Britain to abet the

crime of once more imposing by fire and sword upon Italy the domination

of the Pontiff; and who, indeed, even to that can add the second crime

of endeavouring to throw back the families of this goodly realm to the

same condition as that in which the people of the Papal States lay

before their yoke was broken. These things would be mournful, but no

more than mournful, did the guilt of them rest only upon one English

soul in which still survived a clear consciousness of how repugnant

they were to religion and to morals, how offensive to humanity, how

subversive of good order; for when conscience still spoke, repentance

might be at hand. But such things become more than sad, they become

really formidable, when conscience itself is so warped that it learns

to acquit them of all guilt--learns even to regard them as actions

in which the violence and bloodshed proposed are sanctioned by

religion, and become works of Christian merit; and in which the changes

contemplated would, if indeed hurtful to nations in things temporal, be

for their eternal weal.

In this land of manifold privilege hereafter, as in the time gone by,

yea, more than in the time gone by, will the people fear God, honour

the king, and prize the family Bible. They will hereafter, more than

heretofore, send forth into every region under heaven their happy

sons, bearing the glorious gospel of the blessed God, and with swift

feet running to tell to all men the way of salvation. In England, in

Ireland, and in Scotland; in every place where our own blood flows

in the veins of kinsmen; in every broad State of the Transatlantic

Union; in every thriving colony that boasts the British name--may the

Churches dwell together in unity--may the people grow in wisdom, in

virtue, and in faith! May this realm hereafter afford an example of

laws being evermore ameliorated under the leavening influence of the

kingdom which cannot be moved, of manners ever becoming purer, and of

blest contentment growing, year after year, in households over every

one of which shall hover the more than earthly charm of domestic

bliss, hallowed at the family altar! And may the remote descendants of

Victoria and Albert reign, in the love of God and in the love of man,

as Christian princes over a happy Christian people, and age after age

may the throne be established in righteousness!

GOD SAVE THE QUEEN!

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 485: See _Civiltá_ VIII. i. 46.]

[Footnote 486: Quoted in _Le Concile du Vat. et le Mouvement

Infaillibiliste_, p. 62.]

[Footnote 487: _Civiltá Cattolica_, passim, especially the number of

December 16, 1876.]

[Footnote 488: VIII. i. 421.]

[Footnote 489: Italian papers sometimes give the total number of

journals on the Continent pledged to the Pope as 580, and of these 258

as published in Germany alone.]

[Footnote 490: _Revolution und Kirche_, p. 5.]

[Footnote 491: At the last moment of reviewing this chapter, before

sending it to press, months after it was written, we find Italian

and French journals ringing with language ascribed to a Bishop in a

pastoral, which may pass as an example of the work which the officials

styled bishops are preparing for Europe. He describes his entrance

into the Vatican, his finding the Swiss guards and the manners of

another age, and proceeds: "Pius IX is still a king, even in the eyes

of his enemies and of his spoilers. They are obliged to admit that

the unity of Italy is not effected, that the temporal power is to be

re-established, and that after some _profound commotions which, it may

be, will entomb many an army and many a crown_, there will be heard

among the nations, from one end of Europe to the other, a single cry,

Restore Rome to its ancient lords; Rome belongs to the Pope, Rome

belongs to God."]

[Footnote 492: _Discorsi_, ii. p. 70. The capitals to the "divine

pronouns" are not ours.]

[Footnote 493: _L'Emancipatore Cattolico_: Napoli, Anno XVI, No. 14.]

[Footnote 494: _Apologia_, Appendix, p. 27.]

[Footnote 495: Ibid., p. 313.]

APPENDIX A

THE SYLLABUS WITH THE COUNTER PROPOSITIONS OF SCHRADER

_By reading the latter in the right-hand column the view which the

Church asserts is at once obtained_

SYLLABUS OF THE PRINCIPAL PROPOSITIONS OF FATHER SCHRADER,

ERRORS OF OUR TIME, WHICH being in each case the

ARE STIGMATIZED IN THE CONSISTORIAL logical _contrary_ or

ALLOCUTIONS, ENCYCLICAL _contradictory_ of the

AND OTHER APOSTOLICAL propositions condemned; and

LETTERS OF OUR MOST therefore, being those which

HOLY LORD, POPE PIUS IX.[496] the Church would assert as

opposed to those denied. Schrader

says, "The _contradictory_,

and not the _contrary_, is to be

taken by the Catholic as the rule

to guide his thoughts, words,

and actions, as to the sense in

which the several errors must

be considered as being rejected,

forbidden, and condemned

according to the will and command

of the Pope." Schrader

himself, however, sometimes

gives what is clearly not the

_contradictory_ but the

_contrary_.

