FURTHER CHARGES AGAINST BRITISH TROOPS
_Expansive and Explosive Bullets._
When Mr. Stead indulges in vague rhetoric it is difficult to corner him,
but when he commits himself to a definite statement he is more open to
attack. Thus, in his 'Methods of Barbarism' he roundly asserts that
'England sent several million rounds of expanding bullets to South
Africa, and in the North of the Transvaal and at Mafeking for the first
three months of the war no other bullets were used.' Mr. Methuen, on the
authority of a letter of Lieutenant de Montmorency, R.A., states also
that from October 12, 1899, up to January 15, 1900, the British forces
north of Mafeking used nothing but Mark IV. ammunition, which is not a
dum-dum but is an expansive bullet.
Mr. Methuen's statement differs, as will be seen, very widely from Mr.
Stead's; for Mr. Stead says Mafeking, and Mr. Methuen says north of
Mafeking. There was a very great deal of fighting at Mafeking, and
comparatively little north of Mafeking during that time, so that the
difference is an essential one. To test Mr. Stead's assertion about
Mafeking, I communicated with General Baden-Powell, the gentleman who is
most qualified to speak as to what occurred there, and his answer lies
before me: 'We had no expanding bullets in our supply at Mafeking,
unless you call the ordinary Martini-Henry an expanding bullet. I would
not have used them on humane principles, and moreover, an Army order had
been issued against the use of dum-dum bullets in this campaign. On the
other hand, explosive bullets are expressly forbidden in the Convention,
and these the Boers used freely against us in Mafeking, especially on
May 12.'
I have endeavoured also to test the statement as it concerns the troops
to the north of Mafeking. The same high authority says: 'With regard to
the northern force, it is just possible that a few sportsmen in the
Rhodesian column may have had some sporting bullets, but I certainly
never heard of them.' A friend of mine who was in Lobatsi during the
first week of the war assures me that he never saw anything but the
solid bullet. It must be remembered that the state of things was very
exceptional with the Rhodesian force. Their communications to the south
were cut on the second day of the war, and for seven months they were
dependent upon the long and circuitous Beira route for any supplies
which reached them. One could imagine that under such circumstances
uniformity of armament would be more difficult to maintain than in the
case of an army with an assured base.
The expansive bullet is not, as a matter of fact, contrary to the
Conventions of The Hague. It was expressly held from being so by the
representatives of the United States and of Great Britain. In taking
this view I cannot but think that these two enlightened and humanitarian
Powers were ill-advised. Those Conventions were of course only binding
on those who signed them, and therefore in fighting desperate savages
the man-stopping bullet could still have been used. Whatever our motives
in taking the view that we did, a swift retribution has come upon us,
for it has prevented us from exacting any retribution, or even
complaining, when the Boers have used these weapons against us.
Explosive bullets are, however, as my distinguished correspondent points
out, upon a different footing, and if the Boers claim the advantages of
the Conventions of The Hague, then every burgher found with these
weapons in his bandolier is liable to punishment.
Our soldiers have been more merciful than our Hague diplomatists, for in
spite of the reservation of the right to use this ammunition, every
effort has been made to exclude it from the firing line. An unfortunate
incident early in the campaign gave our enemies some reason to suspect
us. The facts are these.
At the end of the spring of 1899 some hundreds of thousands of
hollow-headed bullets, made in England, were condemned as
unsatisfactory, not being true to gauge, &c., and were sent to South
Africa for target practice only. A quantity of this ammunition, known as
'Metford Mark IV.,' was sent up to Dundee by order of General Symons for
practice in field firing. As Mark IV. was not for use in a war with
white races all these cartridges were called in as soon as Kruger
declared war, and the officers responsible thought they were every one
returned. By some blundering in the packing at home, however, some of
this Mark IV. must have got mixed up with the ordinary, or Mark II.,
ammunition, and was found on our men by the Boers on October 30.
Accordingly a very careful inspection was ordered, and a few Mark IV.
bullets were found in our men's pouches, and at once removed. Their
presence was purely accidental, and undoubtedly caused by a blunder in
the Ordnance Department long before the war, and it was in consequence
of this that some hollow-headed bullets were fired by the English early
in the war without their knowledge.
What is usually known as the dum-dum bullet is a 'soft-nosed' one: but
the regulation Mark II. is also made at the dum-dum factory, and the
Boers, seeing the dum-dum label on boxes containing the latter,
naturally thought the contents were the soft-nosed, which they were not.
