Bull of Convocation--Doctrine of the Sword--The Crusade of St.
Peter--Incidents--Mission to the Orientals, and Overtures to
Protestants in different Countries--June 1868 to December 1868-69.
It was on St. Peter's Day, June 29, 1868, that the Bull of Convocation
was issued. According to the Pope's promise, the Council was to meet on
the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, December 8, 1869.
The language of the Bull was diplomatically vague as to the objects
of the assembly, but awfully explicit as to the authority by which it
was convened. Not in an _obiter dictum_, but in legislative language
jointed to bear the strain of ages, a claim is set up, as Sepp points
out, to exercise the authority of the whole Trinity, and, indeed, we
may add, whatever further authority Peter and Paul can lend. "Confiding
in and supported by the authority of Almighty God Himself, Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost, and of His blessed Apostles Peter and Paul,
_which we also exercise upon earth_."[104] It ought to be remembered
that M. Veuillot writes down the date of this Bull as the day on which
the middle ages died. The indication of objects, though vague to us,
sufficed for the initiated. _Ce qui se Passe au Concile_ says (p. 9)--
The Pope repeatedly intimates that the Church has the right "to
redress the errors which turn _civil_ society upside down, ...
to preserve the nations from bad books and pernicious journals,
and from those teachers of iniquity and error to whom the unhappy
youth are confided whose education is withdrawn from the clergy;
... to defend justice, ... to assure the progress and solidity
of the human sciences." This somewhat confounds things spiritual
and temporal; but those political allusions drowned in the usual
digressions of Pontifical documents, passed unobserved.
If they passed unobserved in Roman Catholic countries, where
journalists did know a little of the modes of pontifical speech, how
much more in countries like England and America, where at that time it
was considered unintelligent to speak or write upon the subject from
knowledge, the proper thing being a serene superiority to study, and a
judicious expression of opinions caught in the air.
To obviate the objection that the assembly would be only a synod of the
Western Church, and not an OEcumenical Council, the Bull was followed
by Letters Apostolic addressed to all prelates of the Oriental Churches
not holding communion with Rome.[105] Until the Vatican Council these
were regarded only as schismatics, not as heretics. Therefore the Pope
invited them to come, and by submitting to the See of Rome to complete
the union. This invitation was dated September 8; and on the 13th of
that month a "paternal letter" went forth, to Protestants and other
non-Catholics. All these, from Anglican Ritualists down to the smallest
sects, were grouped together, not being called to take any part in the
Council, but to seize the occasion of joining the Pope's Church by
renouncing their heresies and submitting to his authority.
Although the approach of the Council excited little attention in
Protestant countries, it began to be discussed in Roman Catholic ones
with an interest which rapidly warmed to excitement. The tremendous
significance attached by Ultramontane authorities to the Bull,
especially to the non-invitation of princes, and to the coming struggle
with the Modern State, was enough to rouse Catholics who did not
sympathize with the aims indicated. The _Civiltá_ put the alternative
as between the end of the world or its salvation by the Council.
"Either, in the inscrutable designs of God, human society is destined
to perish, and we are close upon the supreme cataclysm of the last day,
or the salvation of the world is to be looked for from the Council and
from nothing else."[106] Language like this is not to be smiled at
when it goes to the heart of perhaps half a million of ecclesiastics,
each one of whom transmits the impression through a wide circle. The
following passage in the same article may be laid to heart. A good part
of it is quoted by _Janus_, with the remark that it needs but a step
further to declare the Pontiff an incarnation of God.
The Pope is not a power among men to be venerated like another.
But he is a power altogether divine. He is the propounder and
teacher of the law of the Lord in the whole universe; he is the
supreme leader of the nations to guide them in the way of eternal
salvation; he is the common father and universal guardian of
the whole human species in the name of God.... The treasures of
revelation, the treasures of truth, the treasures of righteousness,
the treasures of supernatural graces upon earth, have been
deposited by God in the hands of one man, who is the sole dispenser
and keeper of them. The life-giving work of the divine incarnation,
work of wisdom, of love, of mercy, is ceaselessly continued in
the ceaseless action of one man, thereto ordained by Providence.
