asked him, about the time of the feast of Easter, how his soul agreed
at that most holy season with the troubles that pressed upon him and so
sprouted forth that he could by no means avoid them. The king answered
in these words: 'The kingdom of heaven, unto which I have devoted myself
always from a child, do I call and cry for. For this kingdom which is
transitory and of the earth I do not greatly care. Our kinsman of March
thrusts himself into it as is his pleasure. This one thing only do I
require, to receive the sacrament at Easter, and the rites of the church
on Maundy Thursday with the rest of Christendom, as I am accustomed.'
And for the much devotion which he always had to God and His sacraments,
it seems not unsuitable that he should often have been enlightened by
heavenly mysteries and comforted thereby in his afflictions. He is
reported by some in his confidence, to whom he was used to reveal his
secrets, to have often seen the Lord Jesus held in the hands of the
celebrant and appearing to him in human form at the time of the
Eucharist. Again, when he was at Waltham he told some one privately
(though others also _standing_ behind him heard it) of a repeated
revelation from the Lord vouchsafed to him three years running at that
feast of St Edward which falls on the vigil of the Epiphany, of the
glory of the Lord appearing in human form, of His crown, and of a vision
of the assumption of the Blessed Mary both corporal and spiritual.
Also there is the matter of the absence of the sacrament from the pyx
when he rode by a certain churchyard, on account of which he refrained
from his wonted reverence to the sacrament, as is told above.
Also in the extreme pressure of his wars in the parts of the North, it
is told by some who came from that region, that when there was for a
time a scarcity of bread among his fellow-soldiers and troops, out of a
small quantity of wheat, bread was so multiplied by his merits and
prayers that a sufficiency and even a superfluity was forthcoming for
all of his who sought and asked for it, whereas the rest that were
opposed to him had to suffer from lack of meat.
Moreover, after the horrid and ungrateful rebellion of his subjects had
continued a long time, and after these rebels had fought many hard
battles against him, he fled at last with a few followers to a secret
place prepared for him by those that were faithful to him. And, as he
lay hid there for some time, an audible voice sounded in his ears for
some seventeen days before he was taken, telling him how he should be
delivered up by treachery, and brought to London without all honour like
a thief or an outlaw, and led through the midst of it, and should endure
many evils devised by the thoughts of wicked men, and should be
imprisoned there in the Tower: of all which he was informed by
revelation from the Blessed Virgin Mary and Saints John Baptist,
Dunstan, and Anselm (whose consolations he did then as at other times
enjoy) and was thereby strengthened to bear with patience these and like
trials. But when he told this to some of his people, and namely to
Masters Bedon and Mannynge, they were incredulous and believed it not,
but thought all to be but vain wanderings until the event assured them
of the truth.
It is also said that when the king was shut up in the Tower he saw a
woman on his right hand (_or_ out of his window) trying to drown a
little child, and warned her by a messenger not to commit such a crime
and sin, hateful to God; and she, rebuked by this reproof, desisted from
the deed she had begun.
Also, when this king Henry was asked during his imprisonment in the
Tower why he had unjustly claimed and possessed the crown of England for
so many years, he would answer thus: 'My father was king of England, and
peaceably possessed the crown of England for the whole time of his
reign. And his father and my grandfather was king of the same realm. And
I, a child in the cradle, was peaceably and without any protest crowned
and approved as king by the whole realm, and wore the crown of England
some forty years, and each and all of my lords did me royal homage and
plighted me their faith, as was also done to other my predecessors.
Wherefore I too can say with the Psalmist: The lot is fallen unto me in
a fair ground: yea, I have a goodly heritage. For my right help is of
the Lord, who preserveth them that are true of heart.'
Praise be to God.
Footnotes:
[47] _Lit._ from virtue to virtue.
NOTES
The style and literary ability of John Blacman must be rated very low.
