CHAPTER XVII.

1887-1897.

Adoption of the Closure by the House of Commons--The Queen's

Jubilee--Thanksgiving Service in Westminster Abbey--The Imperial

Institute--"Parnellism and Crime"--Appointment of Special

Commission of Judges--Their Report--Fall of Parnell--Disruption

of the Irish Party--Deaths of Parnell and W. H. Smith--The

Baring Crisis--The Local Government Bill--Establishment of

County Councils--Free Education--Death of the Duke of

Clarence--General Election--Mr. Gladstone's Fourth Midlothian

Campaign--The Newcastle Programme--Victory of Home Rulers--The

Second Home Rule Bill--Its Rejection by the Lords--Parish

Councils and Employers' Liability Acts--Mr. Gladstone Resigns

the Leadership--Lord Rosebery becomes Prime Minister--Disunion

of Ministerialists--Defeat and Resignation of the

Government--Lord Salisbury's Third Administration--General

Election--Unionist Triumph--The Eastern Question--Massacres in

Armenia--Lord Rosebery Resigns the Leadership--Trouble in the

Transvaal--Dr. Jameson's Raid--The German Emperor's Message--The

Venezuelan Dispute--President Cleveland's Message.

The session of 1887 was an exceedingly laborious one in the House of

Commons. The debate on the Address, prolonged by all the arts of

obstruction to inordinate length, furnished a convincing argument that

further changes in the rules of procedure were indispensable if the

House were to retain any control whatever over its own business, and

these rules, including that regulating the application of the closure,

were remodelled and adopted after long and heated discussion.

[Sidenote: The Queen's Jubilee.]

[Sidenote: Thanksgiving Service in Westminster Abbey.]

In pleasing contrast to the heat and rancour of proceedings within the

walls of Parliament were those organised throughout the country to

celebrate the completion of the fiftieth year of Queen Victoria's reign.

The weather throughout the summer months was of exceptional splendour,

as if to give emphasis to the popular term "Queen's weather." London lay

for weeks under a cloudless sky, and no day in the year was more perfect

than Jubilee Day, June 21. On that morning the Queen went in procession

from Buckingham Palace to Westminster Abbey to attend a thanksgiving

service, accompanied by a number of European monarchs, princes, and

distinguished persons, as well as by many Indian potentates, gorgeously

attired in many-coloured silks and jewels. Temporary galleries, fitted

up in the abbey church, afforded seats for peers and members of

Parliament and officers of the Army, Navy, and Civil Service, and, as

the wearing of uniforms was obligatory, the display of bright colour was

such as may very seldom be seen in Great Britain. The coronation chair

was set on a daïs covered with red cloth, between the sacrarium and the

choir, and here the Queen took her seat with the robes of state placed

on her shoulders while the service, which lasted just an hour, was

performed.

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by F. Frith & Co._

THE JUBILEE PROCESSION PASSING DOWN REGENT STREET.

The escort of Princes in the foreground: the Indian escort immediately

precedes the Royal Carriage.]

[Sidenote: The Imperial Institute.]

It would be impossible, within reasonable limits, even to mention the

various schemes started, institutions founded, or funds set on foot to

commemorate the Royal Jubilee of 1887. Of these the most conspicuous

outwardly has taken the form of that pile of architecture in South

Kensington, known as the Imperial Institute, in the foundation,

permanent organisation, and direction of which the Prince of Wales has

taken as energetic a part as his father had done in the temporary

Exhibition of 1851.

[Illustration: _T. S. C. Crowther._}

THE JUBILEE SERVICE IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY, June 21, 1887.

The most conspicuous figures on the Queen's right are the Prince of

Wales and the Crown Prince of Germany (afterwards the Emperor

Frederick), and to her left the Crown Princess and the Princess of

Wales.]

[Sidenote: "Parnellism and Crime."]

[Sidenote: Appointment of Special Commission of Judges.]