It must be admitted that there was some carelessness in permitting
sporting ammunition ever to get to the front at all. When the Derbyshire
Militia were taken by De Wet at Roodeval, a number of cases of sporting
cartridges were captured by the Boers (the officers had used them for
shooting springbok). My friend, Mr. Langman, who was present, saw the
Boers, in some instances, filling their bandoliers from these cases on
the plausible excuse that they were only using our own ammunition. Such
cartridges should never have been permitted to go up. But in spite of
instances of bungling, the evidence shows that every effort has been
made to keep the war as humane as possible. I am inclined to hope that a
fuller knowledge will show that the same holds good for our enemies, and
that in spite of individual exceptions, they have never systematically
used anything except what one of their number described as a
'gentlemanly' bullet.
_Conduct to Prisoners on the Field._
On this count, also, the British soldiers have been exposed to attacks,
both at home and abroad, which are as unfounded and as shameful as most
of those which have been already treated.
The first occasion upon which Boer prisoners fell into our hands was at
the Battle of Elandslaagte, on October 21, 1899. That night was spent by
the victorious troops in a pouring rain, round such fires as they were
able to light. It has been recorded by several witnesses that the
warmest corner by the fire was reserved for the Boer prisoners. It has
been asserted, and is again asserted, that when the Lancers charged a
small body of the enemy after the action, they gave no quarter--'too
well substantiated and too familiar,' says one critic of this assertion.
I believe, as a matter of fact, that the myth arose from a sensational
picture in an illustrated paper. The charge was delivered late in the
evening, in uncertain light. Under such circumstances it is always
possible, amid so wild and confused a scene, that a man who would have
surrendered has been cut down or ridden over. But the cavalry brought
back twenty prisoners, and the number whom they killed or wounded has
not been placed higher than that, so that it is certain there was no
indiscriminate slaying. I have read a letter from the officer who
commanded the cavalry and who directed the charge, in which he tells the
whole story confidentially to a brother officer. He speaks of his
prisoners, but there is no reference to any brutality upon the part of
the troopers.
Mr. Stead makes a great deal of some extracts from the letters of
private soldiers at the front who talk of bayonetting their enemies.
Such expressions should be accepted with considerable caution, for it
may amuse the soldier to depict himself as rather a terrible fellow to
his home-staying friends. Even if isolated instances could be
corroborated, it would merely show that men of fiery temperament in the
flush of battle are occasionally not to be restrained, either by the
power of discipline or by the example and exhortations of their
officers. Such instances, I do not doubt, could be found among all
troops in all wars. But to found upon it a general charge of brutality
or cruelty is unjust in the case of a foreigner, and unnatural in the
case of our own people.
There is one final and complete answer to all such charges. It is that
we have now in our hands 42,000 males of the Boer nations. They assert,
and we cannot deny, that their losses in killed have been
extraordinarily light during two years of warfare. How are these
admitted and certain facts compatible with any general refusal of
quarter? To anyone who, like myself, has seen the British soldiers
jesting and smoking cigarettes with their captives within five minutes
of their being taken, such a charge is ludicrous, but surely even to the
most biassed mind the fact stated above must be conclusive.
In some ways I fear that the Conventions of The Hague will prove, when
tested on a large scale, to be a counsel of perfection. It will
certainly be the extreme test of self-restraint and discipline--a test
successfully endured by the British troops at Elandslaagte, Bergendal,
and many other places--to carry a position by assault and then to give
quarter to those defenders who only surrender at the last instant. It
seems almost too much to ask. The assailants have been terribly
punished: they have lost their friends and their officers, in the frenzy
of battle they storm the position, and then at the last instant the men
who have done all the mischief stand up unscathed from behind their
rocks and claim their own personal safety. Only at that moment has the
soldier seen his antagonist or been on equal terms with him. He must
give quarter, but it must be confessed that this is trying human nature
rather high.
But if this holds good of an organised force defending a position, how
about the solitary sniper? The position of such a man has never been
defined by the Conventions of The Hague, and no rules are laid down for
his treatment. It is not wonderful if the troops who have been annoyed
by him should on occasion take the law into their own hands and treat
him in a summary fashion.
The very first article of the Conventions of The Hague states that a
belligerent must (1) Be commanded by some responsible person; (2) Have a
distinctive emblem visible at a distance; (3) Carry arms openly. Now it
is evident that the Boer sniper who draws his Mauser from its
hiding-place in order to have a shot at the Rooineks from a safe kopje
does not comply with any one of these conditions. In the letter of the
law, then, he is undoubtedly outside the rules of warfare.
In the spirit he is even more so. Prowling among the rocks and shooting
those who cannot tell whence the bullet comes, there is no wide gap
between him and the assassin. His victims never see him, and in the
ordinary course he incurs no personal danger. I believe such cases to
have been very rare, but if the soldiers have occasionally shot such a
man without reference to the officers, can it be said that it was an
inexcusable action, or even that it was outside the strict rules of
warfare?
