_A Son of the New South._
"I understand that a few years ago a Negro man and woman were burned at
the stake in this neighborhood. Would you kindly show me the place?"
This request came from Ensal Ellwood and was addressed to young Maul,
the attorney who had plead so earnestly for the conviction of the
lynchers of Bud and Foresta. A sad look stole over young Maul's face.
"I never go that way if I can avoid it easily. That was indeed a
horrible affair and our section, according to the law of retribution,
will have it to pay for," replied young Maul, won by Ensal's kindly tone
and look. "There is the kindly Negro of the past revised and brought
down to date," thought young Maul, as he looked at Ensal and further
studied him.
"It has already paid for it, perhaps," said Ensal. "It may be that some
one of this place was marked by nature to shed unfading lustre upon your
state, and could have made these rivers and hills and plains revered in
all the earth, but the light of his genius was extinguished by that
smoke, perhaps, perhaps," said Ensal sadly.
The two men now walked in the direction of the scene of the burning.
They soon arrived at the spot, and Ensal looked long at the charred
trunks of the trees that had served as stakes. He scanned the trees from
the parched roots to the forlorn tree tops, took note of the fact that
the bark was missing and reflected that the absent bark was no doubt yet
serving as souvenirs in many Maulville homes.
"They are dead--the trees I mean--and perhaps it is well. Time will now
eat away their vitals and they shall no longer stand as monuments to the
shame of our land," said Young Maul.
"Suppose we sit down. I have much to say to you, Mr. Maul," said Ensal,
who felt himself the ambassador of millions and of Tiara's demented
sister. Anxious indeed was he that he should succeed in the object of
his visit.
The men walked over to the Negro church near the scene, and took seats
upon the steps thereof.
"Quite a fitting place for my talk," began Ensal. "My name is Ensal
Ellwood. Looking at the spot where the South is seen at its worst is but
a prelude to what I have made a long journey to say to you," said Ensal.
"I shall be glad to hear what you have to say, Mr. Ellwood," said young
Maul.
"I notice that you say 'Mister,'" said Ensal, in kindly tone.
"I am not one of those that believe that my manhood is compromised by
the use of the term 'Mister' to a Negro. I remember that the greatest of
all Southerners and the greatest of all world heroes, the immortal
Washington, once lifted his hat to a Negro man. When asked about his
action he replied that he could not let that Negro be more polite than
he was. I take the same position. I think a man's manhood is exceedingly
feeble when it has to have an army of sentinels to be always on the
alert, to keep somebody from kidnapping it," said young Maul.
"To come at once to the point, Mr. Maul, I have come to you to make
overtures for a treaty of peace between the Negroes of the United States
and the white people of the South," said Ensal.
"I shall hear you gladly," said young Maul.
"George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and Robert E. Lee are to the people
of the South stars of the first magnitude, and you would like to send
other stars to keep them company. But, changing the figure, an actor
must have a stage that places him in the full view of his audience, if
he would do his best work. Our nation is the stage upon which your sons
are to strive for immortality.
"To labor to the best advantage they must have the chance to be vested
with the authority of the nation, the power of the whole people. Given
that power, the scroll of immortality will at least be laid before them
that they may make effort to write their names thereon," said Ensal.
"Now, Mr. Maul," he continued, "the Negro population is so distributed
that it now holds the balance of power in the nation. We have it in our
power to keep the South out of its larger glory.
"However unpalatable it may be to a Southern white man, he must reckon
with the fact, that between himself and the coveted favor of the nation
stands the will of the Negro."
"That is very apparent," said young Maul.
"While we can hamper," resumed Ensal, "the white people of the South
nationally, they can trouble us considerably locally. Now, we are not
enemies of the South, and take no delight in the crippling of her
influence _per se_, and we would like to see this unarmed strife come to
a close. Nothing would give the Negroes greater joy than to see the
right kind of a white man from the South made President of the nation.
"And the right kind of men exist in the South! There were perhaps as
many white men from the South in the Union army as there were Negroes.
"Only one thing is now needed to gladden the hearts of the Negroes of
the United States and cause them to turn enthusiastically to the making
of the South the grandest section of the Union," said Ensal.
"What can that be, pray?" said young Maul.
"Mr. Maul, excuse me for not stating at once. Cast your eye back over
the history of our country and take note of the woes that have been
heaped upon the South and upon the nation by the radicals among you.
"There was a strong anti-war party in the South prior to the breaking
out of the civil war, but the radicals overwhelmed them and brought on
that disastrous conflict.
"Immediately after the war the radicals got control of some of your
state legislatures and began to pass laws that would have practically
re-enslaved the Negroes. The radical policy of the nation, as revealed
in reconstruction measures was the child of radicalism in the South, so
charge the burdens and woes of that period to your radicals.