During this year a series of events took their rise out of the

publication in the _Times_ of a number of articles headed "Parnellism

and Crime," in which Mr. Parnell and his colleagues were charged with

active complicity in the long prevalence of outrage and terrorism in

Ireland. The _facsimile_ of a letter, purporting to be written by

Parnell, was published on April 18, containing the following sentence,

referring to the Phoenix Park murders:--"Though I regret the accident

of Lord F. Cavendish's death, I cannot refuse to admit that Burke

got no more than his deserts." This letter was repudiated by Parnell

in his place in the House of Commons; but the Government resisted a

motion to the effect that the _Times_, in publishing these articles,

had been guilty of breach of privilege. Mr. Gladstone then moved for

a Select Committee to enquire into the truth of the charges, but this

also was refused by the Government. The request for a Select Committee

was renewed in the following year by Mr. Parnell, in order to enquire

into the authenticity of certain letters produced in an action for

libel brought against the proprietors of the _Times_ by Mr. O'Donnell,

one of Mr. Parnell's followers. Mr. W. H. Smith stated, in reply (July

12), that, in the opinion of the Government, a Select Committee of the

House of Commons was not a suitable tribunal to try charges arising

out of the action of political parties, but that the Government were

willing to appoint a Special Commission of Judges to enquire into the

whole allegations. Unfortunately, the debates on the Bill necessary

to constitute this Commission were excessively heated. The fact, an

infelicitous one, it must be allowed, that the Attorney-General, a

member of the Government, had acted as leading counsel for the _Times_

in the late trial, gave colour to the unfounded charge that the

Government had been acting all along in collusion with the _Times_.

[Illustration: _S. T. Dadd._} {_From Photographs by Russell & Sons,

Baker Street._

THE OPENING OF THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE BY HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN, May 10,

1893: THE ROYAL PROCESSION.]

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by F. Frith & Co._

THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE.]

[Illustration: _L. Tuxen._} {_From the Royal Collection, by permission

of Mr. Mendoza, St. James's Gallery, King Street, St. James's, owner of

the copyright._

HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN AND THE ROYAL FAMILY. PAINTED ON THE OCCASION OF

HER MAJESTY'S JUBILEE IN 1887.

1. HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN.

2. The Prince of Wales.

3. The Princess of Wales.

4. Prince Albert Victor.

5. Prince George of Wales.

6. Princess Louise of Wales.

7. Princess Victoria of Wales.

8. Princess Maud of Wales.

9. Crown Princess of Germany.

10. Crown Prince of Germany.

11. Prince William of Prussia.

12. Princess William of Prussia.

13. Prince Frederick William of Prussia.

14. The Hereditary Princess of Saxe-Meiningen.

15. The Hered. Prince of Saxe-Meiningen.

16. Princess Theodore of Saxe-Meiningen.

17. Prince Henry of Prussia.

18. Princess Irene of Hesse.

19. Princess Victoria of Prussia.

20. Princess Sophie of Prussia.

21. Princess Margaret of Prussia.

22. The Grand Duke of Hesse.

23. Princess Louis of Battenberg.

24. Prince Louis of Battenberg.

25. Princess Alice of Battenberg.

26. The Grand Duchess Eliza of Russia.

27. The Grand Duke Serge of Russia.

28. The Hereditary Grand Duke of Hesse.

29. Princess Alix of Hesse.

30. The Duke of Edinburgh.

31. The Duchess of Edinburgh.

32. Prince Alfred of Edinburgh.

33. Princess Marie of Edinburgh.

34. Princess Victoria Melita of Edinburgh.

35. Princess Alexandra of Edinburgh.

36. Princess Beatrice of Edinburgh.

37. Princess Christian of Schleswig-Holstein,

Princess Helena of Great Britain and Ireland.