SECT. I.--_Pantheism, Naturalism, SECT. I.--_Pantheism, Naturalism,

and Rationalism Absolute._ Absolute Rationalism._

(_Note of Schrader_.--Absolute

rationalism is that error which

holds that revelation is

impossible.)

1. There exists no Divine 1. There is one most high,

Power, Supreme Being, Wisdom all-wise, all-provident, and

and Providence distinct from the divine Being, distinct from this

universe, and God is none other universe of things; and God is

than nature, and is therefore not the same as nature, and

mutable. In effect, God is produced therefore not subject to change.

in man and in the world, God does not actually come into

and all things are God and have existence in men and in the

the very substance of God. God world. All is not God and has not

is, therefore, one and the same the proper essence of God. God is

thing with the world, and thence not one and the same with the

mind is the same thing with world, and hence mind is not the

matter, necessity with liberty, same as matter, necessity not the

true with false, good with evil, same as freedom, truth not the

justice with injustice. same as falsehood, good not the

same as evil, nor righteousness

the same as unrighteousness.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But God

is in man and in the world,

because He is omnipresent.)

2. All action of God upon man 2. All operation of God upon

and the world is to be denied.--(All. the world and upon man is not to

_Maxima quidem_, June 9, be denied.

1862.)

3. Human reason, without any 3. Human reason is not to be

regard to God, is the sole arbiter the arbiter of truth and

of truth and falsehood, of good falsehood, of good and evil,

and evil; it is its own law to itself, without any regard to God. It is

and suffices by its natural force to not a law to itself; and it is

secure the welfare of men and of not sufficient, by its native

nations. powers, to provide forthe welfare

of man and of nations.

4. All the truths of religion are 4. All the truths of religion do

derived from the innate strength not flow from the natural force

of human reason, whence reason of human reason; therefore reason

is the master rule by which man is not the highest rule by which

can and ought to arrive at the men may arrive at the knowledge

knowledge of all truths of every of truths of every kind.

kind.

5. Divine revelation is imperfect, 5. Divine revelation is not

and, therefore, subject to a imperfect, and therefore is

continual and indefinite progress not subject to a continual and

which corresponds with the progress unlimited progress which would

of human reason. respond to the progress of human

reason.

6. Christian faith is in opposition 6. The Christian faith is not

to human reason, and contradictory to human reason;

divine revelation not only does not and the divine revelation not

benefit, but even injures the only is no hindrance to human

perfection of man. perfection, but is serviceable

to it.

7. The prophecies and miracles 7. The prophecies and miracles

told and narrated in the Sacred reported and related in Holy

Scriptures are the fictions of poets, Scripture are no inventions of

and the mysteries of the Christian poets; and the mysteries of faith

faith are the result of philosophical are not the sum of philosophical

investigations. In the books of research. In the books of the two

the two Testaments there are contained Testaments there are no mythical

mythical inventions, and inventions, and Jesus Christ

Jesus Christ is Himself a mythical Himself is not a mythical

fiction. fiction.

SECT. II.--_Rationalism moderate._ SECT. II.--_Moderate

Rationalism._

(_Note of Schrader._--Moderate

rationalism is the error of those

who do not hold revelation to be

impossible, but would have it

subjected to reason.)

8. As human reason is placed 8. As human reason may not be

on a level with religion, so placed on a level with religion,

theological systems must be treated theological studies are not to be

in the same manner as philosophical treated exactly as philosophical

ones. ones.

9. All the dogmas of the Christian 9. All doctrines of the Christian

religion are, without exception, religion are not, without

the object of natural science distinction, subjects for

or philosophy; and human reason, natural science or for

instructed solely by history, is philosophy, and human reason

able by its own natural strength cannot from its natural powers

and principles to arrive at the and principles arrive at the

true knowledge of even the most knowledge of all, even the most

abstruse dogmas, such dogmas obscure, dogmas, if such dogmas

being proposed as subject-matter be only proposed to reason as its

for the reason. object.

(_Note of Author of the present

work._--In this proposition

Schrader omits one clause of the

original--_Historice tantum

exculta_. This is evidently a

mere oversight. These words

should come after "human

reason.")

10. As the philosopher is one 10. Although the philosopher is

thing and philosophy is another, one thing and philosophy another,

so it is the right and duty of the the former has not only the right

philosopher to submit himself to and the duty to subject himself

the authority which he shall have to the authority which he

recognized as true; but philosophy recognizes as true, but also

neither can nor ought to submit philosophy itself can and must

to any authority. submit to authority.

11. The Church not only ought 11. The Church must not only

never to animadvert upon philosophy, sometimes proceed against

but ought to tolerate the philosophy, but she must not

errors of philosophy, leaving to tolerate the errors of philosophy

philosophy the care of their itself, and must not leave it to

correction. correct itself.

