In 1908 the German minority in the Bohemian Diet proposed a plan
aiming at a division of Bohemia into two administrative parts, German
and Bohemian. This plan the Bohemians vehemently combated, as they
had consistently opposed like schemes in the past. They claimed that
to rend the kingdom into two halves, Bohemian and German, was both
impracticable and dangerous. Impracticable, because it would condemn to
inevitable Germanization the very strong Bohemian minorities living
in German districts on the border. Dangerous, because there were good
reasons for believing that German Bohemia would gravitate toward
Berlin, rather than toward Prague or Vienna. Their scheme having been
blocked, the Germans availed themselves of obstructive tactics in the
diet, with the result that a deadlock ensued. As usual, the Vienna
Government hurried to the assistance of the Germans. Bohemian leaders
were made to understand that they must yield in the Prague Diet, or
suffer punishment in the parliament. However, neither threats nor
promises moved the Bohemians; they made it plain that they would not
submit to further political extortions. Unable to break the deadlock
in Bohemia and unwilling to abandon the Germans in their hopeless
struggle for the maintenance of Teutonic hegemony in Austria, the
Vienna Government, as a last desperate means of saving its compatriots
from political defeat, suspended what there was still left of Bohemian
autonomy on July 26, 1913, one year before the outbreak of the war,
having previously advised the Berlin Government of its intention. The
diet was dissolved, although new elections had not been ordered, as
the law provided, and in place of the autonomous Land Executive, the
government appointed an Imperial Commission to govern Bohemia. This
was the beginning of an absolutist era in the kingdom.
The echo of the deadlock in Bohemia was at once heard in parliament.
Promptly the Bohemians carried the fight to the imperial assembly, thus
crippling its functions. And so it happened that, on the eve of the
Great War, the highest legislative tribunal of the empire did not meet
and the nations were not consulted as to whether or not they wished
war. The ruler alone decided this momentous question by taking recourse
to the famous paragraph fourteen of the constitution which, in certain
cases, allows him to act alone without the co-operation or advice of
the parliament.[14] This situation really suited the wishes of the
government clique, which knew beforehand that the Slavs would have
resolutely opposed the war if given an opportunity. Certain it is that
the Bohemians would have raised their voice against the mad adventure
against Serbia and would have declared in no unequivocal language that
a ruler who had twice broken his solemn promise to them had little
claim on their loyalty.
In a hundred different ways the nation is being wronged and held
back, and no lasting relief is possible so long as the deadening
centralistic, anti-Slavic policy obtains, so long as the state
recognizes master races and servant races and accords different
treatment to each.
To every one of its political and cultural demands Vienna is ready
to plead reasons of state, policies of state, principles of state,
necessities of state. If the grumbling is too loud the malcontents are
given to understand: “If you are not satisfied in Austria, you may have
a chance to become Prussians.”
“Our nation is in a grave danger,” said Palacký, “and surrounded on all
sides by enemies. Yet I believe that it will conquer in the end, if it
is only determined.” And the Bohemian nation is determined, determined
to the last man, to fight for its life, its liberty, and its happiness.