38. Prince Christian of Schleswig-Holstein.

39. Prince Christian Victor of Schleswig-Holstein.

40. Prince Albert of Schleswig-Holstein.

41. Princess Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein.

42. Princess Louise of Schleswig-Holstein.

43. Princess Louise, Marchioness of Lorne.

44. The Marquis of Lorne.

45. The Duke of Connaught.

46. The Duchess of Connaught.

47. Princess Margaret of Connaught.

48. Prince Arthur of Connaught.

49. Princess Victoria Beatrice Patricia of Connaught.

50. The Duchess of Albany.

51. Princess Alice of Albany.

52. Prince Charles Edward, Duke of Albany.

53. Princess Beatrice, Princess Henry of Battenberg.

54. Prince Henry of Battenberg.

55. Prince Alexander Albert of Battenberg.]

[Sidenote: Their Report.]

The Commission consisted of Sir James Hannen, Sir J. C. Day, and Sir A.

L. Smith. Once more the Attorney-General appeared as leading counsel for

the _Times_, and from the outset the enquiry had all the appearance of a

Ministerial impeachment of certain Irish members. The exposure of the

atrocious character of Pigott, one of the chief witnesses relied on by

the _Times_, and his subsequent suicide, caused that part of the charge

which depended on the authenticity of certain letters attributed to

Parnell to be abandoned. The judgment of the Commission was not

delivered until February 13, 1890. While exonerating the Irish members

from some of the heaviest charges made against them by the _Times_, and

pronouncing the _facsimile_ letter to be a forgery, it was to the

effect, _inter alia_, that (1) they had joined a conspiracy to promote

by coercion and intimidation an agrarian agitation against the payment

of rent, in order to expel "the English garrison" of landlords from

Ireland; (2) that they had disseminated newspapers tending to incite to

the commission of crime; (3) that although some of the respondents did

express _bonâ fide_ disapproval of crime and outrage, they all persisted

in the system of intimidation which led to crime, with knowledge of its

effect; (4) that they made payments to procure the escape of criminals

from justice and to compensate persons injured in the commission of

crime, and (5) that they invited and obtained assistance and

subscriptions from known advocates of crime and dynamite.

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by Russell & Sons._

THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, WITH HIS TRAIN-BEARER.]

On the whole, the prestige of the Government was greatly compromised by

its connection with this great trial, and the _Times_ paid £5,000

solatium to Mr. Parnell on account of the libel. Parliament was

prorogued early, on August 12, 1890, in order to meet again before

Christmas to take up the Irish Land Bill and the Tithes Bill, which had

been sacrificed for want of time. The prospects of a discredited

Government in meeting an exhilarated Opposition were far from

auspicious, but an unexpected event in the interval altered the whole

scene. A divorce suit was brought against Mr. Parnell by Captain O'Shea,

formerly one of his party in Parliament, but latterly known to have

departed from his allegiance, and the co-respondent in the suit allowed

judgment to go against him without offering any defence.

[Sidenote: Fall of Parnell.]

In no other country, perhaps, has the private misconduct of a public man

such fatal effect on his career as in Great Britain, where flagrant

immorality proved against a statesman puts an immediate end to his

reputation and influence. Parnell fell; Parnell, who for sixteen years

had led the Irish Party with unswerving will and undisputed authority;

Parnell, whose sagacious leadership had brought the vision of Home Rule

to the very brink of accomplishment. Mr. Gladstone wrote that, in his

opinion, Mr. Parnell's "continuance at the present moment in the

leadership would be productive of consequences disastrous in the highest

degree to the cause of Ireland." The ecclesiastical authorities in

Ireland pronounced against him, and the weight of priestly authority in

the political affairs of that country can hardly be overestimated. The

Irish Party in Parliament was divided. The majority of forty-five,

henceforth known as Anti-Parnellites, renounced their old chief at a

stormy meeting in Committee Room 15 of the House of Commons; but the

minority of twenty-six remained staunch. The crisis saved the

Government.

[Illustration: _G. F. Watts._} {_Photographed by F. Hollyer._

LORD LEIGHTON, P.R.A., 1830-1896.

Frederick Leighton was born at Scarborough. Painter, sculptor, musician,

and polished orator, he will long be remembered as the ideal President

of the Royal Academy. The portrait represents him in his robes as D. C.