(_Remark of Author of the present_ (_Remark of Schrader._--The

_work._--"Animadvert" is the Church has the right and the

reproduction of the original word, duty of proceeding against false

not the English of it. The French philosophy. She must not tolerate

renders it _sévir_, to act rigorously the errors of his philosophy, but

towards; the German, _vorgehen must expose them to it, and

gegen_, to proceed against; the demand from it that it put itself

Italian,_corregere_, to correct, into harmony with revealed

making it synonymous with "correct" in truth.)

the last clause. Even the maddest

theorist would hardly deny to the

Church the right to"animadvert upon

philosophy" to her heart's content.)

12. The decrees of the Apostolic 12. Decrees of the Apostolic

See and of the Roman Congregations See, and of the Roman

fetter the free progress Congregations, do not hinder the

of science. free progress of science.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Because

the Apostolic See is appointed by

God Himself as the teacher and

defender of the truth.)

13. The method and principles 13. The method and the principles

by which the old scholastic doctors according to which the old

cultivated theology are no longer scholastic doctors pursued the

suitable to the demands of the age study of theology completely

and the progress of science. correspond with the wants of our

time and with the progress of

science.

(_Remark of Schrader._--They have

been frequently quoted by the

Church with the highest

expressions of praise, and have

been earnestly recommended as the

strongest shield of faith, and

as formidable armour against its

enemies, and have been

productive of great utility and

splendour to science, and

perfectly correspond with the

wants of all time and the

progress of science.)

14. Philosophy must be treated 14. Philosophy must not be

of without any account being pursued without regard to

taken of supernatural supernatural revelation.

revelation.--(Id., ibid.)

N.B.--To the rationalistic system N.B.--The errors of Antony

belong in great part the errors Günther for the most part were

of Antony Günther, condemned in connected with a system of

the letter to the Cardinal Archbishop rationalism, which errors were

of Cologne, _Eximiam tuam_, rejected in a brief to the

June 15, 1847; and in that to the Archbishop of Cologne, and

Bishop of Breslau, _Dolore haud_ _Eximiam tuam,_ June 15, 1847;

_mediocri_, April 30, 1860. in the brief to the Bishop of

Breslau, _Dolore_ _haud

mediocri_, April 30, 1860.

SECT. III.--_Indifferentism SECT III.--_Indifferentism and

--Toleration._ Latitudinarianism._

(_Note of Author of the present_ (_Note of Schrader._--

_work._--The original word is not Latitudinarianism is that error

_toleration_, but, as Schrader gives which although it does not

it, _latitudinarianism_.) declare all religions to be alike

good, yet does not hold the

Catholic Churcht to be the only

one which brings salvation.)

15. Every man is free to embrace 15. Every man is not entitled

and profess the religion he to embrace and to profess that

shall believe true, guided by the religion which he may hold for

light of reason. the true one, led by the light

of reason.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But he

must embrace the revealed truth

in the Catholic religion.)

16. Men may in any religion 16. Men cannot find the way of

find the way of eternal salvation, eternal salvation, and obtain

and obtain eternal salvation. eternal blessedness, in the

practice of every kind of

religion.

(_Remark of Schrader._--For it

is to be held as of faith that

out of the Apostolic Romish

Church no one can be saved.)

17. The eternal salvation may 17. The eternal salvation of all

at least be hoped for of all those those who do not live in any way

who are not at all in the true in the true Church of Christ is

Church of Christ. not to be hoped for.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But only

are we to admit that they who

suffer from ignorance of the

true religion are not held

guilty on that account

before God if their ignorance be

invincible.)

18. Protestantism is nothing 18. Protestantism is not merely

more than another form of the a different form of the same

same true Christian religion, in Christian faith; and it is not

which it is possible to please God given to be equally well pleasing

equally as in the Catholic Church. to God as in the Catholic Church.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But it

is a falling away from the full

revealed truth.)

SECT. IV.--_Socialism, Communism, SECT. IV.--_Socialism, Communism,

Secret Societies, Biblical Secret Societies, Bible Societies

Societies, Clerico-Liberal Societies._ Liberal Clerical Associations._

Pests of this description are (_Note of Schrader._--Liberal

frequently rebuked in the severest Catholic associations mean

terms in the Encyc. _Qui pluribus_, associations of Italian priests

November 9, 1846; All. _Quibus who are enthusiastic for a free

quantisque_, April 20, 1849; _Encyc. Church in a free State. Such

Noscitis et nobiscum_, December 8 pests have often, and in the

1849; All. _Singulari quadam_, severest words, been condemned,

December 9, 1854; Encyc. _Quanto_ as in the Epist. Encycl.

_conficiamur mærore_, August 10, _Qui pluribus_, Nov. 9, 1846;

1863. in Alloc. _Quibus quantisque_,

April 20, 1849; in Epist. Encycl.