This man is the Pope. This is evidently implied in his designation
itself--The Vicar of Christ. For if he holds the place of Christ
upon earth, that means that he continues the work of Christ in the
world, and is in respect of us what Christ would be were He here
below, Himself visibly governing the Church.... It is, then, no
wonder if the Pope, in his language, shows that the care of the
whole world is his, and if, forgetting his own peril, he thinks
only of that of the faithful nations. He sees aberrations of mind,
passions of the heart, overflowing vices; he sees new wants, new
aspirations; and holding out to the nations a helping hand, with
the tranquillity of one securely seated on the throne given him by
God, he says to them, Draw nigh to me, and I will trace out for you
the way of truth and charity which alone can lead to the desired
happiness.[107]
Such divines as held that the proper work of a General Council was to
heal schisms or combat heresies, remarked on the absence of both. Such
as were unwilling to see the Church straining after temporal power, and
placing herself in antagonism to freedom and light, could ill conceal
their anxiety. But the Jesuits everywhere hailed the dawning of a
wonderful day.
On Saturday, October 17, 1868, the Abbé Testa, accompanied by three
other priests, went to the palace of the Patriarch of Constantinople,
bearing the Pope's letter to the Oriental bishops. The Vicar-General
received the four Latin priests, and introduced them to his Holiness
the Patriarch, whose hand they kissed. The Patriarch, on his part,
embraced them, and expressed his pleasure at seeing them. The Abbé
Testa then drew a richly adorned little book from his pocket and
offered it to the Patriarch, while one of his brethren told his
Holiness, in Greek, that they had come to invite him to attend the
OEcumenical Council, and begged him to receive the letter of invitation.
His Holiness motioned to the Abbé Testa to lay the little book down
near him, and said, "Had not the _Giornale di Roma_ published the
letter whereby his Holiness summons us to Rome to a Council, which he
calls oecumenical, and had we not thus learned the object and contents
of the letter, and also the principles of his Holiness, we should have
received a communication from the Patriarch of old Rome with the utmost
pleasure, in hope of finding some change in his mode of thinking. As,
however, this invitation is in the journals, and as his Holiness has
proclaimed views in direct opposition to the principles of the orthodox
Churches of the East, we declare to you, Reverend Fathers, with grief
and at the same time with sincerity, that we cannot receive either such
an invitation or such a letter, which only assert principles opposed
to the spirit of the Gospel and to the declarations of the OEcumenical
Councils and of the Holy Fathers."
The Patriarch proceeded to refer to the Pope's former advances, and
delicately hinted that when they had objected that he held principles
which were to be regretted, his reply showed that he was so much pained
that it was better not to put him to grief a second time. "In short, we
look for the true settlement of the question to history. Ten centuries
ago there was one Church, confessing the same faith in East and West,
in old Rome and new Rome. Let us go back for that period, and let us
see who has added and taken away. Let us suppress innovations, if
such there are, and then shall we imperceptibly find ourselves at that
point of Catholic orthodoxy from which Rome was pleased gradually to
diverge in the earlier centuries, ever widening the gulf of separation
more and more by new dogmas and definitions which depart from the holy
traditions."
The Abbé Testa asked what principles his Holiness spoke of.
"Without entering into minute points," replied the Patriarch, "we
can never admit that wherever the Church of our Saviour extends upon
earth any Chief Bishop exists in the midst of her except our Lord, or
that there is a Patriarch who is infallible whenever he speaks _ex
cathedrâ_, who is exalted above the OEcumenical Councils, to which
alone infallibility attaches, seeing that they always held to holy
scripture and apostolic tradition."
The Abbé referred to the Council of Florence, and received a full and
courteous answer. The Patriarch at last said, "If you would see that
union realized which we all desire, place yourselves on the ground
of history and of the General Councils; or, if that is too hard upon
you, let us all pray to God for peace to the world and prosperity and
union to the Church. For the moment, we declare, with pain, that this
invitation is fruitless and this circular of no effect."
The four Latins urged that prayer alone did not suffice; if one was
sick we not only prayed but employed means of cure. "When the sickness
is spiritual," replied the Patriarch, "the Lord alone knows who is the
sick man, how he suffers, what is the root of the malady, and what the
real cure. I say again there is urgent necessity for ceaseless prayer
to the Lord of the whole earth, that He may guide all to conclusions
well pleasing to God."