L.]

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by Russell & Sons._

SIR JOHN EVERETT MILLAIS, P.R.A., 1829-1896.

Born at Southampton; exhibited his first picture in 1846, and in 1848

became a member of the "Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood" with Rossetti,

Holman Hunt, F. Madox Brown, and others. Elected President of the Royal

Academy on the death of Lord Leighton, he survived him only six months.]

[Sidenote: Deaths of Parnell and W. H. Smith.]

Parnell died on October 6, 1891. On the same day the Queen lost one of

her most devoted servants, and the House of Commons its leader, in the

person of William Henry Smith, whose health had broken down under the

strain of constant attention to the ever-increasing work of Parliament.

Added to this anxiety came the financial crisis brought about by the

failure, in November 1890, of the great house of the Barings to meet

their enormous liability of £22,000,000. The stability of the whole of

British finance was threatened, but the Governors of the Bank of England

came to the rescue, undertaking the liquidation of the concern and

opening a guarantee fund, which was subscribed readily, and thus the

disaster was averted.

[Sidenote: County Councils.]

The two measures by which Lord Salisbury's second Administration will

remain distinguished in the memory of most people were immediate and

exceedingly far-reaching in their effect; that, namely, which

revolutionised the whole system of local government by the creation of

County Councils, and that which rendered elementary education free of

payment of school fees. Of the first of these measures, Mr. Ritchie,

President of the Local Government Board, was the author, and it was

produced during the session of 1888. Member though he was of a

Conservative Cabinet, the most ardent Radical could not complain that

Mr. Ritchie had not dealt with ancient institutions in a sweeping

manner. The levying of county rates, the maintenance of roads and

bridges, asylums, the conduct of registrations, and nearly all the

duties hitherto reposed in country gentlemen in their capacity of

members of Quarter Sessions, were transferred to purely elective

councils chosen by the ratepayers. London, as defined by the Metropolis

Management Act, was constituted a county, and the old Metropolitan Board

of Works ceased to exist.

[Sidenote: Free Education.]

Free education was given a place in the Government programme of 1891,

and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Goschen, was able to produce a

surplus of £2,000,000 in his Budget--just about the sum estimated as the

cost of remitting school fees out of the public funds; half of it was

taken in order to render elementary education free from September 1

following.

[Sidenote: Death of the Duke of Clarence.]

The mysterious epidemic which, for want of a more precise term, is known

by the Italian one of influenza, carried off a very large number of

persons in the winter and spring months of 1892, 1893, and 1894. Of

these the most distinguished by position was the Duke of Clarence,

eldest son of the Prince of Wales, and consequently ultimate heir to the

throne of Great Britain. He died on January 14, 1892, shortly before the

date fixed for his marriage with the Princess May of Teck.

[Illustration: _Baron H. von Angeli._} {_From the Royal Collection, by

permission of the Artist._

HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN, 1890.]

[Sidenote: Mr. Gladstone's Fourth Midlothian Campaign.]

The summer of 1892 was a period of great political agitation, in

preparation for the General Election, which was fixed to take place in

July. Mr. Gladstone, notwithstanding his fourscore and two years, set

out with no manifestation of failing vigour on his fourth Midlothian

campaign. The object nearest to his heart was clearly the concession of

Home Rule to Ireland; but there was put forward also on behalf of the

Gladstonian Liberal party a scheme of general social legislation, known

as the Newcastle Programme, containing a long list of measures, some of

them of a very drastic nature, calculated to attract the support of the

labouring classes. The indifference felt by the bulk of English and

Scottish electors to the establishment of an Irish parliament was

overborne by the hopes excited among disestablishers, prohibitionists,

eight-hours'-day men, land-law reformers, and other enthusiasts, and

their votes went to secure the victory for the cause of Home Rule. The

Unionists, who had entered office in 1886 with a majority of 116 in the

House of Commons, had suffered so many losses by defection and in

by-elections that they could only reckon a majority of sixty-six when

Parliament was dissolved. This was changed by the general election,

into a minority of forty, which was the exact figure by which was

carried, when Parliament re-assembled in August, a vote of no confidence

in Lord Salisbury's Administration, after which Mr. Gladstone proceeded

to form his fourth and last Cabinet.