_Noscitis et nobiscum_, Dec. 8,

1849; in Alloc. _Singulari

quadam_, Dec. 9, 1854; in Epist.

Encycl. _Quanto conficiamur

mærore_, Aug. 10, 1863.)

SECT. V.--_Errors concerning the SECT. V.--_Errors respecting the

Church and her Rights._ Church and her Rights._

19. The Church is not a true 19. The Church is a true and

and perfect and entirely free perfect society, entirely free,

association: she does not enjoy and possesses her proper and

peculiar and perpetual rights permanent rights granted to her

conferred upon her by her Divine by her divine Founder, and it

Founder, but it appertains to the does not belong to the State to

civil power to define what are the define what are the rights of the

rights and limits within which the Church, and what are the limits

Church may exercise authority. within which she can exercise

them.

20. The ecclesiastical power 20. The Church may use her

must not exercise its authority authority without the permission

without the toleration and assent or consent of the State.

of the civil government.

21. The Church has not the 21. The Church has the power

power of defining dogmatically dogmatically to decide that the

that the religion of the Catholic religion of the Catholic Church

Church is the only true religion. is the only true religion.

22. The obligation which binds 22. The obligation which

Catholic teachers and authors completely binds Catholic

applies only to those things which teachers and authors must not be

are proposed for universal belief limited only to subjects which

as dogmas of the faith by the are propounded to all, to be

infallible judgment of the Church. believed as articles of faith by

an infallible utterance of the

Church.

23. The Roman Pontiffs and 23. The Pope of Rome and the

OEcumenical Councils have exceeded General Councils have not

the limits of their power, exceeded the limits of their

have usurped the rights of princes, power. They have not usurped

and have even committed errors in the rights of princes, and in

defining matters of faith and defining doctrines of faith and

morals. morals they have not erred.

24. The Church has not the 24. The Church has the power

power of availing herself of force to use external force. She has

or of any direct or indirect also a direct and an indirect

temporal power. temporal power.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Not minds

merely are subject to the power

of the Church.)

25. In addition to the authority 25. Beyond the power inherent

inherent in the Episcopate, further in the Episcopate no other

temporal power is granted to it by temporal power has been conceded

the civil authority either expressly to it by the State either

or tacitly, which power is on that expressly or tacitly, and

account also revocable by the civil therefore not any power which

authority whenever it pleases. the government of the State can

at its pleasure withdraw.

26. The Church has not the 26. The Church has an innate

natural and legitimate right of and legitimate right of

acquisition and possession. acquisition and possession.

27. The ministers of the Church 27. The ordained servants of

and the Roman Pontiff ought to the Church and the Roman Pontiff

be absolutely excluded from all are by no means to be excluded

charge and dominion over temporal from all control and dominion

affairs. over temporal affairs.

28. Bishops have not the right 28. Bishops themselves may

of promulgating even their apostolical publish apostolical letters

letters without the sanction without permission of the

of the government. government of the State.

(_Remark of Author of the present

work._--Apostolic Letters mean Papal

not episcopal manifestoes; therefore

the expression "their apostolic

letters" is not clear, and is not in the

Latin.)

29. Dispensations granted by 29. Graces granted by the Pope

the Roman Pontiff must be considered are not to be regarded as invalid

null, unless they have been if they are not requested by the

requested by the civil government. government of the State.

30. The immunity of the 30. The immunity of the

Church and of ecclesiastical persons Church and of ecclesiastical

derives its origin from civil persons has not its origin in

law. civil law.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But has

its root in the proper rights

of the Church granted her by

God.)

31. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction for 31. Spiritual jurisdiction for

the temporal causes, whether civil temporal causes of the clergy,

or criminal, of the clergy, ought both civil and criminal, is not,

by all means to be abolished even by any means, to be abolished,

without the concurrence and against and not without consulting the

the protest of the Holy See. Apostolic See or against its

protest.

(_Remark of Schrader._--For it

is founded in the proper right

of the Church, and can be handed

over to the temporal tribunals

only through the express consent

of the Pope.)

32. The personal immunity exonerating 32. The abolition of the

the clergy from military exemption of the clergy and

service may be abolished without students for the priesthood from

violation either of natural right or military service cannot take

of equity. Its abolition is called place without a violation of

for by civil progress, especially in natural right and of justice;

a community constituted upon and the progress of the State

principles of liberal government. does not demand its abolition,

especially in a State which

is constituted with a free

government.

(_Note of Author of the present (_Remark of Schrader._--The

work._--Most English translations abolition of the personal

make this apply not to students for exemption of from military

the priesthood, but only to the service violates not only

clergy. The word in the original is natural right and justice,

not _clerus_, but _clericus_, but also the rights of the

which certainly in Rome means not Church. The progress of the State

only a clergyman, but also one does not only not demand it, but

in training for the clerical is opposed to it; and the more

office.) freely a society is constituted,

so much the more must it respect

the personal exemption of the

clergy and the student for the

priesthood from the military

service.)