In translating him one is forced to neglect his use of particles and
tenses in order to produce a tolerable sense. He uses the pluperfect
apparently as an equivalent of the preterite, and begins sentences with
_unde_ where _unde_ has no meaning at all. There is no shape or
proportion in the composition of his tract as it stands. At the end of
the section on _Pietas et patientia_ he comes to a dignified close, but
immediately continues with a chapter on _Revelationes_ which, one would
think, ought not to have been an afterthought. This chapter ends in
mid-air; there is no kind of finality about it. It must be either
unfinished by the author or mutilated (as Hearne conjectured). If
mutilated, political considerations may have been responsible, for the
subject of the last paragraph is the question of Henry's right to the
crown (and not any revelation vouchsafed to him); and I see signs that
the tract was written before the accession of Henry VII, in the
vagueness of such allusions to the reigning sovereign as are to be found
in it. The clause 'propter regnum, ut tunc sperabatur, ab aliis pacifice
possidendum' is the most overt of these, and no one can say that it is
too explicit. The next sentence speaks of the long series of miracles
done where Henry's body is buried. This may mean that the body is still
at Chertsey, though in after years miracles occurred at Windsor. It will
be remembered that Richard III transferred it hastily from Chertsey to
Windsor because the reports of the miracles were testifying to a growth
of interest in the good king which was not healthy for the dynasty of
York.
So also in the prologue, Blacman will not dwell upon the descent, the
coronation, and so on, of Henry, because these things are known to
everyone and because of his subsequent fall. The latter is the more
cogent reason.
To what has been said of Hearne's connexion with the book, it may be
added that in the new edition of his _Collections_ (Oxf. Hist. Soc. vol.
X. p. 442) he tells us under date July 31, 1731, that "Mr West lately
met with a small Pamphlet in 4to bound up with the Arminian Nunnery, at
Little Gidding, and intituled 'Collectarium mansuetudinum (etc.).' 'Tis
printed in the old black Letter by Cowpland, with the figure of a king
in his Robes,... I do not remember to have ever seen this Book.
Archbishop Usher had seen John Blacman's MSS Collections wch probably
contained a great many other things relating to the Carthusians and
their Benefactors ... (Henry VI) was a pious, tho' very weak Prince. The
Carthusians had most deservedly a great opinion of him,... and did what
they could for his honour."
I think Hearne is mistaken about Ussher, who does no more than quote a
passage from Blacman in his Historia Dogmatica (Opp. XII. 363).
It may further be remarked that Holinshed and other chroniclers make
small extracts from Blacman without naming their source. I have not
discovered who is actually the earliest writer to cite him: but Hall
(1548) does not appear to do so.
* * * * *
p. 4. _quidam Angliae reverendus antistes._ This bishop who was Henry's
confessor for ten years I suppose to have been William Ayscough, bishop
of Salisbury 1438-1450, who was much in Henry's confidence. It is
remarked in the _Dict. Nat. Biog._ that it was "a novelty in those days
for a bishop to be a king's confessor."
p. 6. _missalia, oracula._ I take these words together and regard them
as a 'refined' way of saying 'orationes in missa' or the like.
_sanctae crucis signorum seriem in corona._ These crosses on the ring of
the crown are seen alternating with fleur de lys in the (early XVIth
century) representation of Henry in painted glass in the Hacomblen
chantry in King's College Chapel.
p. 8. _Francisci Petrarchae._ This, Blacman's one literary quotation, is
a garbled one from Petrarch's _De Vita Solitaria_, lib. II. sect. vi. c.
I.
p. 9. _Jaspere et Edmundo._ The sons of Owen Tudor by Katherine, widow
of Henry V.
p. 10. _cardinalis et episcopi Winton._ Cardinal Beaufort, d. 11 April
1447. The gift to Eton and King's was in fact made by a codicil to the
cardinal's will executed two days before his death. See Maxwell Lyte,
_Eton College_, p. 27.
p. 11. _decem mutatoria casularia._ I suppose this to mean enough silk
to make ten or more sets of mass-vestments for a single priest.
_Episcopos Wurcestriae et Cestriae._ Chester had no bishop till 1541.
Chichester must be meant. The bishop was doubtless Adam Moleyns 1445-50,
and he of Worcester John Carpenter 1443-76. Both appear in the king's
will as his feoffees for Eton and King's.
p. 12. This is the most interesting page of the tract to those who have
enjoyed King Henry's bounty. A happy thought has of recent years
dictated the use of his words _Sitis boni pueri_ and the rest on the
occasion of the admission of the new King's Scholars at Eton.
p. 13. _Sed libera nos._ It is at this point in the Lord's Prayer that
the congregation responds, at the end of the Prayer of Consecration (or
Canon) of the Roman Mass.
_magistro doctore Town._ William Towne was scholar of Eton in 1443, and
passed on to King's. He died in 1484: his chantry and brass are in one
of the side-chapels on the N. of King's College Chapel.