[Sidenote: The Second Home Rule Bill.]

On February 13, 1893, the Prime Minister proceeded to fulfil his chief

pledge to the electorate by introducing his second Home Rule Bill. Mr.

Gladstone's speech lasted two hours and a quarter, a marvellous

performance for an octogenarian; and although he failed to excite the

same enthusiasm among his followers as was so remarkable on the former

occasion, the Bill eventually passed the second reading by 347 votes

against 304. But the opposition in Committee was so vigorous and

sustained, that the Government resolved to force the Bill through by

applying the closure at fixed dates to groups of clauses, so that the

whole Bill should be through Committee by the end of July; and this was

effected, after animated resistance had been offered to what was

denounced as the "gag."

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by Russell & Sons, Baker Street._

THE ALBERT MEMORIAL CHAPEL, WINDSOR, ON THE OCCASION OF THE FUNERAL OF

H.R.H. THE DUKE OF CLARENCE, January 1892.

The Duke's coffin stands between the tomb of the Prince Consort at the

further end and that of the Duke of Albany (who died in 1884) at this

end of the Chapel.]

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by Hughes & Mullins, Ryde._

BRINGING HOME THE BODY OF H.R.H. PRINCE HENRY OF BATTENBERG.

Prince Henry had volunteered for the Expedition to Coomassie in the

autumn of 1895; he was taken ill with fever on the march and died on his

way home. He was buried in Whippingham Church, near Osborne, February 4,

1896. The picture represents the transference of the body from H.M.S.

_Blenheim_ to the Royal Yacht _Alberta_.]

[Sidenote: Its Rejection by the Lords.]

[Sidenote: Mr. Gladstone Resigns the Leadership.]

It was September before the measure reached the Upper House, whence it

was thrown out by the unprecedented proportion of 419 to 14 votes. Among

the majority were numbered no less than sixty-two peers whom the Queen

had created on Mr. Gladstone's own recommendation. The attention of the

Ministerial party was then directed to stirring up popular indignation

against the House of Lords on account of their resistance to the popular

will. But it has to be confessed that this appeal evoked remarkably

little response. On the other hand, considerable impatience was

manifested on the part of many supporters of the Government at the

general election, on account of the neglect to carry out the multiform

promises contained in the Newcastle programme. Accordingly, Parliament

was summoned together for a winter session in November in order to

consider the Parish Councils and Employers' Liability Bills. These

important measures, which went through the successive stages to

completion in the course of 1894, remain the principal achievement of

Mr. Gladstone's last year in the public service. Early in 1894 his

withdrawal from active politics was announced; the leadership of the

House of Commons devolved upon Sir William Harcourt, and, although Mr.

Gladstone did not resign his seat for Midlothian, he brought to a close

a period of sixty-two years' attendance in the House of Commons. His

last utterance from the Treasury Bench was a vehement denunciation of

the action of the House of Lords in dealing with the Bills last referred

to.

[Illustration: _R. Ponsonby Staples._} {_By permission of Messrs. Graves

& Co., Pall Mall._

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS: MR. GLADSTONE INTRODUCING THE HOME RULE BILL,

February 13, 1893.

Mr. Gladstone stands at the table: on the seat behind him are Mr. John

Morley, Sir W. Harcourt, Mr. Marjoribanks (now Lord Tweedmouth), Mr.

Mundella and Sir C. Russell (Lord Russell), and Mr. Herbert Gladstone

sits in the "gangway." Mr. Asquith can be seen between Mr. Gladstone and

the clerk at the table. On the front Opposition bench, beginning at the

further end, are: Sir E. Clarke, Sir R. Webster (leaning forward), Mr.

Goschen, Mr. Balfour, Lord Randolph Churchill, and Mr. Edward Carson.]