33. It does not appertain exclusively 33. It belongs exclusively to the

to ecclesiastical jurisdiction power of ecclesiastical

by any right proper and jurisdiction, and that of proper

inherent, to direct the teaching of and innate right, to control

theological subjects. theological studies.

34. The doctrine of those who 34. The doctrine which compares

compare the Sovereign Pontiff to the Roman Pontiff to a free

a free sovereignty acting in the prince employing his own power

Universal Church in the middle in the Church, is not a doctrine

which prevailed in the middle which prevailed only in the

ages only. middle ages.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But is

one which corresponds with the

constitution of the Church,

and therefore must prevail in

all times.)

35. There would be no obstacle 35. There are grounds which

to the sentence of a General forbid that either through the

Council or the act of all the decisions of a General Council

universal peoples transferring the or the act of all nations the

pontifical sovereignty from the pontificate should be withdrawn

Bishop and city of Rome to some from the Bishop of Rome, and

other bishopric and some other handed over to another bishop

city. or another city.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Neither

through the decision of a

General Council, nor through the

deed of all nations, can it be

over thrown that the pontificate

is given to the Bishop of Rome

and to the city of Rome.)

36. The definition of a National 36. The decision of a National

Council does not admit of any Council does admit of further

subsequent discussion, and the discussion; and the government

civil power can settle an affair as of a State cannot submit any

decided by such National Council. matter to this decision.

(_Remark of Schrader._--The

decision of a National Council

requires in order to its

validity the consent and

confirmation of the Holy See;

and the government of the State

cannot appeal to the decision

of a National Council as the

ultimate tribunal, but must

appeal to that of the See of

Rome.)

37. National Churches can be 37. No National Churches can

established after being withdrawn be erected which are withdrawn

and separated from the authority from the authority of the Pope of

of the Roman Pontiff. Rome, and fully separated from

him.

(_Remark of Schrader._--National

Churches which are withdrawn

from the authority of the Pope

of Rome, and fully separated

from him, cannot be set up;

because that is no less

than rending and breaking up the

unity of the Catholic Church, and

because the power and manner of

this unity imperatively require

that as the members are connected

with the head, so all believers

upon earth must be united with,

and joined to, the Roman

Pontiff, who is the viceregent of

Christ upon earth.)

38. Many Roman Pontiffs have, 38. The excessive and arbitrary

by their too arbitrary conduct, acts of the Roman Pontiffs have

contributed to the division of the had no part in bringing about the

Church into Eastern and division of the Church into

Western. Eastern and Western.

SECT. VI.--_Errors about Civil SECT. VI.--_Errors relating to

Society, considered both in itself Civil Society, both in itself and

and in its relation to the Church._ in itsrelations with the Church._

39. The State is the origin and 39. The State does not possess

source of all rights, and possesses as the origin and fountain of all

rights which are not circumscribed rights an unbounded right.

by any limits.

(_Remark of Schrader._--The

State is not the origin and

fountain of all rights, and

hence does not possess

any unbounded right.)

40. The teaching of the Catholic 40. The doctrine of the Catholic

Church is opposed to the wellbeing Church is not contrary to the

and interests of society. welfare and advantage of human

society.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But even

helpful to it.)

41. The civil government, even 41. The State has not a direct

when exercised by an infidel and positive nor an indirect and

sovereign, possesses an indirect negative right in religious

and negative power over religious things, and still less when its

affairs. It therefore possesses not power is wielded by an

only the right called that of unbelieving prince. It has

_exequatur_, but also that of the neither the right of _exequatur_

(so-called) _appellatio ab abusu_. nor the right of _appellatio_

["_Appel comme d'abus_."] which is called _ab abusu_.

42. In the case of conflicting 42. In case of conflict between

laws between the two powers, the the laws of the two powers, the

civil law ought to prevail. temporal law does not prevail.

43. The lay power has the authority 43. The temporal authority has

to rescind, declare, and not the power to revoke solemn

render null solemn conventions or treaties commonly called

_concordats_ relating to the use of concordats, which have been made

rights appertaining to ecclesiastical with the Holy See in respect to

immunity, without the consent the exercise of the rights of

of the Apostolic See, and immunity without its consent

even in spite of its protests. ecclesiastical or against its

opposition, nor the right to

declare or make them void.

(_Note of Author of the present work._

--It is noteworthy that while in

Rome the doctrine of concordats, as

taught by Tarquini and in the pages

of the _Civiltá_, was that they were not

bipartite treaties, but laws issued by

the Pontiff at the instance of the

temporal prince, in Austria and

Germany, Schrader and Bishop Martin

(see his _Katechismus des Kirchenrechts_),

in order to uphold concordats,

taught that they were solemn

treaties.)