_quidam discus._ It is not clear to me whether a piece of plate
representing the Five Wounds in enamel is meant, or some edible
'subtilty': probably the former.
p. 14. _cum capucio rotulato._ Perhaps a hood with a liripip (i.e.
tapering into a tail) is meant.
_caligas, ocreas, calceos_: foot-gear for walking, riding and indoor
use respectively.
p. 15. _dominus Ricardus Tunstall._ Sir Richard Tunstall of Thurland in
Westmorland (or Lancashire) appears frequently in the Patent Rolls etc.
of Henry VI, Edward IV and Henry VII. Under Edward IV his lands are
naturally granted to other people and he is attainted. In 1470, at
Henry's restoration, he is 'king's chamberlain' (_Cal. Pat. R._ p. 227).
Under Henry VII he is in favour and holds many important posts.
An entry in William Worcester's Annals (Rolls, _Wars of the English in
France_, II. pt. 2 [785]), wrongly printed, is of interest here. Under
1464 he writes: "Mense Julii, dolo cujusdam monachi Abendoniae, rex
Henricus in comitatu Lancastriae capitur per quendam Johannem Talbois et
Ricardum Tunstalle milites, ibidem captus evasit. Dictusque rex Henricus
una cum monacho Thoma Mannyng et Bedone doctore ... versus Londoniam
adducebatur etc." We should certainly read 'et Ricardus T. miles ...
evasit.'
Tunstall was afterwards taken in Wales by Lord Herbert, and confined in
the Tower, but soon pardoned (_Warkeworth's Chron._ Camd. Soc. p. 43).
Another entry (_Three Fifteenth Cent. Chronicles_, Camden Soc. p. 80)
says:
"Kynge Harry was take in the northe contre, and ii doctors with him, the
whiche wer called Doctor Mannynge and Doctor Beden, the whiche were all
thre brought to London."
On the whole episode see Sir J. H. Ramsay, _Lancaster and York_, II. 316.
What follows in the text is Tunstall's story. Blacman adds that he
himself witnessed a similar occurrence.
p. 17. I do not know that the four nobles or the three great lords who
were pardoned can be certainly identified. Nor is it plain whether the
first of the two men who wounded him attacked him when confined in the
Tower.
p. 18. _isti [=pr]iales._ Blacman intends a word of the sense of
'parricidiales.' But either he or the printer has gone wrong.
p. 19. _ex miraculorum ubi corpus ejus humatur diutina continuatione._ A
large collection of Henry's miracles is preserved in two MSS, Royal 13.
c. viii. and Harley 423. The latter is a partial copy of the former.
See a special note on them below.
_Cognatus noster de Marchia_, i.e. Edward IV, Earl of March.
p. 20. _in festo S. Edwardi etc._ The _depositio_ of S. Edward the
Confessor which falls on 5 January.
_vox corporalis._ Probably means a voice audible to the bodily senses.
p. 21. _magistris Bedon et Mannynge._ On these companions of Henry VI at
his capture see above in the note on Tunstall. John Bedon, clerk,
receives a general pardon from Edward IV in 1467 (_Cal. Pat. R._ p. 11).
Holinshed and those who copy him call him Bedle. He may be the John
Bedon who took a B.D. degree at Oxford in 1455. Thomas Mannynge, though
called a monk by Will. Worcester, seems undoubtedly to be the man who
was dean of Windsor from 1452 to 1462, and is indicted (1 Ed. IV, _Rot.
Parl._ V. p. 477 etc.) of treason in the first year of Edward IV: he is
described as late of New Windsor in Berkshire, clerk. On Nov. 7, 1465,
he has a general pardon for all offences up to the 26th of August
previous. Earlier, in 1451 (Aug. 24) when Henry VI grants him the
prebend of Nassington in Lincoln cathedral, he is described as the
king's clerk and chaplain.
On 29 Nov. 1469 he is dead; the king is informed by his executor that
Thomas was in debt and indigent in his life, and had made forfeiture to
the king, so that a licence to administer was necessary.
The Rev. J. N. Dalton, Canon of Windsor, has kindly informed me that no
records in the possession of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor throw light
on Dean Mannynge's life.
_a dextra sua._ Corrupt: I suppose the meaning to be that the king saw
the woman out of his window: _camera_ or _fenestra_ is wanted.