"'Carpet-baggers' and 'scalawags' mismanaged affairs in the South, and
some of your good people, you state, resorted to lawless methods to
displace them. The radicals took charge of this lawless organization,
you claim, prostituted it, and made a record of crime and villainy in
the South so great that eleven large volumes in the records of Congress
are required to merely hint at the atrocities. The nation grew quiet for
a period, to catch your point of view and reason with you, and your
radicals misread its attitude and thought that it had undergone a change
of heart. They led the South to its recent crushing defeat.
"The radicals who have oppressed the Negroes of the South and sent them
North, sent them forth with heart burnings, and through the pivotal
states of the North they are ever on guard to turn the tide of battle
against your section. Radicalism, then, is building up a political power
in the North that will be a potent factor in continuing the isolation
and impotence of your section, and will render the wish of a Negro ward
politician of the North of more consequence than the combined pleadings
of all your congressional delegation from the South.
"In the South to-day radicalism is widening the breach between the races
and that old kindly feeling is fast disappearing, being succeeded by
suspicion and hate.
"The bonds of personal friendship which have served to keep things quiet
in the South when circumstances seemed most forbidding are being snapped
asunder. The sullen hatred of the Negroes engendered by the rabid
utterances and violent conduct of the radicals among the whites is
pregnant with harm to the South, and tends to summon to a resurrection
the entombed savagery of some members of the race, and to dishearten
others in their upward strivings. On and on I could go, showing the
awful wreckage in the pathway of the Southern radical.
"If the nation would ever heal this sore the radicals must be
suppressed. If the Negroes attempt their undoing a feeling of racial
solidarity among the whites greets them. If the North attempts it a
sectional feeling is stimulated.
"I come now to the one thing that will gladden the hearts of the Negroes
and the nation and make secure the glory of the South. _We would have
you good white people of the South to assert yourselves_--that class of
you who have not been carried away with that false doctrine that the
problem can be solved with the Negro shorn of political power. In short,
the one missing factor now needed is _aggressiveness_ on the part of the
right thinking white people of the South," said Ensal, who now ceased
and awaited with anxious heart young Maul's reply.
"As to the matter of our aggressiveness, Mr. Ellwood," responded young
Maul, "have no doubt on that score. The South has been so unmercifully
carved in the slaughter pen into which her radicals led her, that she is
now willing to hear from men of saner moods. Many a true Southerner,
silent through force of circumstances, has been waiting for just this
hour. Watch us. We are going to suppress lynching, enforce laws
impartially, allow Negroes all their rights as citizens, make no
discriminations because of race, color or previous condition of
servitude, and encourage them to develop their God-given powers fully.
Nor shall we be afraid of them. They did not strike us in the back in
the time of civil strife and they have never lost a kindly feeling for
us in spite of what the radicals have done to them. Quite well has
Professor Shaler said that if the two races do not live in amity it will
not be the fault of the Negroes."
"Mr. Maul," said Ensal, grasping the young man's hand, "well might the
struggling world, writhing up from its low estate, rejoice that your
type is now to assume charge of the destiny of the white race in the
South."
"Now, Mr. Maul," continued Ensal soberly, "one thing for which we
Negroes are to labor might be construed as an evidence of distrust of
the better element of Southern people, and I would have you to
understand us. The radicals of the South, as I have stated, invited
radicalism from the North as the only sure antidote. To correct some
evils, numbers of your good people condoned a departure from accepted
standards of ethics. Men whom you knew to be perjurers, ballot box
stuffers and violaters of law were, because of those very qualities,
allowed to occupy high station among you. Many of you felt that your
ills could only have been cured in that way. We Negroes have felt that a
moral revolution could have been effected, and would have left no
residue of evil in its wake. But other methods prevailed and you now
have among you a class of men who feel no compunctions of conscience at
cheating. Having blunted their consciences cheating us, they will now
seek to cheat the better element of whites in the era of promised
agressiveness. We Negroes are going to ask one favor of the nation, and
that is that it enforce its constitution, which provides one test for
all American citizens. If we win it will not only free us from the
repressionists, but will free the better element of Southern whites as
well. Your type of men can then have a chance in the South."
Young Maul sat meditating a while and then said:
"Do you know that in a fair test of strength the better element of
whites even now would triumph at the polls. But the spirit of fraud
built up to dethrone the 'carpet bag' government yet lingers to haunt
those who would now dispense with it, which shows how dangerous it is to
do evil even that good may come.
"We of the South hear much of bribery and corruption in the North, and I
stand ready to co-operate with the decent element to purify the suffrage
of the entire nation."