[Sidenote: Lord Rosebery becomes Prime Minister.]

The removal of such a puissant personality from their head could not but

have a serious effect on the Ministerial array, composed as it was of

such Old Liberals as had embraced Home Rule out of confidence in Mr.

Gladstone, New Liberals of an extremely Democratic type under the

nominal lead of Mr. Labouchere, the Labour representatives, Parnellites

and Anti-Parnellites (the last-named being further split into sections

at war among themselves). On no single subject were these various groups

united save in a desire to get Home Rule out of the way. Home Rule,

indeed, had been disposed of, but not in the only way to satisfy its

advocates. The difficulty of the situation was intensified by the

successor to Mr. Gladstone chosen by Her Majesty. In sending for her

Foreign Minister, the Earl of Rosebery, she was acting, doubtless, on

the advice of Mr. Gladstone himself, but in the choice of a peer there

was abundant cause of dissatisfaction to most of the Ministerialists in

the House of Commons, who had placed the "mending or ending"--preferably

the ending--of the House of Lords in the forefront of their programme.

Besides, it was considered by very many that Sir William Harcourt had

done more to earn the leadership of the party than Lord Rosebery, and it

soon became apparent, not only that this appointment was a cause of

further disunion in the Home Rule ranks, but that Lord Rosebery and Sir

William Harcourt were far from cordial in their official relations. On

June 21, 1895, a listless debate was in progress on the Army Estimates,

the House was far less than half full, when Mr. Brodrick moved a

reduction of £100 in the salary of the Secretary for War, Mr.

Campbell-Bannerman, in order to call attention to the alleged deficiency

in the stores of small-arms ammunition. Mr. Campbell-Bannerman offered

his personal assurance that the amount in store was adequate, but the

Opposition declined to accept it in view of the official figures laid

before the House. A division was called; there was nothing to indicate

the critical nature of it till Mr. Ellis, the chief Ministerial Whip, to

whom the Clerk at the Table had handed the paper automatically, passed

it on to Mr. Douglas, the chief Opposition Whip, when it was found that

the Government were in a minority of eight--132 votes to 125.

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by Hughes & Mullins, Ryde._

HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN, January, 1893.]

[Sidenote: Lord Salisbury's Third Administration.]

A mishap like this might have passed without immediate effect on the

fortunes of the Government, had it not been that the form of the

amendment carried was one reflecting on the departmental administration

of one of the Secretaries of State. Lord Rosebery tendered his

resignation, and the Queen sent for Lord Salisbury, who commenced at

once to form his third Administration. The Liberal Unionist contingent,

with the Duke of Devonshire as their chief, elected to maintain their

organisation independent of their Conservative allies; but the Ministry

was formed by a coalition of the two wings of the Unionist party. They

approached the general election in July with such confidence of success

as very rarely can be entertained under a system of household suffrage;

but the result far exceeded their most sanguine calculations. Sir

William Harcourt lost his seat for Derby on the first day's polling, the

prelude of such discomfiture as has scarcely any parallel in the history

of a political party. Reckoning the Gladstonian or Home Rule majority in

the previous Parliament at forty-three, it was converted at the polls of

1895 into an Unionist majority of 152. The new Ministry, in entering

office, found domestic affairs in a very tranquil state; but troubles

had been gathering for some time, endangering the peaceful relations of

Great Britain with several foreign Powers, which called for the exercise

of all Lord Salisbury's experience and foresight in undertaking once

more the administration of foreign affairs.

[Illustration: _From a Photograph_} {_by Hughes & Mullins, Ryde._

HER MAJESTY WITH HER GREAT-GRANDSON PRINCE EDWARD OF YORK, THIRD IN THE

DIRECT LINE OF SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE.]

[Illustration: _L. Tuxen._} {_From the Royal Collection, by permission

of Mr. Mendoza, St. James's Gallery, King Street, St. James's,

proprietor of the copyright._

THE MARRIAGE OF T.R.H. THE DUKE OF YORK AND PRINCESS VICTORIA MARY (MAY)

OF TECK, AT THE CHAPEL ROYAL, ST. JAMES'S, July 6, 1893.

