CHAPTER IV.

Transferred to the "Rhode Island."--Meeting with an old

Friend.--Arrival at Fort Warren.--Treatment there.--Correspondence,

and its Result.--Prison Life.--Exchanged.--The Crew at

quarters.--Burial of the "Unknown."

On the 9th of May we were transferred from the Colorado to the steamer

Rhode Island, bound to Fort Warren. On board of this vessel we were

"tabooed" even more completely by the officers, than on board the

Colorado; for the Rhode Island was officered, with the single exception,

I believe, of her captain, by volunteers, who were not connected with us

by any associations of friendship or congeniality of taste. The harsh

order to hold no intercourse with us, had been evaded or violated, "sub

rosa," on board the Colorado by old friends and shipmates. On board the

Rhode Island, much to our satisfaction, it was strictly obeyed; for we

would have lost our patience to be "interviewed" by fledgling naval

heroes, many of whom had reached the quarter deck through the

hawseholes. Upon one occasion, many years ago, when the question of

increasing the United States Navy was under discussion by Congress, a

rough western member, opposed to the measure, stated that his section of

the country could supply droves of young officers whenever they were

needed. The United States Government must have "corralled" lots of

youngsters, without regard to their fitness or capacity, to send on

board the ships of war during our civil conflict. The "noble commander"

of the Rhode Island most of us had known of old as a prim little

precisian, and a great stickler for etiquette, and by no means a bad

fellow; but so strict a constructionist that he would probably have

refused to recognize his grandfather, if it were against orders. But he

had a humane disposition under his frigid exterior; and allowed us all

the comfort and privileges compatible with discipline and safety.

We touched at Fortress Monroe; and while the vessel was at anchor there

I received a gratifying evidence that this fratricidal war had not

destroyed all kindly feelings between former friends and messmates. The

executive officer of the Rhode Island called me aside to say that a

friend wished to see me in his state-room; and as he did not mention

the name, I was surprised to find myself warmly greeted by Albert Smith.

We had served together during the Mexican war, and our cruise had not

been an uneventful one; for the vessel to which we were attached ("the

Perry") after considerable service in the Mexican Gulf, was dismasted

and wrecked, during one of the most terrific hurricanes that ever

desolated the West India Islands. Thirty-nine vessels, out of forty-two,

which lay in the harbor of Havana, foundered at their anchors, or were

driven ashore; all of the light-houses along the Florida reef were

destroyed, and hundreds of persons perished. The Perry lost all of her

boats, her guns, except two, were thrown overboard, and she escaped

complete destruction almost by a miracle. She encountered the hurricane

off Havana, and after scudding for many hours under bare poles,

describing a circle as the wind continued to veer in the cyclone, she

passed over the Florida reef with one tremendous shock as she hung for a

moment upon its rocky crest. Her masts went by the board, but we had

passed in a moment from a raging sea into smooth water. Captain Blake,

who commanded her, achieved the feat of rigging jury masts with his

crew, and carrying the vessel to the Philadelphia navy yard for

repairs. Albert Smith and I had not met for many years. He offered me

any service in his power, and pressed me to accept at least a pecuniary

loan. The kind offer, although declined, was gratefully remembered; and

I was glad, too, to find that he, in common with many others, who

remained to fight under the old flag, could appreciate the sacrifices

made by those who felt equally bound, by all the truest and best

feelings of our nature, to defend their homes and firesides.

On our arrival at Fort Warren we were assigned quarters in one of the

casemates. Little more than a year had passed away since I had planted a

signal staff upon its parapet to _angle_ upon; being then engaged, as

chief of a hydrographic surveying party, in surveying the approaches to

Boston Harbor. _Then_ its garrison consisted of a superannuated sergeant

whose office was a sinecure; _now_ it held an armed garrison, who

drilled and paraded every day, with all the "pomp and circumstance" of

war, to the patriotic tune of "John Brown's body lies a-moulding in the

grave, but his spirit is marching on;" and it was crowded with southern

prisoners of war.

For a few days, in pursuance of Commodore Porter's policy, we were

closely confined; but all exceptional restrictions were then removed and

we fell into the monotonous routine of prison life. The following

correspondence took place previous to the removal of the restrictions,

and explains the reason of their withdrawal.

FORT WARREN, Boston Harbor, May 25, 1862.