The Patriarch then directed the Vicar-General to hand back the little
book, and the four abbés took their leave, accompanied to the stair by
the Vicar-General.[108]
Speaking of this interview, the _Stimmen aus Maria Laach_ said,
"Neither by his words nor his deeds did the Patriarch manifest polish,
theological science, or ecclesiastical education."[109]
The invitation was rejected by the Metropolitan of Ephesus, and the
Bishops of Varna and Thessalonica. The Metropolitan of Chalcedon
wrote upon it _Epistrephete_--"Be converted"--and returned it. The
Patriarch of Antioch sent the letter back, and his ten bishops did
the same. So also the orthodox Greek Patriarch of Jerusalem and his
bishops (_Friedberg_, p. 70). The Bishop of Thessalonica assigned four
reasons, the last of which called forth a laboured reply from the
Jesuits of Laach. "The Pope is a king," said the Oriental, "and wields
the sword, which is contrary to the gospel." The reply was that the
existence of the small but heroic army of the Pope was not due so much
to any will of his as to the nature of his office as chief shepherd
of the universal Church. The army and the temporal power, "without
which this office cannot exist," were manifestly necessary. But then
the "schismatical bishop" asks if bearing the sword is not contrary to
the gospel. No; for in the very words of the gospel Christ allowed the
apostles to bear two swords.
Having reached this practical point in the teaching of Boniface VIII,
the writer goes on to show that Peter was not told to cast his sword
away, but only to put it up into the sheath; which clearly meant that
he was to bear it. If he was reproved for using it, that was because,
though he had asked permission to do so, he had not yet received it;
for, in fact, at that point of time, the supreme power promised to
Peter had not been actually bestowed upon him. But seeing that he was
told to keep the sword, are we to suppose that when he did become
ruler, he and his successors for all time were to keep it hanging
at their sides, as a useless weight? Certainly not; "he beareth not
the sword in vain." The writer would probably have called any one an
infidel who expected a literal fulfilment of the words "all they that
take the sword shall perish with the sword."
In reviewing the reception given in the East to the Bull, consolation
was drawn from the fact that the Armenian Patriarch in Constantinople
had raised the brief to his forehead. But the Catholikos of the same
Church in the See of Etschmiazin rejected it with decision. The
ill-success of these overtures displeased the "good Press." Pius IX had
been flattered into the belief that he had in great measure "restored"
the ascendancy of the Pontiff over the East. Even Archbishop Manning
had said enough in print to show that he came back from Rome in 1867
with some such idea, and prelates of more experience had done the same.
Representations as to the readiness of Protestants to submit, had led
to the letter to Protestants. Bishop Martin of Paderborn had strong
hopes of those in Germany, and set store by some odd letters, said
to be from Protestant clergymen, which, however, seem to be either
spurious, or from men not likely to lead anybody.[110] Archbishop
Manning, after several sentences coloured by a pontifical imagination,
had said, "The Council of Trent fixed the epoch after which
Protestantism never spread. The next General Council will probably date
the period of its dissolution."[111]
Between the date of the Bull of Convocation and that of the invitation
to the Orientals, the Pope performed two journeys to the Alban Hills,
which were celebrated by Court journalists. At Rocca di Papa, where
Hannibal is said to have pitched his tents, the little army of his
Holiness was, after modern usage, encamped. The Pontiff went on purpose
across the Campagna and up the hills, passed through the ranks of his
defenders, and himself celebrated Mass for their benefit. When his next
birthday was celebrated, the zouaves made a special display in the
Piazza of St. Peter's, of which the _Civiltá_ gives a long but lively
description. The last formation mentioned is to us new in military
evolutions. The zouaves "formed so as to make the letters composing the
august name Pius IX."[112]
Ever since 1860 the preaching of "taking up the cross," of the glory
of "dying for religion," and of the pure, bright martyrdom of falling
on the field for St. Peter, had been rather heavy work. Now the gleam
of victory at Mentana lighted up the future. Vistas long and luminous
led the eye of the fighting sons of Loyola away to other scenes,
where John VIII as Admiral, or John X as General, or Pius V rejoicing
over Lepanto, with other martial glories of the Papacy, paled before
what the Virgin and St. Michael were about to bring to pass. Loud and
ringing sounded forth to the faithful the call to the crusade of St.
Peter. The youth of the Catholic world were assured that not the fall
of Richmond nor the capture of Sebastopol, not Solferino nor Sadowa,
had moved human society as did the tidings from Mentana. Stories true
and often very touching were mixed with fables and with ecstasies.
The tales were those of youths from the noblest houses and from the
lowliest cots. The young Duke de Blacas "dedicated his sword to the
tomb of St. Peter, as his forefathers dedicated theirs to the tomb of
Christ." In his death youths are to see the martyr palm for which it
is noble to pant, and mothers are to see a privilege which they might
well seek in prayer. Peter Jong, a poor Dutch lad, only son of his
mother, a widow, who gave him up rejoicing as if God had granted her
great grace, fell, it is said, after having slain fourteen Italians. He
receives this tribute: "For St. Peter he inflicted many just deaths;
for St. Peter he worthily met his own." It is told how the King of
Holland keeps Jong's photograph in his portfolio, and shows it to other
intending crusaders as an encouragement. Another Dutch youth writes:
"Mamma, blessed is he who sheds the last drop of his blood. The martyrs
of all the centuries descend to meet him and to conduct him to heaven."