I. A PRAYER TO HENRY VI IN ENGLISH VERSE.
An English prayer in verse to Henry VI from a Primer of 1408 (in which
it has been inserted on the flyleaf) in the Library of St Cuthbert's
College, Ushaw, was printed in the _Ushaw Magazine_ of 1902, p. 279. I
have the kind permission of the authorities to quote it here:
O blyssed king so full of vertue
The flowr of all knyghthood that never was fyled
Thou pray for us to Christe Jhesu
And to hys modyr Mary myld
In all thi warkys thu was never wyld
Bott full of grace and of charyte
Mercyfull ever to man and chylde
Now sweyt kyng Henre pray for me.
O crownyd kyng with sceptur in hand
Most nobyll conqueror I may thee call
For thou hast conqueryd I undyrstand
A hevynly kyngdome most imperyall
Hwar joye haboundeth and grace perpetuell
In presens of the holy Trenite
Off wych grace thou make me parcyall
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
All Apostels and Patriarchs shall thee honor
Martyrs and Confessors with all their delygens
And eke Virgynes in the hevynly towr
Ar glad and joyfull of thi presens
Angelys and Archangelys with ample(?) reverence
Schall mynystyr and <giftes?> bryng(?) to the
The well of pety and of pacyens
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
Thy prayer I trust is herd in hevyn
With the Fadyr omnipotent
Now blyssyd be thy name to nemyne
For ever att neyd thou art present
In trowbyll or payn wen I am schent
Or stand in warely juberte
Thy socur to me full son thu sentt
Now sweyt kyng Henre praye for me.
Thy trowblas life and grett vexacion
With pacyens that thu had therein
And thi constans in contemplacion
Has mad the hevyn for to wyne
Thy sett is ordenyd with seraphyn
As langhyght ((be)longeth) to thi regalyte
With mor melody than I can myn
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
O blessyd kyng so gracios and gud
Thou pray to sett this reme in rest
Unto our Saveyour that dyed on roud
And to hys modyr that madyn blessyd
That alkyn wrangys may be redressyd
To plesor of the Deyte
Thys I besech at my request
Now swet kyng Henre praye for me.
II. ON THE MANUSCRIPT MIRACLES OF HENRY VI.
There are two manuscripts of these Miracles, both in the British Museum.
The first (Royal 13. c. viii.) is the parent of the other (Harley 423).
13. c. viii. is on paper, a fairly well written volume of cent. XV-XVI.
It has the names of Abp Cranmer (Tho. Cant.) and Lord Lumley.
It contains:
1. Letter from the Compiler.
In Christo Ihesu salutem plurimam. Cum acceperis epistolam hanc,
magister venerande ... _ends_: huius fructiferi palmitis Christi
botris expendere non cessabo. Vale et ora ut tecum in eternum
valeat tuus et orator et socius cuius nomen est in libro vite. No
proper name occurs.
2. f. 1 _b_. Salutacio gloriosi militis Christi henrici regis Anglie
sexti cum oraciuncula brevi.
Salue miles preciose rex henrice generose
Palmes vitis celice
In radice caritatis vernans flore sanctitatis
Viteque angelice
Salue flos nobilitatis laus et honor dignitatis
seu corone regie
Pie pater orphanorum vera salus populorum
Robur et ecclesie
Salue forma pietatis exemplar humilitatis
Decus innocencie
Vi oppressis vel turbatis mestis atque desolatis
Scola paciencie
Salue fax superne lucis per quam serui summi ducis
Illustrantur undique
Dum virtute lucis vere meruisti prefulgere
Tantis signis gracie
Salue quem rex seculorum choris iungens angelorum
Ciuem fecit patrie
Te laudare cupientes hac ut semper sint fruentes
Tecum vita glorie. Amen.
_Vers._ Veniant ad te qui detrahebant tibi. Et adorent vestigia pedum
tuorum.
_Oracio._ Salus et saluator omnium in te credencium, piissime domine
Ihesu Christe, qui dilectum famulum tuum regem henricum sextum variis
tribulacionum pressuris opprimi voluisti, ut ex eius pacientissime et
innocentissime vite meritis quasi quibusdam botris uberrimis copiosa tue
gracie dulcedo per miraculorum gloriam distillaret in plebem: largire,
quesumus, eos omnes qui tante eius glorie congratulantes aut illum
propter te aut in illo te pocius glorificando dignis gestiunt collaudare
preconiis ipsius beatitudinis consorcium et hic habere per meritum et in
futuro consequi per effectum: qui cum deo patre et spiritu sancto viuis
et gloriaris deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen.