Sir,--I was much surprised last evening on being informed by

Colonel Dimmick that Lieutenants Wilkinson, Warly, Ward, Whittle

and Harris, together with myself, have been, by your order, denied

the "privileges and courtesies that are extended to other

prisoners," on the ground that the act of burning the Confederate

States Battery "Louisiana," late under my command, was held by the

United States Navy Department as "infamous." In my letter to the

Department, dated on board of the United States Steamer Rhode

Island, Key West, May 14th, 1862, and forwarded through Commander

Trenchard on the arrival of that vessel in Hampton Roads, together

with a copy of my letter to Flag officer Farragut, and his reply

thereto, I felt assured that all the facts connected with the

destruction of the Louisiana were placed in such a light as not to

be mistaken, nor my motives misconstrued. To render the affair

still more clear I enclose herewith a memorandum of W. C. Whittle

Jr., Confederate States Navy, who was the bearer of my message to

Commodore Porter respecting my fears that the magazine of the

Louisiana had not been effectually drowned. With all these

statements forwarded by me to the United States Navy Department I

am perfectly willing to rest the case with impartial and

unprejudiced minds, as well as with my own Government, satisfied

that nothing has been done by the foregoing officers, nor myself,

militating at all against the strictest rules of military honor and

usage.

Though I will not affect an indifference to the personal annoyance

to us by the action of the United States Navy Department in our

case as prisoners of war, yet my chief solicitude is to have placed

on file in that office such a statement of facts as will, on a fair

investigation, vindicate all the officers of the Confederate States

Navy concerned from the odium of infamous conduct unjustly

attempted to be fixed upon them by those of the United States Navy;

against which and the infliction of punishment as directed by the

Navy Department I enter my solemn protest.

I most emphatically assert that the Louisiana, when abandoned and

fired by my order, was not only not "turned adrift" or intended to

injure the United States forces as charged by Commander Porter; but

that she was actually left secured to the opposite bank of the

river and distant quite three-fourths of a mile from the said

forces, for the very reason that they were flying a flag of truce,

and for that reason I dispatched the warning message to Commander

Porter respecting the magazine. That it is not only the right, but

the duty, of an officer to destroy public property to prevent its

falling into the hands of an enemy does not admit of question; and

in addition to all which, it must not be overlooked that the forces

under my command flew no flag of truce, and that I was not in any

way a party to the surrender of Forts Jackson and St. Philip.

I have the honor to be

Very respectfully your obedient servant,

(Signed) JNO. K. MITCHELL,

_Commander C. S. Navy._

Hon. GIDEON WELLES,

Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.

_Copy in Substance._

NAVY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, May 29, 1862

SIR,--The explanations of Commodore J. K. Mitchell are

satisfactory, and the restrictions imposed on him and his

associates by the department's order of the 2d instant will be

removed, and they will be treated as prisoners of war.

This does not relieve Beverly Kennon from the restrictions imposed

on him.

(Signed) GIDEON WELLES.

Colonel Justin Dimmick,

Commanding Fort Warren, Boston.

(_Copy._)

NAVY DEPARTMENT, June 25, 1862.

SIR,--The letter of John K. Mitchell of the 20th inst., concerning

the restrictions imposed on you, by order of this Department, at

Fort Warren, has been received.

Will you please furnish the Department with the particulars of the

destruction of the gunboat of which you had command in the

engagement below New Orleans, with _wounded_ men on board.

I am respectfully your obedient servant,

(Signed) GIDEON WELLES.

BEVERLY KENNON, Fort Warren, Boston.

(_Copy_) FORT WARREN, BOSTON, June 28, 1862.

HON. GIDEON WELLES, _Secretary U. S. Navy_.

Sir,--Colonel Dimmick, the commander of this post, delivered to me

yesterday a letter signed by you under date of June 25th directed

to me as "Beverly Kennon" and referring to a communication

addressed to you on the 20th inst. by my superior officer,

Commander J. K. Mitchell, of the Confederate States Navy, whom you

are pleased to designate as "John K. Mitchell."

The purport of your letter is a request that I will furnish your

Department of the United States Government with the "particulars of

the destruction of the gunboat of which I had command in the

engagement below New Orleans with _wounded_ men on board."