This, though Protestants may not know it, is spiritual warfare! for
"to defend the Church of Christ is a spiritual object." One proof
constantly alleged that bayonet and ball used for St. Peter are to
re-establish truth and righteousness is, "This is the victory that
overcometh the world, even our faith."
The young Duke de Blacas, not having been in action, seemed in dying to
think that he should not escape purgatory. Care, however, is taken,
in a studiously written biography of a Goldoni who also died before
battle, to show that in point of martyrdom, as to the old crusaders, no
difference was made by St. Bernard and St. Catherine of Siena between
those who died in battle and those who died in the service. Also, that
no difference had been made between these two classes of the crusaders
of St. Peter by Pius IX. He had comforted a father who regretted that
his son had not fallen in battle, by telling him that he had "the
supreme" consolation, because the son had died in the service of the
Holy See. And he had, in his solemn Allocution, compared both classes
alike to the martyred Maccabees. The father of Goldoni, pictured as a
devout and humane physician, is represented as often putting up the
prayer for his only son, "Oh that God would inspire him to take up the
cross!" Young Goldoni was a diligent reader of the _Unitá Cattolica_
and the _Civiltá_, from which "sources of religious and of pure
intellectual culture he drew a generous and daring spirit." Though he
died unhappily before battle, his biographer sees him seated among the
celestial martyrs, between the Duke de Blacas and the Count Zileri de
Verme, with whom do rejoice and glory others who died at a distance
from the fight. When Goldoni received his "call" to the crusade, he
started in haste. "It seemed as if the Spirit of God carried him."
The Archbishop of Modena specially blessed "our young crusader." He
then received the Sacrament, and so "heart to heart with Jesus Christ
consecrated his life to Holy Church." Moreover, in parting, "the young
cavalier of Jesus Christ put upon his bosom, as if a breastplate, an
image of Mary." The night before leaving home he, "in the manner of
the old crusaders," knelt at his father's knee and asked his blessing.
While the father "shed upon him the holy water and the prayer," Antonio
burst into weeping.
Arrived in Rome, Goldoni sought a Jesuit to "govern his soul." The
Jesuit made allusion to the dangers of his new life. "I have made up
my mind to be a martyr for the Holy See," replied Goldoni. "The Holy
Father has declared the temporal power necessary to the spiritual.
Therefore, fighting and dying for the temporal power, I should
indirectly be a martyr for our holy religion." The Jesuit was overcome
at hearing these generous sentiments from a youth so superior. Two days
after, the Jesuit and Goldoni met "in the tribunal of penitence."
Goldoni soon caught a fever, and in the hospital often confessed. On
the Feast of St. John Berchmans[113] he declared that he had obtained
from the saint the grace to be with him in Paradise on the day of the
Assumption of the Virgin. He reiterated that he should on the day of
the Assumption go to heaven to see the Madonna and St. John Berchmans.
His good father, called from Modena, arrived in time to bless and pray
for his departing Antonio. At the last moment he left him, for it
would seem that those around thought that the presence of the earthly
father would come between him and the heavenly Father. So he lay, with
his lustrous eyes fixed on heaven, as if, says the chaplain, "he was
awaiting the appearance of his John Berchmans, who was to present him
at the throne of the great Virgin." At seven o'clock on the morning of
the Assumption he passed away.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 104: _Acta_, p. 6.]
[Footnote 105: Archbishop Manning gave reasons for looking upon the
motive here assigned as "a transparent error."]
[Footnote 106: Serie VII. vol iii. p. 264.]
[Footnote 107: Serie VII. vol. iii. pp. 259, 260.]
[Footnote 108: _Friedberg Aktenstücke_, pp. 250-53.]
[Footnote 109: _Neue Folge, Erstes Heft_, pp. 72, 73.]
[Footnote 110: These productions are published by
Friedrich--_Tagebuch_, p. 453 ff.]
[Footnote 111: _The Centenary of St. Peter, and the General Council_,
p. 90.]
[Footnote 112: _Civiltá_, Serie VII. vol. v. p. 234.]
[Footnote 113: Technically, Berchmans seems to be only a beatified, not
a saint.]