44. The civil authority may 44. The authority of the State

interfere in matters related to cannot interfere in matters of

religion, morality, and spiritual religion or morals, or of

government, whence it has control spiritual government. It cannot

over the instructions for the therefore judge of the

guidance of consciences issued, admonitions which chief pastors

conformably with their mission, of the Church in pursuance of

by the pastors of the Church. their office issue as a rule for

Further, it possesses power to the guidance of consciences.

decree in the matter of administering Also it cannot decide upon the

the Divine Sacraments and administration of the Holy

as to the dispositions necessary for Sacraments nor the dispositions

their reception. necessary to their reception of

them.

45. The entire direction of public 45. The entire direction of

schools in which the youth of public schools in which the

Christian States are educated, youth of a Christian State are

except (to a certain extent) in the educated, excepting episcopal

case of episcopal seminaries, may seminaries in some particulars,

and must appertain to the civil cannot and must not be given to

power, and belong to it so far that the State, even so that no right

no other authority whatsoever of any other authority to

shall be recognized as having any interfere in the discipline of

right to interfere in the discipline the school, in the arrangement

of the schools, the arrangement of of studies, in the conferring of

the studies, the taking of degrees, degrees, or in the choice and

or the choice and approval of the approval of teachers can be

teachers. recognized.

(_Remark of Schrader._--The

supreme direction of public

schools in which the youth of

a Christian State are educated

_pertains to the Church_. It is

her duty to watch over all public

and private schools, so that in

the entire school system, but

especially in what relates to

religion, teachers may be

appointed and books may be

employed which shall be free

from every suspicion of error;

and that thus masters and

mistresses of the most

approved rectitude may behosen

for the schools of the children

and youth in the earliest years.

The Church would act against the

commands of her Divine Founder,

and would be unfaithful to her

most important duty committed

to her by God, to care for the

salvation of the souls of all

men, if she gave up or

interrupted her wholesome

ruling influence over the

primary schools, and she would

be compelled to warn all

believers and to declare

to them that schools out of which

the authority of the Church is

driven, are schools hostile to

the Church, and cannot be

attended with good conscience.)

46. Further, even in clerical 46. The direction of studies in

seminaries, the mode of study to clerical seminaries is in no

be adopted must be submitted to way in the hands of the State

the civil authority. authority.

47. The best theory of civil society 47. The best mode of regulating

requires that popular schools a State does not demand that the

open to the children of all classes, national schools, which are open

and, generally, all public institutes to all classes of the community,

intended for the instruction in and generally public institutions

letters and philosophy and for destined for the higher

conducting the education of the scientific instruction, and the

young, should be freed from all education of youth, should be

ecclesiastical authority, government, withdrawn from all ecclesiastical

and interference, and should authority, and completely handed

be completely subjected to the over to the direction of the

civil and political power in temporal and political authority,

conformity with the will of rulers and should be conducted according

and the prevalent opinions of the to the pleasure of the government

age. and the standard of current

opinion.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Such a

corrupting method of instruction

separated from the Catholic faith

and the influence of the Church

already exists, is of great

disadvantage to individuals and

society in respect to learned and

scientific instruction, and to

the education of youth in public

schools and institutions destined

for the higher classes of

society. But still greater evils

and disadvantages spring out of

this method if it is

introduced into the national

schools; and all efforts and

attempts to exclude the influence

of the Church from national

schools emanate from a spirit

extremely hostile to the Church,

as from all the efforts to

extinguish the light of our most

holy faith among the people.)

48. This system of instructing 48. Catholic men cannot put up

youth, which consists in separating with a kind of education of youth

it from the Catholic faith and which is entirely separated from

from the power of the Church, and the Catholic faith and the

in teaching it exclusively the authority of the Church, and

knowledge of natural things and which keeps exclusively in view

the earthly ends of social life the knowledge of natural things

alone, may be perfectly approved and the ends of earthly social

by Catholics. life as the great object.

(_Remark of Schrader._--An

instruction of youth which

imparts only the knowledge of

natural things, and keeps in

view only the ends of earthly

social life, cannot lead youths

to necessary salvation,

but must draw them away from it.)

49. The civil power is entitled 49. The State authority is not

to prevent ministers of religion allowed to hinder bishops and

and the faithful from communicating believers from holding free

freely and mutually with communication with the See of

each other and with the Roman Rome.

Pontiff.

50. The lay authority possesses 50. The temporal authority has

as inherent in itself the right of not the right of itself to

presenting bishops, and may require present bishops, and cannot

of them that they take demand of them that they shall

possession of their dioceses before enter upon the administration of

having received canonical institution their dioceses before they have

and the apostolical letters of received canonical institution

the Holy See. and the apostolic letters from

the Holy See.