When I destroyed and left the vessel which I had commanded on the

occasion referred to, all the wounded men had been removed, the

most of them lowered into boats by my own hands. I was, myself, the

last person to leave the vessel. _Any_ statements which you may

have received to the contrary are wholly without foundation. It

would not be proper, under any circumstances, that I should report

to you the "particulars" of her destruction; that being a matter

which concerns my own Government exclusively, and with which yours

can have nothing to do. Should any charges be made against me,

however, of which you have a right to take cognizance under the

laws of war, I will with pleasure, respond to any respectful

communication which you may address me on the subject. Indeed I

shall be glad of the opportunity to vindicate my character as an

officer from the unjust and unfounded imputations which have been

cast upon it in the connection to which you allude, and upon the

faith of which I have already been disparaged by unusual

restrictions and confinements, here and elsewhere, since I have

been a prisoner of war, without having been furnished an

opportunity for such vindication. But your letter of the 20th inst.

so studiously denies, both to Commander Mitchell and myself, not

only our official designations, but those of common courtesy, that

while I am unwilling to believe you would intentionally offer an

indignity to prisoners of war in your power, I can not now make

further reply without failing in respect to myself as well as to my

superior officer and Government.

I am Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed) BEVERLY KENNON,

Commander in Provisional Navy of the State

of Louisiana in the Confederate service.

The restrictions were removed from Kennon in a few days after the close

of this correspondence.

Many distinguished political prisoners were at that time confined at

Fort Warren; and all of the officers captured at Fort Donelson. Among

the former class, were those members of the Maryland Legislature, and of

the Baltimore City Council, who had been arrested and imprisoned by the

United States Government for alleged treason. It was my good fortune to

be invited into this mess. It is not my purpose to inflict upon the

reader a detailed account of prison life during the war, which has been

described by far abler pens than mine. All the members of our mess took

their turns, either at carving or waiting upon the table, and guests

were never better served. The graceful and accomplished old Commodore B.

and General T. shone conspicuous as carvers; while Colonels, Majors and

Captains, with spotless napkins on their arms, anticipated every wish of

the guests at the table. Colonel Dimmick was honored and beloved by the

prisoners for his humanity, and he and his family will ever be held in

affectionate remembrance by them; many of us having received special

acts of kindness, while suffering from sickness. When his son was

ordered to active service in the field I believe there was an unanimous

prayer by the prisoners that his life would be spared through the perils

he was about to encounter. The prisoners, first giving their parole not

to attempt to escape, were allowed the range of nearly the whole island

during the day; and not unfrequently suffered to see relatives and

friends who had received permission from the proper authorities to visit

them. In happier "ante bellum" times, I had known some of the good

people of Boston, and had spent a portion of a summer with several

families at that pleasant watering place, Nahant. One of my most

esteemed friends--Mrs. L.--with the charity of a noble and Christian

heart, wrote to me as soon as she learned that I was a prisoner; but she

was too loyal to the flag not to express regret and distress at what she

believed to be a mistaken sense of duty. The reader may remember the

definition once given of "Orthodoxy" by a dignitary of the church of

England to an inquiring nobleman. "Orthodoxy, my Lord, is _my_ doxy,

heterodoxy is _your_ doxy if you differ from me." The same authority, it

has always appeared to me, was assumed by a large portion of the

Northern people. They demanded a Government to suit their ideas, and

disloyalty consisted in opposing them.

We were permitted to write once a month to our friends in the

Confederacy; the letters being left open for inspection. There were a

few Northerners among us, but I know of only a single case where the

individual concerned so far yielded to the persuasion of his friends

outside, as to renounce the cause which he had sworn to defend.

Aside from the confinement, and the earnest desire to be doing our part

in the war, there could be no cause to repine at our lot. We were

allowed, at our own expense, to supply our tables from the Boston

market, not only abundantly, but luxuriously; the Government furnishing

the usual rations; and the prisoners grew robust upon the good fare and

the bracing climate. A tug plied daily between Boston and the island on

which Fort Warren is situated. We were permitted to receive the daily

papers and to purchase clothing and other necessaries, either from the

sutler, or from outside; and many of the prisoners were indebted to a

noble charity for the means of supplying many of these needs; of

clothing especially, which was chiefly furnished by the firm of Noah

Walker & Co. of Baltimore. The firm itself was said to be most liberal,

not merely dispensing the donations received in Baltimore and elsewhere,

but supplying a large amount of clothing gratuitously. The policy of

retaliation had not then been adopted. It is conceded that the United

States Government, towards the close of the war, subjected the

Confederate prisoners in their hands to harsh treatment in pursuance of

this policy; but in justice to the Confederate authorities it should be

borne in mind that they repeatedly proposed an exchange of prisoners

upon the ground of humanity, seeing that neither provisions nor medicine

were procurable; and, I believe, it is also a conceded fact that General

Grant opposed exchanges. The testimony of General Lee given before the

"reconstruction" Committee, clearly establishes the fact that _he_ did

all in his power to effect this object. In answer to a question he says:

"I offered to General Grant around Richmond that we should ourselves

exchange all the prisoners in our hands, and to show that I would do

whatever was in my power, I offered them to send to City Point all the

prisoners in Virginia and North Carolina, over which my command

extended, providing they returned an equal number of mine, man for man.

I reported this to the War Department, and received for answer, that

they would place at my command all the prisoners at the South, if the

proposition was accepted." The Rev. J. Wm. Jones, D.D., author of

"Personal Reminiscences of General R. E. Lee," writes as follows upon

this subject (page 194, et seq.) viz:

"1st--The Confederate authorities gave to prisoners in their hands the

same rations which they issued to their own soldiers, and gave them the

very best accommodations which their scant means afforded.

"2d. They were always anxious to exchange prisoners, man for man, and

when this was rejected by the Federal authorities, they offered to send

home the prisoners in their hands without any equivalent.

"3d. By refusing all propositions to exchange prisoners, and declining

even to receive their own men without equivalent the Federal authorities

made themselves responsible for all the suffering, of both Federal and

Confederate prisoners, that ensued.

"4th. And yet notwithstanding these facts, it is susceptible of proof,

from the official records of the Federal Department, that the suffering

of Confederate prisoners in Federal prisons was much greater than that

of Federal prisoners in Confederate prisons. Without going more fully

into the question, the following figures, from the report of Mr.

Stanton, Secretary of War, in response to a resolution of the House of

Representatives, calling for the number of prisoners on both sides and

their mortality, are triumphantly submitted.

In prison. Died.

U. S. Soldiers 260,940 22,526

Confederates 200,000 26,500

That is, the Confederate States held as prisoners nearly 61,000 more men

than the Federals; and yet the death of Federal prisoners fell below

those of the Confederates four thousand."

Lastly, the Southern Historical Society, Richmond, Va., has recently

published a "Vindication of the Confederacy against the Charge of

Cruelty to Prisoners," which is conclusive on the whole question. It was

compiled by the Secretary of the Society, the Rev. J. Wm. Jones, just

quoted, who concludes with the following summing up of his argument.

"We think that we have established the following points:

"1st. The laws of the Confederate Congress, the orders of the War

Department, the Regulations of the Surgeon General, the action of our

Generals in the field, and the orders of those who had the immediate

charge of the prisoners, all provided that prisoners in the hands of the

Confederates should be kindly treated, supplied with the same rations

which our soldiers had, and cared for, when sick, in hospitals placed on

_precisely the same footing as the hospitals for Confederate soldiers_.

"2d. If these regulations were violated in individual instances, and if

subordinates were sometimes cruel to prisoners, it was without the

knowledge or consent of the Confederate Government, which always took

prompt action on any case reported to them.

"3d. If the prisoners failed to get their full rations, and had those of

inferior quality, the Confederate soldiers suffered in precisely the

same way and to the same extent; and it resulted from that system of

warfare adopted by the Federal authorities, which carried desolation and

ruin to every part of the South they could reach, and which in starving

the Confederates into submission, brought the same evils upon their own

men in Southern prisons.

"4th. The mortality in Southern prisons (fearfully large, although over

three per cent less than the mortality in Northern prisons) resulted

from causes beyond the control of our authorities, from epidemics, etc.,

which might have been avoided or greatly mitigated had not the Federal

Government declared medicines "contraband of war," refused the

proposition of Judge Ould, that each Government should send its own

surgeons with medicines, hospital stores, etc., to minister to soldiers

in prison, declined his proposition to send medicines to its own men in

southern prisons, without being required to allow the Confederates the

same privileges--refused to allow the Confederate Government to buy

medicines for gold, tobacco, or cotton, which it offered to pledge its

honor should be used only for Federal prisoners in its hands, refused to

exchange sick and wounded, and neglected from August to December, 1864,

to accede to Judge Ould's proposition to send transportation to Savannah

and receive _without equivalent_ from ten to fifteen thousand Federal

prisoners, notwithstanding the fact that this offer was accompanied

with a statement of the utter inability of the Confederacy to provide

for these prisoners, and a detailed report of the monthly mortality at

Andersonville, and that Judge Ould, again and again, urged compliance

with his humane proposal.