Next the bridegroom is his father, the Prince of Wales, and the tall

figure of the King of Denmark is seen between him and the Princess of

Wales. Her Majesty the Queen has on her right the young Prince Alexander

of Battenberg and his mother the Princess Henry; and behind her

Majesty's chair are Prince Henry of Battenberg and the Duke of

Cambridge. Following the line to the right from the Duke, we see the

Duchess of Fife, the Grand Duke of Hesse, the Duke of Fife, Prince

Waldemar of Denmark, Prince Edward of Saxe-Weimar, Prince Philip of

Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, the Lord Steward, Lord Chamberlain, and other

officials. The first two bridesmaids are the Princesses Victoria and

Maud of Wales, then Princesses Victoria Melitia of Edinburgh and

Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein, and behind them Princesses Alexandra of

Edinburgh and Victoria Patricia of Connaught, and on the extreme right

of the picture, Princesses Beatrice of Edinburgh and Margaret of

Connaught. The Princesses Victoria Eugenie and Alex of Battenberg are

nearest the spectator, and seated in front is the Duchess of Teck. In

the foreground to the left stands the Czarewitch--now Czar of

Russia--with Princess Louis of Battenberg seated on his right, and

Princess Henry of Prussia to his left. Before him are seated the Grand

Duke and Duchess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz. Immediately behind the bride's

head is seen the Duke of Edinburgh; next him, towards the left of the

picture, the Duchess of Edinburgh and the Duke of Connaught; and towards

the right the Duchess of Connaught and Prince Christian (next the Prince

of Wales). Archbishop Benson of Canterbury performs the ceremony, the

Bishop of Rochester stands behind him, and nearer the foreground,

between the Archbishop and the Czar, are the Duke of Teck and two of his

sons; the third son, Prince Alexander George, is seen just behind the

Czar's shoulder. On the extreme left is Prince Henry of Prussia, and

next him Prince Louis of Battenberg, and the Sub-Dean of the Chapels

Royal.]

[Sidenote: The Eastern Question.]

The Eastern question had passed once more into an acute stage. The

incorrigible vices of the Government of Turkey had led to a series of

horrible massacres of the Christian subjects of the Sultan in Armenia.

Sympathy with the sufferers was readily aroused in this country; Mr.

Gladstone, though no longer in Parliament, responded to appeals made to

him by various individuals, and wrote a number of letters, in which,

though at first he was careful to use no expression to increase Lord

Salisbury's difficulties, he gradually glided into his accustomed

vehemence, and indicated his desire that England should take vengeance

on the "Assassin of Europe," single-handed, if need be. In the course of

1896 he appeared on a public platform in Liverpool, and supported this

view with great energy. This precipitated a further calamity on the

Liberal party, for, in the course of 1896, Lord Rosebery announced that

he differed so strongly from the views expressed by Mr. Gladstone, and

was, besides, so sensible of the want of cordiality in the support given

to him by some of his followers, that he felt compelled to resign his

leadership. It would be premature to attempt more than brief allusion to

events which are still in progress. The insurrection of the Cretan

subjects of the Porte, the invasion of the island by Greece, and the war

which ensued between Turkey and Greece, in which the latter so quickly

collapsed, have proved, thus far, to be disturbances severely localised

by means of the Concert established among the Great Powers, who, while

resolved to compel the Sultan's Government to administer his realm with

humanity and even justice, have resisted the attempt made by the Greeks

to wrest away part of his territory by violence.

[Illustration: _Sir J. Tenniel._} {_From "Punch."_

WHO SAID "ATROCITIES"?]

[Illustration: _From a Photograph by Russell & Sons._}

THE STATE DINING-ROOM AT BUCKINGHAM PALACE.

The tables set for the wedding breakfast of Princess Maud of Wales.

Princess Maud, youngest daughter of the Prince and Princess of Wales,

was married to Prince Carl, second son of the Crown Prince of Denmark,

July 22, 1896.]