3. f. 16. Exemplar epistole a pauperculo quodam monacho olim directe ad
preclarum virum d. Johannem Morgan[48] tunc decanum capelle collegialis
castri de Wyndesore, modo vero episcopum meneuensem cum infrascriptis
quibusdam beati regis henrici miraculis.
Eternam in Christo Ihesu quam sibimet salutem cum reverencia speciali
tanto viro dignissima etc. Richard Combe had brought to the writer of
the letter 'exemplaria quedam pulcerrima' of Henry's miracles, in
English, with a request from a Bishop that he would translate them into
Latin.
4. f. 3 _b_. Another letter from the Dean of Windsor. Indeficientis
votiua salutis preconia, tuas etenim, virorum contemplatissime,
suauissimas kalendis januarii animo quidem gratissimo recepi litteras.
Gives his consent to the translation of the Miracles. Scriptum apud
Regale castrum Wynsor' stilo rudissime profluente 4 Nonas Januarii.
Hec tibi describens tuus est ad vota Johannes.
5. f. 4 _b_. Prologue. Solet plerumque lassascenti stomacho obesse
dapium plenitudo.
Among other matters he apologizes for styling Henry beatissimus,
sanctissimus, and so forth.
6. f. 6. Capitula (28).
7. f. 7. Text. Annotatur hic qualiter puer quidam bis biennis in
molendino aquatico submersus fuerat (et) ad inuocacionem beati regis
henrici resuscitatus a mortuis anno dominice incarnacionis 1481º. qui
erat annus regni Edwardi quarti regis famosissimi vicesimus primus. Et
primo ponitur exordium breue et deinde narracio subinfertur.
Quia sacro dictante eloquio sacramentum regis abscondere bonum esse
didicimus etc.
There are various marginal notes in a large hand, on the proofs of the
Miracles, e.g.:
f. 8. Westwel Cancie, probatum: 9 _b_ somerseschyr' non reperitur: 10
savernak Foreste non inuenitur: 11 Examinentur Thomas Hayward, Johannes
Parmyter, D. Wyllelmus Edwardes: 11 _b_ Holyngton Sowthsex probatum.
After cap. 28 (f. 26) is a slip with a note on Capitula of Lib. II: f.
27 Capitula (58) of Lib. II.
Slip, with title of Prologue: In miracula quedam famosiora et
euidenciora quibus illustrissimum virum Henricum regem Anglie sextum
diuina decorauit clemencia, que et infra biennium post eius in ecclesia
collegiali castri de Wynsore tumulacionem ibidem manifestata noscuntur
pretitulatur hic prologus.
The same in a shorter form in the lower margin of f. 30.
f. 30. Lib. II. Prol. Quanta ex florigero diuine plenitudinis agro, etc.
On f. 32 the capitula are continued, from 59 to 67. A blank unnumbered
leaf follows.
The text proceeds to cap. 30 (de calice et portiforio). (Here the other
copy, Harl. 423, ends; its last leaf is a fragment.) Then follow 11
blank pages: then a slip (recto blank) numbered 148, which has the
beginning of cap. 67.
The text then continues on ff. 59-85.
The miracles up to this point are variously and irregularly numbered:
there seem to be about 40.
Then follows a list of 24 miracles, and text; then on f. 101 a list of
13 miracles, followed by text. At the end of the last is: .1500.
There is some ground for thinking that this volume was utilized, or to
be utilized, for the process of the canonization of Henry VI which
proved abortive.
The other MS Harl. 423 is of cent. XVI early, and occupies ff. 72-128 in
one of Foxe's volumes. It is plainly a copy of the first part of the
Royal MS.
III. ON JOHN BLACMAN'S BOOKS.
The following lists are found in MS. Laud. Misc. 154, in the Bodleian
library, one on a flyleaf, the other--somewhat mutilated--in the lower
margin of a leaf. The first enumerates the whole contents of each
volume, the second gives the title of one tract only, but supplies the
opening words of the second leaf of each volume, the usual medieval
expedient for identifying a book.
I combine here the data of the two lists, calling the list on the
flyleaf A and that on the lower margin B.