I find in the 'Gazette de Lausanne' a returned Swiss soldier named
Pache, who had fought for the Boers, expresses his amazement at the way
in which the British troops after their losses in the storming of a
position gave quarter to those who had inflicted those losses upon them.
'Only once,' he says, 'at the fight at Tabaksberg, have I seen the
Boers hold on to their position to the very end. At the last rush of the
enemy they opened a fruitless magazine fire, and then threw down their
rifles and lifted their hands, imploring quarter from those whom they
had been firing at at short range. I was astounded at the clemency of
the soldiers, who allowed them to live. For my part I should have put
them to death.'
Of prisoners after capture there is hardly need to speak. There is a
universal consensus of opinion from all, British or foreign, who have
had an opportunity of forming an opinion, that the prisoners have been
treated with humanity and generosity. The same report has come from
Green Point, St. Helena, Bermuda, Ceylon, Ahmednager, and all other
camps. An outcry was raised when Ahmednager in India was chosen for a
prison station, and it was asserted, with that recklessness with which
so many other charges have been hurled against the authorities, that it
was a hot-bed of disease. Experience has shown that there was no grain
of truth in these statements, and the camp has been a very healthy one.
As it remains the only one which has ever been subjected to harsh
criticism, it may be of use to append the conclusions of Mr. Jesse
Collings during a visit to it last month:
'The Boer officers said, speaking for ourselves and men, we have nothing
at all to complain of. As prisoners of war we could not be better
treated, and Major Dickenson' (this they wished specially to be
inserted), 'is as kind and considerate as it is possible to be.'
Some sensational statements were also made in America as to the
condition of the Bermuda Camps, but a newspaper investigation has shown
that there is no charge to be brought against them.
Mr. John J. O'Rorke writes to the 'New York Times,' saying, 'That in
view of the many misrepresentations regarding the treatment of the Boer
prisoners in Bermuda, he recently obtained a trustworthy opinion from
one of his correspondents there.'... The correspondent's name is Musson
Wainwright, and Mr. O'Rorke describes him 'as one of the influential
residents in the island.' He says, 'That the Boers in Bermuda are better
off than many residents in New York. They have plenty of beef, plenty of
bread, plenty of everything except liberty. There are good hospitals and
good doctors. It is true that some of the Boers are short of clothing,
but these are very few, and the Government is issuing clothing to them.
On the whole,' says Mr. Wainwright, 'Great Britain is treating the
Boers far better than most people would.'
Compare this record with the undoubted privations, many of them
unnecessary, which our soldiers endured at Waterval near Pretoria, the
callous neglect of the enteric patients there, and the really barbarous
treatment of British Colonial prisoners who were confined in cells on
the absurd plea that in fighting for their flag they were traitors to
the Africander cause.
_Executions._
The number of executions of Boers, as distinguished from the execution
of Cape rebels, has been remarkably few in a war which has already
lasted twenty-six months. So far as I have been able to follow them,
they have been limited to the execution of Cordua for broken parole and
conspiracy upon August 24, 1900, at Pretoria, the shooting of one or two
horse-poisoners in Natal, and the shooting of three men after the action
of October 27, 1900, near Fredericstad. These men, after throwing down
their arms and receiving quarter, picked them up again and fired at the
soldiers from behind. No doubt there have been other cases, scattered up
and down the vast scene of warfare, but I can find no record of them,
and if they exist at all they must be few in number. Since the beginning
of 1901 four men have been shot in the Transvaal, three in Pretoria as
spies and breakers of parole, one in Johannesburg as an aggravated case
of breaking neutrality by inciting Boers to resist.
At the beginning of the war 90 per cent. of the farmers in the northern
district of Cape Colony joined the invaders. Upon the expulsion of the
Boers these men for the most part surrendered. The British Government,
recognising that pressure had been put upon them and that their position
had been a difficult one, inflicted no penalty upon the rank-and-file
beyond depriving them of the franchise for a few years. A few who, like
the Douglas rebels, were taken red-handed upon the field of battle, were
condemned to periods of imprisonment which varied from one to five
years.
This was in the year 1900. In 1901 there was an invasion of the Colony
by Boers which differed very much from the former one. In the first case
the country had actually been occupied by the Boer forces, who were able
to exert real pressure upon the inhabitants. In the second the invaders
were merely raiding bands who traversed many places but occupied none. A
British subject who joined on the first occasion might plead compulsion,
on the second it was undoubtedly of his own free will.
These Boer bands being very mobile, and never fighting save when they
were at an overwhelming advantage, penetrated all parts of the Colony
and seduced a number of British subjects from their allegiance. The
attacking of small posts and the derailing of trains, military or
civilian, were their chief employment. To cover their tracks they
continually murdered natives whose information might betray them. Their
presence kept the Colony in confusion and threatened the communications
of the Army.