51. And, further, the lay 51. The temporal government

government has the right of deposing has not the right to withdraw

bishops from their pastoral from bishops the exercise of

functions, and is not bound to their pastoral office, and it

obey the Roman Pontiff in those is bound in whatever relates to

things which relate to bishops' the episcopate and the

sees and the institution of bishops. appointment of bishops to obey

the Pope of Rome.

52. The government has of itself 52. The government cannot of

the right to alter the age prescribed its own right alter the age

by the Church for the prescribed by the Church for the

religious profession both of men taking of vows, whether by men

and women; and may enjoin upon or by women. Nor can it forbid

all religious establishments to admit religious orders to admit any one

no person to take solemn vows to the taking of vows without its

without its permission. permission.

53. The laws for the protection 53. Those laws may not be

of religious establishments and abolished which relate to the

securing their rights and duties protection of religious orders,

ought to be abolished; nay, more, and to their rights and duties;

the civil government may lend and the government of the State

its assistance to all who desire to cannot grant support to all who

quit the religious life which they forsake their chosen condition

have undertaken, and to break in any order, and wish to break

their vows. The government may their solemn vows. Also it cannot

also extinguish religious orders, abolish houses belonging to the

collegiate churches, and simple orders, the collegiate churches,

benefices, even those belonging to or their endowments, even when

private patronage, and submit they are subject to a right of

their goods and revenues to the patronage, and cannot hand over

administration and disposal of the their property to the

civil power. administration and discretion of

the State.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Those

laws which relate to the

protection of religious orders,

to their rights and to their

duties, must not be abolished,

but every government must

far rather grant protection to

the religious orders. If the

government of the State grants

support to those who forsake

their chosen condition in any

order, and wish to break their

solemn vows, it acts against the

spirit and the will of the

Church. If they do away with

the houses of the orders, their

collegiate churches, or private

endowments, even though they are

subject to rights of

patronage, and if they hand over

their property to the

administration and discretion

of the State, they thereby rob

the Church of her legitimate

property, and they fall under

the greater excommunication,

as also under the other censures

and pains which have been

established by the Apostolic

Constitutions, the Holy Canons,

and the Decrees of General

Councils, in particular of

the Council of Trent. Sec. 22,

cap, ii., against the violators

and desecrators, and against the

usurpers of the rights of the

Apostolic See.)

54. Kings and princes are not 54. Kings and princes are neither

only exempt from the jurisdiction excluded from the jurisdiction

of the Church, but are superior to of the Church, nor do they

the Church in litigated questions stand higher than the Church

of jurisdiction. in determining questions of

jurisdiction.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But as

members of the Church they are

subject to the decision of the

pastors, and especially of the

chief pastors. Princes should

much rather remember that the

kingly power has not been

delivered to them only for

the government of the world, but

especially for the protection

of the Church, and what is done

by them for the welfare of the

Church is done for their kingdom

and for its peace.)

55. The Church ought to be 55. The Church is neither to be

separated from the State, and the separated from the State, nor the

State from the Church. State from the Church.

SECT. VII.--_Errors concerning SECT. VII.--_Errors relating to

Natural and Christian Ethics._ Natural and Christian Ethics._

56. Moral laws do not stand in 56. Moral laws need a divine

need of the divine sanction, and sanction, and it is necessary

there is no necessity that human that human laws should be brought

laws should be conformable to the into accord with natural right,

law of nature and receive their and should receive their binding

sanction from God. force from God.

57. Knowledge of philosophical 57. Philosophy and philosophical

things, and morals, and civil laws, ethics, as well as civil

may, and must be, independent of laws, should not and must not

divine and ecclesiastical authority. deviate from divine revelation,

and from the authority of the

Church.

58. No other forces are to be 58. Other powers are to be

recognized except those which reside acknowledged besides those

in matter, and all moral teaching found in matter, and the

and moral excellence ought to discipline and comeliness of

be made to consist in the accumulation manners should not be placed in

and increase of riches by the accumulation and

every possible means, and in the multiplication of riches of every

enjoyment of pleasure. kind, and in the enjoyment of

pleasures.

(_Remark of Schrader._--There are

other powers to acknowledge,

belonging to a higher mental

order than those which are found

in matter, and also morality and

propriety is destroyed

in the mere accumulation and

multiplication of riches, and the

indulgence of evil lusts

according to the words of the

Scripture--"If ye live after the

flesh ye shall die, but if ye

through the spirit do mortify

the deeds of the body ye shall

live.")

59. Right consists in the 59. Right does not consist in

material fact. All human duties the material fact. The duties of

are vain words, and all human acts men are no empty name, and all

have the force of right. human facts have not the force of

right.

60. Authority is nothing else 60. Authority is something

but the result of numerical more than numbers and the sum of

superiority and material force. material forces.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Otherwise

fools would form the highest

authority, for it is said of them

in the Scripture that their

number is infinite.)