[Sidenote: Trouble in the Transvaal.]

The affairs of the Transvaal rose into prominent notice towards the

close of 1895. Commercial enterprise had for some time been actively

directed towards South Africa, notably by the British South Africa

Company, at the head of which was Mr. Cecil Rhodes, the Premier of the

Cape Colony, who had been sworn a member of Her Majesty's Privy Council.

Miners and settlers in general poured into the Transvaal to the number

of 60,000, converting the quiet village of Johannesburg into a large and

busy town. The Transvaal Government viewed this movement with no favour;

the industry of the Boer population was chiefly a pastoral one, and

President Krüger steadily refused to comply with the claim of the

new-comers to rights of citizenship. The Uitlanders, as the new settlers

were called, numbered three to one of the native Boers, and were paying

nine-tenths of the taxation: meetings, summoned to protest against the

action of the President and Volksraad, were prohibited; a deaf ear was

turned to all petitions for redress, and, at last, a movement was

started to obtain by compulsion what was refused by law. A force of all

arms, commanded by Dr. Jameson, and comprising several officers in the

British service, invaded the Transvaal in the expectation of a concerted

rising in Johannesburg. This did not take place: after a smart encounter

with the Boers, the English force surrendered on January 1, 1896. The

principal officers were put on their trial under the Foreign Enlistment

Act, and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment, and, in some

instances, to forfeiture of their commissions. The claim for indemnity

put forward by the Government of the South African Republic has not yet

been settled. A Select Committee of the House of Commons was appointed

to investigate the origin and conduct of what has become known as the

"Johannesburg movement," and its enquiry is still proceeding. Perhaps

the most important result of the Transvaal raid will prove to be the

insight suddenly afforded into the true sentiments of the German

Government towards Great Britain. The numerous bonds uniting the German

and British Courts, added to the racial sympathies existing between the

two nations, had given rise to the belief that the policy of Germany was

more friendly towards Great Britain than that of some of the other great

Powers. This belief was rudely dispelled by a message from the German

Emperor to President Krüger encouraging him in resistance in any dispute

that might arise with the British Government.

[Illustration:

A. Major White.

B. Dr. Jameson.

C. Capt. Coventry.

D. Sir J. Willoughby.

_R. Caton Woodville._} {_By permission of the Artist, and of Messrs.

Graves, publishers of the Photogravure._

DR. JAMESON'S RAID: THE LAST STAND OF THE INVADERS, NEAR KRUGERSDORP,

January 2, 1896.]

[Sidenote: The Venezuelan Dispute.]

While the trouble with the Transvaal was still pending, there came a

still more formidable surprise from a quarter whence it was little

expected. A controversy between Great Britain and the insignificant

South American Republic of Venezuela had been dragging its course for

many years on the subject of a disputed frontier between the latter

country and British Guiana. Suddenly, on December 17, President

Cleveland startled the world by a message to Congress declaring that the

action of the British Government in this matter was an infringement of

the Monroe doctrine; that it was the duty of Congress to resist the

infringement of that doctrine, and that a Commission should be appointed

by the Executive to examine and report on the rights of the case. Then,

continued the President, it would be "the duty of the United States to

resist by every means in its power, as a wilful aggression upon its

rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands

which, after investigation, may be determined of right to belong to

Venezuela."

This was open menace, and it required the utmost forbearance on the part

of the British Cabinet to avoid precipitating a conflict. Finally, the

question of the Venezuelan Frontier was referred to arbitration, and

diplomacy seems in a fair way to earn one of its best merited triumphs.

[Illustration: _Chevalier de Martino._} {_From the Royal Collection._

THREE GENERATIONS AFLOAT.

To the right is the Queen's steam yacht _Victoria and Albert_; in the

centre the Prince of Wales's _Britannia_; and to the left the German

Emperor's _Meteor_.]

Sixty Years a Queen: The Story of Her Majesty's Reign · 第 17 / 19 章