The situation may be brought home to a continental reader by a fairly
exact parallel. Suppose that an Austrian army had invaded Germany, and
that while it was deep in German territory bands of Austrian subjects
who were of German extraction began to tear up the railway lines and
harass the communications. That was our situation in South Africa. Would
the Austrians under these circumstances show much mercy to those rebel
bands, especially if they added cold-blooded murder to their treason? Is
it likely that they would?
The British, however, were very long-suffering. Many hundreds of these
rebels passed into their hands, and most of them escaped with fine and
imprisonment. The ringleaders, and those who were convicted of capital
penal offences, were put to death. I have been at some pains to make a
list of the executions in 1901, including those already mentioned. It is
at least approximately correct:
+---------+--------------------+----------+------------------------------+
| Number | Place | Date | Reason |
+---------+--------------------+----------+------------------------------+
| | | 1901 | |
| 2 | De Aar | March 19 | Train-wrecking. |
| 2 | Pretoria | June 11 | Boers breaking oath of |
| | | | neutrality. |
| 1 | Middelburg | July 10 | Fighting. |
| 1 | Cape Town | " 13 | " |
| 1 | Cradock | " 13 | " |
| 2 | Middelburg | " 24 | " |
| 2 | Kenhardt | " 25 | " |
| 1 | Pretoria | Aug. 22 | Boer spy. |
| 3 | Colesburg | Sept. 4 | Fighting. |
| 1 | Middelburg | Oct. 10 | " |
| 1 | Middelburg | " 11 | " |
| 1 | Vryburg (hanged) | " 12 | " |
| Several | Tarkastad | " 12 | " |
| 1 | Tarkastad | " 14 | " |
| 1 | Middelburg | " 15 | " |
| 2 | Cradock (1 hanged, | " 17 | Train-wrecking and murdering |
| | 1 shot) | | native. |
| 2 | Vryburg | " 29 | Fighting. |
| 1 | Mafeking | Nov. 11 | Shooting a Native. |
| 1 | Colesburg | " 12 | Fighting, marauding, and |
| | | | assaulting, &c. |
| 1 | Johannesburg | " 23 | Persuading surrendered |
| | | | burghers to break oath. |
| 1 | Aliwal North | " 26 | Cape Police Deserter. |
| 1 | Krugersdorp | Dec. 26 | Shooting wounded. |
| 2 | Mafeking | " 27 | Kaffir murder. |
+---------+--------------------+----------+------------------------------+
Allowing 3 for the 'several' at Tarkastad on October 12, that makes a
total of 34. Many will undoubtedly be added in the future, for the
continual murder of inoffensive natives, some of them children, calls
for stern justice. In this list 4 were train-wreckers (aggravated cases
by rebels), 1 was a spy, 4 were murderers of natives, 1 a deserter who
took twenty horses from the Cape Police, and the remaining 23 were
British subjects taken fighting and bearing arms against their own
country.
_Hostages upon Railway Trains._
Here the military authorities are open, as it seems to me, to a serious
charge, not of inhumanity to the enemy but of neglecting those steps
which it was their duty to take in order to safeguard their own troops.
If all the victims of derailings and railway cuttings were added
together it is not an exaggeration to say that it would furnish as many
killed and wounded as a considerable battle. On at least five occasions
between twenty and thirty men were incapacitated, and there are very
numerous cases where smaller numbers were badly hurt.
Let it be said at once that we have no grievance in this. To derail a
train is legitimate warfare, with many precedents to support it. But to
checkmate it by putting hostages upon the trains is likewise legitimate
warfare, with many precedents to support it also. The Germans habitually
did it in France, and the result justified them as the result has
justified us. From the time (October 1901) that it was adopted in South
Africa we have not heard of a single case of derailing, and there can be
no doubt that the lives of many soldiers, and possibly of some
civilians, have been saved by the measure.
I will conclude this chapter by two extracts chosen out of many from the
diary of the Austrian, Count Sternberg. In the first he describes his
capture:
'Three hours passed thus without our succeeding in finding our object.
The sergeant then ordered that we should take a rest. We sat down on the
ground, and chatted good-humouredly with the soldiers. They were fine
fellows, without the least sign of brutality--in fact, full of sympathy.
They had every right to be angry with us, for we had spoiled their sleep
after they had gone through a trying day; yet they did not visit it on
us in any way, and were most kind. They even shared their drinking-water
with us. I cannot describe what my feelings were that night. A
prisoner!'
He adds: 'I can only repeat that the English officers and the English
soldiers have shown in this war that the profession of arms does not
debase, but rather ennobles man.'