"5th. We have proven by the most unimpeachable testimony, that the

sufferings of Confederate prisoners in Northern "prison pens," were

terrible beyond description; that they were starved in a land of plenty,

that they were frozen where fuel and clothing were abundant; that they

suffered untold horrors for want of medicines, hospital stores and

proper medical attention; that they were shot by sentinels, beaten by

officers, and subjected to the most cruel punishments upon the slightest

pretexts; that friends at the North were refused the privilege of

clothing their nakedness or feeding them when starving; and that these

outrages were perpetrated not only with the full knowledge of, but under

the orders of E. M. Stanton, United States Secretary of War. We have

proven these things by Federal as well as Confederate testimony.

"6th. We have shown that all the suffering of prisoners on both sides

could have been avoided by simply carrying out the terms of the cartel,

and that for the failure to do this, the _Federal authorities alone_

were responsible; that the Confederate Government originally proposed

the cartel, and were always ready to carry it out both in letter and

spirit; that the Federal authorities observed its terms only so long as

it was to their interest to do so, and then repudiated their plighted

faith and proposed other terms which were greatly to the disadvantage of

the Confederates; that when the Government at Richmond agreed to accept

the hard terms of exchange offered them, these were at once repudiated

by the Federal authorities; that when Judge Ould agreed upon a new

cartel with General Butler, Lieutenant-General Grant refused to approve

it, and Mr. Stanton repudiated it; and that the policy of the Federal

Government was to refuse all exchanges while they "fired the Northern

heart" by placing the whole blame upon the "Rebels," and by circulating

the most heartrending stories of "Rebel barbarity" to prisoners. If

either of the above points has not been made clear to any sincere seeker

after the truth, we would be most happy to produce further testimony.

And we hold ourselves prepared to maintain against all comers, the

_truth of every proposition we have laid down in this discussion_. Let

the calm verdict of history decide between the Confederate Government

and its calumniators."

These extracts are inserted with the hope that the fair minded reader

may be induced to read the evidence upon the Confederate side.

"Truth crushed to Earth will rise again;

The Eternal years of God are hers;

But Error, wounded, writhes in pain;

And dies amid her worshipers."

It is not to be denied that the sufferings in Confederate prisons were

fearful; but they were caused by the destitute condition of the country

ravaged by war, and the scarcity of medicines which were not to be

obtained.

We were growing very tired of the monotony of prison life, scarcely

varied except by the daily game of football and the semi-weekly reports

of the capture of Richmond, when a rumor began to circulate of a speedy

exchange of prisoners. It was about the time when General McClellan

"changed his base" from the lines around Richmond to Harrison's Landing,

on James River. Early in August a large number of us, military and naval

officers, were sent on board a transport bound to James River, where we

arrived in due time, and thence, after taking on board a number of

Confederates forwarded from other prisons, we proceeded up the river to

Aiken's Landing. There was fighting near Malvern Hill as we passed by

there, and the United States gunboats had been shelling the Confederate

troops. The crew of one of them was at quarters, the men in their snow

white "frocks" and trowsers, the beautifully polished eight inch guns

cast loose and ready for action. The captain of one of the guns, a

handsome man-of-war's man, looked at our party with a smile of bravado

as we passed by, at the same time tapping his gun with his hand. Garrick

or Kean could not have conveyed more meaning by a gesture. That handsome

fellow's confidence in his pet was not misplaced; for history records

how frequently during the war the tide of battle was turned by that

gallant Navy to which it is an honor ever to have belonged. We, who so

reluctantly severed our connection with it, still feel a pride in its

achievements; and in our dreams are frequently pacing the deck, or

sitting at the mess table with dear friends of "auld lang syne," from

whom we are probably severed forever on this side of eternity.

We were put ashore at Aiken's Landing on the 5th of August. It was a

hot, sultry day. Three or four poor fellows had died on board our

transport while on our way up the river, and their bodies were landed at

the same time with ourselves. While we were waiting for the

preliminaries for the exchange of prisoners to be settled between the

Commissioners, a large grave was dug in the sand with such implements as

could be procured, and the "unknown" were consigned to their last

resting place between high and low water mark.

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