61. An unjust act being successful 61. Unrighteousness, even when

inflicts no injury upon the attended by good fortune,

sanctity of right. tarnishes the sacredness of

right.

62. The principle of non-intervention 62. The so-called principle of

ought to be proclaimed non-intervention is not to be

and adhered to. proclaimed and not to be

observed.

(_Remark of Schrader._--For it

is a fatal principle, and

opposed to the spirit of love

and order.)

63. It is allowable to refuse 63. Obedience must not be

obedience to legitimate princes; denied to legitimate princes,

nay more, to rise in insurrection much less must they be rebelled

against them. against.

(_Remark of Schrader._--For it is

written, "Be subject to every

human creature for God's sake;

whether to the king, who is the

highest, or to his lieutenants as

such, who are appointed by him;"

and he who sets himself against

the ruler with force, he resists

the ordinance of God, and

they that resist shall receive

condemnation.)

64. The violation of a solemn 64. The breach of every oath

oath, nay, any wicked and flagitious and every godless and shameful

action repugnant to the action in contradiction to the

eternal law, is not only not eternal laws are not only worthy

blameable, but quite lawful, and of condemnation, but also are

worthy of the highest praise when eternally to be reprobated, and

done for the love of one's country. are not praiseworthy even when

they are done out of love to

one's native country.

(_Remark of Schrader._--But by

such criminal and perverted

reasonings all propriety, virtue,

and righteousness are entirely

destroyed, and the evil

conduct of the thief and

assassin is defended and

recommended with unheard-of

impudence.)

SECT. VIII.--_Errors concerning SECT. VIII.--_Errors relating to

Christian Marriage._ Christian Marriage._

65. It cannot be by any means 65. It is not to be in any way

tolerated to maintain that Christ denied that Christ has elevated

has raised marriage to the dignity marriage to the dignity of a

of a sacrament. sacrament.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Many

proofs can be brought forward

that Christ did elevate marriage

to the dignity of a sacrament.)

66. The sacrament of marriage 66. The sacrament of marriage

is only an adjunct of the contract is not something simply accessory

and separable from it, and to the contract, and to be

the sacrament itself only consists separated from it, and the

in the nuptial benediction. sacrament does not lie simply and

only in the benediction of the

marriage.

67. By the law of nature the 67. By natural law the marriage

marriage tie is not indissoluble, bond is indissoluble, and in no

and in many cases divorce, properly case can divorce in the proper

so called, may be pronounced sense be legally pronounced by

by the civil authority. the temporal authority.

(_Remark of Schrader._--Christian

marriage is truly and properly

one of the seven sacraments of

the evangelical law, instituted

by Christ the Lord. Therefore it

belongs altogether to the

ecclesiastical authority

to decide upon anything which in

ny way regards marriage.)

68. The Church has not the 68. The Church has the authority

power of laying down what are to set up impediments

diriment impediments to marriage. invalidating marriage, but this

The civil authority does possess does not belong to the temporal

such a power, and can abolish power, neither does it belong to

impediments that may exist to the latter to annul impediments

marriage. already existing.

69. In the later ages, the 69. The Church has not only

Church, when she laid down certain in later centuries begun to set

impediments as diriment to up impediments invalidating

marriage, did so not of her own marriage, and she has done so

uthority, but by a right borrowed out of her own rights, and not

from the civil power. out of rights lent to her by the

temporal authority.

70. The canons of the Council of 70. The canons of the Council

Trent, which pronounce censure of of Trent which pronounce an

anathema against those who deny anathema upon those who dare to

the Church the right of laying deny the right of the Church to

down what are diriment impediments, set up impediments invalidating

either are not dogmatic, or marriage are dogmatic in their

must be understood as referring to nature, and are not to be

such borrowed power. understood as of a borrowed

power.

71. The form of solemnizing 71. The Tridentine form is

marriage prescribed by the said binding under penalty of

Council, under penalty of nullity, invalidity, even where the

does not bind in cases where the law of the State has prescribed

civil law has appointed another another form and makes the

form, and decrees that this new validity of marriage dependent

form shall effectuate a valid upon it.

marriage.

(_Remark of Schrader._--The State

law is invalid.)

72. Boniface VIII. is the first 72. Boniface VIII. has not been

who declared that the vow of the first to declare that a vow

chastity pronounced at Ordination of chastity taken in ordination

annuls marriage. renders marriage null.

73. A merely civil contract 73. No true marriage can exist

may among Christians constitute between Christians by force of a

a true marriage, and it is false civil contract, and it is true

either that the marriage contract that either the contract of

between Christians must always be marriage between Christians is

a sacrament, or that the contract always a sacrament, or that the

is null if the sacrament be contract is null if the sacrament

excluded. has been excluded.