The MS in which they occur is a volume of Nic. de Lyra's commentary on
the Bible: and list B begins by describing it.
(B) 1. Liber domus beate virginis de Witham Cartusiensis ex dono
magistri Johannis Blacman.
(A) Lyra: Genesis ... Job.
_This is MS. Laud. Misc._ 154.
(B) 2, 3. cum duobus comparibus: primi 2º fo. _cognicio intellectiua_.
2º fo. secundi _et cetera R[=o]_.
sed pro ligatura et illuminacione domus soluit xs et vjd.
(A) 2. Lyra: Psalterium--Prov.--Ecclus. Isa.--Malachias.
1, 2 Macc.
3. Lyra: Evv., Paul. Epp., Act., Cath. Epp. Apoc.
capitulaciones epistolarum et euangeliorum secundum cartus'.
_No._ 2 _is Laud. Misc._ 152. _No._ 3 _is not known._
(B) 4. Item librum policronicon. 2º fo. _adhibere._
(A) 4. les pedegrues reg. angl. _b._
tabula noua policronici _a._
policronicon cestrense.
_No. 4 is in Eton College Library MS. 204: formerly Ashburnham
Appendix 105: then belonged to Mr George Dunn._
(B) 5. Item Bartholomeus de casibus consciencie. 2º fo. _hic_ (?)
_suus_ (?) _pars._
(A) 5. magna carta
Bartholomeus de casibus consciencie
principia et fines originalium librorum
forma audiendi confessionem
tituli decretorum libri vjti et Clementis.
(B) 6. Item librum vocatum lucerna consciencie. 2º fo. _malorum ex._
(A) 6. lucerna consciencie
meditaciones Anselmi. credo
ritmicacio tocius scripture sacre
oraciones Anselmi ut apparet
tractatus de virtutibus et viciis
interrogaciones fori penitencialis
Alfonsus contra iudeos.
6. _This is MS. Bodl. 801._
(B) 7. Item librum sancti Thome de veritatibus. 2º fo. _sic dicit
Augustinus._
(A) 7. Sanctus Thomas de veritatibus.
tabula super eodem.
7. _This is MS. Harley 1032._
(B) 8. Item Bibliam. 2º fo. _damasci._
(A) 8. interpretacio nominum hebreorum
biblia
capitulacio epistolarum et euangeliorum per annum.
(B) 9. Item magister historiarum (sententiarum). 2º fo. _pedito post._
(A) 9. magister sententiarum
theorica planetarum
tituli eiusdem libri sententiarum
Item in quibus non tenetur. (i.e. _a list of the passages in the
Sentences which were considered unsound_.)
(B) 10. Item Crisostomus in opere imperfecto. 2º fo. _erat futurus._
(A) 10. Crisostomus in opere imperfecto
tabula eiusdem.
(B) 11. Item vita Alexandri magni. 2º fo. voluminis _que est poª._
(A) 11. Defensorium logicale Ockam
vita Alexandri magni
dialogus inter Mariam et Johannem euangelistam
Ysidorus de ciuitate (? unitate) dei
Augustinus de uisione sancti Pauli apostoli
de celebracione horarum quidam processus
Siluester de decimis
Ieronimus de signis iudicii
Marbodus episcopus de vinculis beati Petri
oracio deuota: _domine Ihesu Christe qui in hoc_
de uirtutibus fide dileccione et humilitate
purgatorium sancti Patricii (_partly erased_)
Seneca de 4or virtutibus cardinalibus
de beneficiis ad Liberalem libri 4
de fortuitorum bonorum contemptu
de remediis fortuitorum
diffiniens virtut' et vic'
regula beati Benedicti.
(B) 12. Item Aristotiles de regimine principum. 2º fo. voluminis _simul
omnia._
(A) 12. Aristoteles de regimine principum
Gwydo de excidio Troianorum
idem in metro.
(B) 13. Item Anticlaudianus. 3º fo. voluminis _affluit exundans._
(A) 13. nova poetria Galfridi Anglici
Anticlaudianus de restitucione.
13. _This is MS. Digby 104 (part)._
(B) 14. Item librum distinccionum. 3º fo. _quia sicut._
(A) 14. notabiles distincciones
sermones dominicales.
(B) 15. Item martilogium. 5º fo. voluminis _Trone est en ancieme._