"You favor then the enforcement by Congress of the Fifteenth Amendment
to the Constitution," asked Ensal.
"I would not have our nation live a lie and pollute the whole stream of
our people's life. If the nation is lawless it can hardly expect its
citizens to be different. I stand for the enforcement of law, all law.
The very life of the nation itself depends upon the purity of the
electorate, and the ballot box is as sure to become sacred in America
as our nation is to stand," said young Maul earnestly.
"Now that we understand each other on those matters, let me now say a
few words to you concerning some needs of the Negro race," continued
young Maul.
"Radicalism and aggression on the part of some of the whites constitute
one phase of our problem, but the weakened condition of your race must
also be reckoned with as a factor. Had Africa been in a position to make
it uncomfortable for all who sought to hold her children in bondage,
there would have been no traffic in slaves from that continent. While we
are going to do what we can to hold in check those who would oppress or
restrict you, we expect you to eliminate the weakness in your race that
invites attack.
"You must become intellectually strong, so that you may always be in
hailing distance of the world's thought power which determines the
destiny of the human race.
"Take special note of what I am now going to say," continued young Maul.
"When an air of genuine democracy pervades the South and the spirit of
caste no longer obtains in the political and industrial world, forms of
labor now regarded as beneath the dignity of white people will no longer
be so regarded, and the Negro will find himself face to face with
competition in fields now conceded to him. While political power is
necessary to safety in the body politic, do not expect too much of it,
and neglect not the industrial crisis.
"As to politics, it is clear that your political problem in the South is
going to be a difficult one. You see, your race was freed by a political
party which conducted the war of the sections. It is hard to get your
people to do other than vote with that party, while the more substantial
element of the whites in the South have for a hundred years been in the
opposing party. The great misfortune of the political situation is that
the Negroes and the better element of whites never pull together in the
one political harness."
"We have given that matter much thought and feel that we have a
solution," said Ensal.
"My friend, if you can solve that problem you have gone a long way
toward solving the whole problem," said young Maul.
"Here is our plan," began Ensal. "The Negroes have discovered the utter
impotence of the class of whites who joined them for the sake of office,
and the federal pie-counter element of whites has utterly lost favor
with the great body of Negroes. The situation within the Negro race is
therefore ripe for a new alignment. We have come to the conclusion that
the American people need an idealist class in their political life, and
it would be a great gift to the nation for the Negro to point the way
for such a party.
"The Negroes are going to organize in the South an Eclectic party that
will serve as an antidote to to safety in the body politic, do not
expect too much of it, and neglect not the industrial crisis.
"As to politics, it is clear that your political problem in the South is
going to be a difficult one. You see, your race was freed by a political
party which conducted the war of the sections. It is hard to get your
people to do other than vote with that party, while the more substantial
element of the whites in the South have for a hundred years been in the
opposing party. The great misfortune of the political situation is that
the Negroes and the better element of whites never pull together in the
one political harness."
"We have given that matter much thought and feel that we have a
solution," said Ensal.
"My friend, if you can solve that problem you have gone a long way
toward solving the whole problem," said young Maul.
"Here is our plan," began Ensal. "The Negroes have discovered the utter
impotence of the class of whites who joined them for the sake of office,
and the federal pie-counter element of whites has utterly lost favor
with the great body of Negroes. The situation within the Negro race is
therefore ripe for a new alignment. We have come to the conclusion that
the American people need an idealist class in their political life, and
it would be a great gift to the nation for the Negro to point the way
for such a party.
"The Negroes are going to organize in the South an Eclectic party that
will serve as an antidote to the tendency toward party worship. We
shall separate city from county politics, county from state, and state
from national. We shall often, perhaps, be found supporting one party's
candidate for governor and another party's candidate for president. The
question of human rights and the civil and political equality of all men
shall be a first consideration with us, and we shall go to the aid of
the class of men of like faith on these points, it matters not in what
political party they may be found. The best interests of the people, and
not party loyalty, shall be our creed.
"In this way we shall be able to co-operate with the best element of
Southern white people. Though not posing as the political leader of my
people, I feel sure that I correctly forecast their policy," said Ensal.
"Great possibilities lie in that direction, and I firmly believe that we
have at last found the way of peace and honor and justice to all," said
young Maul.
The two young men now parted, and Ensal went to the telegraph station
and sent the following message to Earl:
"Problem will now be solved. Aggressiveness on part of better element of
whites assured. The whole machinery of the national government is in
hands that will accord them support. Working basis in political matters
agreed upon for better element of both races. Am writing you at
length."
When in due course of mail Ensal's promised letter reached Earl and set
forth the prospects of an adjustment of the questions at issue, Earl was
exultant and felt that he had at last good news to carry to Eunice.